Ingenium  usu  Splendescit. 


TRINITY  COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 

DURHAM,  NORTH  CAROLINA 


Rec’d 


‘"W  j_ 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2018  with  funding  from 
Duke  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/militarylifeofjo01alis 


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PAKT  OF 

F  R  A  W  C  E 

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N  ETBEK1LAMI S 

to  Illustrate  the 

FLEMISH  CAMPAIGNS 


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DUKE  of  MARLBOROUGH 


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}}  firin' 


Bonn 


■  Dcaru-.yj 


Part  of 

BAVARIA  &c. 

to  Illustrate  the 
GERM  A  N  C  AMP  AI  C.N  S 


-DUKE  optharlkoro  toh 
Scale  of  Enelisliifflcs 


RS,  N  EW  YORK 


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1,1 04- 


TIIE 


MILITARY  LIFE 

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OF 


JOHN,  DUKE  OF  MARLBOROUGH 


ARCHIBALD  ALISON,  F.R.S., 

AUTHOR  OF  “THE  HISTORY  OF  EUROPE.” 


X £ff  TO  R K  : 

IIARPER  &  BROTHERS,  PUBLISHERS, 


V  R  A  N  K  L  I  N  S  Q  U  A  R  E. 

1  8  5  5. 


PREFACE. 


Consummate  as  were  the  abilities,  unbroken  the  suc¬ 
cess,  immense  the  services  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough, 
the  details  of  his  campaigns  can  scarcely  be  said  to  be 
known  to  the  vast  majority  of  his  countrymen.  They 
have  heard  the  distant  echo  of  his  fame,  as  they  have 
that  of  the  exploits  of  Timour,  of  Bajazet,  and  of  Gen¬ 
ghis  Khan ;  the  names  of  Blenheim  and  Ramillies,  of 
Malplaquet  and  Oudenarde  awaken  a  transient  feeling 
of  exultation  in  their  bos&ms ;  but  as  to  the  particulars 
of  these  events,  the  difficulties  with  which  their  gen¬ 
eral  had  to  struggle,  the  objects  for  which  he  contend¬ 
ed,  even  the  places  where  they  occurred,  they  are,  for 
the  most  part,  as  ignorant  as  they  are  of  similar  details 
in  the  campaigns  of  Baber  or  Aurengzebe.  What  they 
do  know  is  derived  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  from  the  his¬ 
tories  of  their  enemies.  Malice  and  party  spirit  have 
done  much  to  dim  the  reputation  of  the  illustrious  gen¬ 
eral  in  his  own  country,  but  these  disturbing  passions 
have  not  been  felt  in  other  states  ;  and,  strange  to  say, 
no  adequate  opinion  of  his  merits  can  be  formed  by  his 
countrymen  but  by  viewing  the  impression  he  has  made 
on  her  enemies,  or  studying  the  history  of  his  victories 
by  them. 

Marlborough’s  exploits  have  made  a  prodigious  im¬ 
pression  on  the  Continent.  The  French,  who  felt  the 
edge  of  his  flaming  sword,  and  saw  the  glories  of  the 
Grande  Monarque  torn  from  the  long  triumphant  brow 
of  Louis  XIV. ;  the  Dutch,  who  found  in  his  conquer- 


IV 


TREF ACE 


ing  arm  the  stay  of  their  sinking  Republic,  and  then- 
salvation  from  slavery  and  persecution  ;  the  Germans, 
who  beheld  the  flames  of  the  Palatinate  avenged  by 
his  resistless  power,  and  the  ravages  of  war  rolled  back 
from  the  Rhine  into  the  territory  of  the  state  which  had 
provoked  them  ;  the  Lutherans,  who  regarded  him  as 
the  appointed  instrument  of  Divine  vengeance  to  pun¬ 
ish  the  abominable  perfidy  and  cruelty  of  tbe  revocation 
of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  have  concurred  in  celebrating 
his  exploits.  The  French  nurses  frightened  their  chil¬ 
dren  with  stories  of  “  Marlbrook  as  the  Orientals 
say,  when  their  horses  start,  they  see  the  shadow  of 
Richard  Coeur-de-Lion  crossing  their  path.  Napoleon 
hummed  the  well-known  air,  “Marlbrook  s’en  va  a  la 
guerre,”  when  he  crossed  the  Niemen  to  commence  the 
Moscow  campaign. 

The  fortunate  accident  is  generally  known  by  which 
the  great  collection  of  papers  lately  published  in  Lon¬ 
don  has  been  brought  to  light.  That  this  collection 
should  at  length  have  become  known  is  less  surprising 
than  that  it  should  so  long  have  remained  forgotten, 
and  have  eluded  the  researches  of  so  many  persons  in¬ 
terested  in  the  subject.  It  embraces,  as  Sir  George 
Murray’s  lucid  preface  explains,  a  complete  series  of 
the  correspondence  of  the  great  duke  from  1702  to 
1712,  the  ten  years  of  his  most  important  public  servi¬ 
ces.  In  addition  to  the  Dispatches  of  the  duke  himself, 
the  letters,  in  some  places  very  numerous,  of  his  pri¬ 
vate  secretary,  M.  Cardonnell,  and  a  journal  written  by 
his  grace’s  chaplain,  Dr.  Hare,  afterward  Bishop  of  Chi¬ 
chester,  are  contained  in  the  eighteen  manuscript  vol¬ 
umes  which  were  discovered  in  the  record-room  of 
Hensington,  near  Woodstock,  in  October,  1842,  and 
which  have  now  been  given  to  the  public.  They  are 


PREFACE. 


V 


of  essential  service,  especially  in  rendering  intelligible 
the  details  of  the  correspondence,  otherwise  in  great 
part  uninteresting,  and  scarcely  intelligible,  at  least  by 
the  ordinary  reader.  Some  of  the  most  valuable  parts 
of  the  work,  particularly  a  full  detail  of  the  battle  of 
Blenheim,  have  been  drawn  from  Dr.  Hare’s  journal. 
In  addition  to  this,  the  bulletins  of  some  of  the  events, 
issued  by  government  at  the  time,  are  to  be  found  in 
notes  at  the  proper  places;  and  in  the  text  are  occa¬ 
sionally  contained  short,  but  correct  and  luminous,  no¬ 
tices  of  the  preceding  or  cotemporaneous  political  and 
military  events  which  are  alluded  to,  but  not  described, 
in  the  Dispatches,  and  which  are  necessary  for  the 
proper  understanding  of  many  of  their  particulars. 
Nothing,  in  a  word,  has  been  omitted  by  the  accom¬ 
plished  editor  which  could  illustrate  or  render  intelli¬ 
gible  the  valuable  collection  of  materials  placed  at  his 
disposal.  Yet,  with  all  his  pains  and  ability,  it  is  often 
very  difficult  to  follow  the  detail  of  events,  or  under¬ 
stand  the  matter  alluded  to  in  the  Dispatches;  so  great 
is  the  lack  of  information  regarding  the  eventful  War 
of  the  Succession,  from  the  want  of  a  popular  historian 
to  record  it,  even  among  well-informed  persons  in  this 
country  ;  and  so  true  was  the  observation  of  Alexander 
the  Great,  that  but  for  the  genius  of  Homer,  the  ex¬ 
ploits  of  Achilles  would  have  been  buried  under  the 
tumulus  which  covered  his  remains !  And  what  should 
we  have  known  of  Alexander  himself  more  than  of  At- 
tila  or  Genghis  Khan,  but  for  the  fascinating  pages  of 
Quintus  Curtius  and  Arrian  ? 

To  the  historian  who  is  to  go  minutely  into  the  de¬ 
tails  of  Marlborough’s  campaigns  and  negotiations,  and 
to  whom  accurate  and  authentic  information  is  of  in¬ 
estimable  importance,  it  need  hardly  be  said  that  these 

A  2 


VI 


PREFACE. 


papers  are  of  the  utmost  value.  But  to  the'  general 
reader  all  such  voluminous  publications  and  dispatch¬ 
es  must,  as  a  matter  of  necessity,  be  comparatively  un¬ 
interesting.  They  always  contain  a  great  deal  of  rep¬ 
etition,  in  consequence  of  the  necessity  under  which  the 
commander  lay  of  communicating  the  same  event  to 
those  with  whom  he  was  in  correspondence  in  many 
different  quarters.  Great  part  of  them  relate  to  details 
of  discipline,  furnishing  supplies,  getting  up  stores,  and 
other  necessary  matters  of  little  value  even  to  the  his¬ 
torian,  except  in  so  far  as  they  illustrate  the  industry, 
energy,  and  difficulties  of  the  commander.  The  gen¬ 
eral  reader  who  plunges  into  the  midst  of  the  Marl¬ 
borough  Dispatches  in  this  age,  or  into  those  of  Wel¬ 
lington  in  the  next,  when  cotemporary  recollection  has 
failed,  will  find  it  impossible  to  understand  the  greater 
part  of  the  matters  referred  to,  and  will  soon  lay  aside 
the  volumes  in  despair.  Such  works  are  highly  val¬ 
uable,  but  they  are  so  to  the  annalist  or  historian  rath¬ 
er  than  to  the  ordinary  reader.  They  are  the  mate¬ 
rials  of  history,  not  history  itself.  They  bear  the  same 
relation  to  the  works  of  Livy  or  Gibbon  which  the  rude 
blocks  in  the  quarry  do  to  the  temples  of  St.  Peter’s  or 
the  Parthenon.  Ordinary  readers  are  not  aware  of 
this.  When  they  take  up  a  volume  of  Dispatches,  they 
expect  to  be  as  much  fascinated  by  it  as  they  are  by 
the  correspondence  of  Madame  de  Sevigne,  Cowper, 
Gibbon,  or  Arnold.  They  will  soon  find  their  mistake; 
the  booksellers  will,  ere  long,  find  it  in  the  sale  of  such 
works.  The  matter-of-fact  men  in  ordinary  life,  and 
the  compilers  and  drudges  in  literature — that  is,  nine 
tenths  of  the  readers  and  writers  in  the  world — are 
never  weary  of  descanting  on  the  inestimable  import¬ 
ance  of  authentic  documents  for  history ;  and  without 


r  R.EFACE. 


vn 


doubt  they  are  right,  so  far  as  the  collecting  of  mate¬ 
rials  goes.  There  must  he  quarriers  before  there  can 
be  architects  :  the  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  wa¬ 
ter  are  the  basis  of  all  civilization.  But  they  are  not 
civilization  itself,  they  are  its  pioneers.  Truth  is  es¬ 
sential  to  an  estimable  character;  but  many  a  man  is 
insupportably  dull  who  never  told  a  falsehood. 

It  was  the  perusal  of  these  Dispatches  when  they 
first  appeared  which  first  suggested  to  the  author  the 
composition  of  the  following  pages.  He  was  strongly 
impressed  with  the  greatness  of  Marlborough’s  military 
talents,  and  the  close  analogy  which  many  of  his  ex¬ 
ploits  bore  to  those  of  illustrious  generals  in  subsequent 
times,  whose  deeds  had  long  occupied  his  attention. 
Having  no  intention,  however,  of  making  a  book  on 
the  subject,  the  sketches  he  composed  were  at  first  pub¬ 
lished  in  numbers  in  Blackwood’s  Magazine  during  the 
years  1845  and  1846.  The  favorable  manner  in  which 
the  series  was  received,  and  the  increasing  interest  the 
author  felt  in  the  subject,  suggested  the  idea  of  uniting 
them  together,  and  forming  a  military  biography  of  the 
great  general,  of  such  moderate  dimensions  as  might  nei¬ 
ther  exhaust  the  patience  nor  too  severely  task  the  purs¬ 
es  of  that  class  to  whom  it  is  of  most  value,  the  young 
men  who  are  to  succeed  Marlborough  in  the  noble  pro¬ 
fession  to  which  he  has  given  so  much  luster.  The  in¬ 
terest  of  the  Spanish  question,  so  prominently  brought 
forward  in  recent  times  by  the  Montpensier  alliance, 
suggested  the  chapter  on  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  with 
which  the  present  volume  closes,  and  which  has  not 
previously  appeared. 

The  Map,  illustrative  of  the  Campaigns  of  Marlbor¬ 
ough,  is  constructed  with  the  greatest  care,  and  is  so 
arranged  as  to  show  the  positions  in  every  place  in 


Vlll 


PREFACE. 


strict  accordance  with  the  text ;  while  the  Plans  of 
Battles,  so  essential  to  the  elucidation  of  Military  His¬ 
tory,  have  been  accurately  reduced,  and  improved  by 
the  addition  of  the  names  of  commanders,  &c.,  from 
the  great  German  work  of  Kausler,  so  well  known 
from  the  splendor  of  its  finishing  and  the  accuracy  of 
its  details. 

As  the  work  is  essentially  military  and  political,  it 
has  been  deemed  advisable  not  to  enter  minutely  into 
the  complicated  domestic  events  of  Queen  Anne’s  reign, 
or  to  represent  the  changes  of  party  in  the  English  cab¬ 
inet  toward  its  close,  which  produced  fresh  and  import¬ 
ant  effects  on  the  fate  of  the  war,  and  the  destinies  of 
Europe,  as  it  is  believed  they  were  the  result  rather  of 
great  principles  contending  in  the  nation  for  the  mas¬ 
tery  than  of  those  intrigues  in  the  palace  to  which  they 
have  in  general  been  almost  exclusively  ascribed. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I. 

BIRTH  AND  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  MARLBOROUGH. - HIS  SHARE  IN  THE 

REVOLUTION  OF  1688. - CAUSES  WHICH  LED  TO  THE  WAR  OF  THE  SUC¬ 

CESSION. 

Sect  Page 

1.  Birth  and  early  Life  of  Marlborough  .  .  .  .  .25 

2.  His  first  Appearance  and  early  Promotion  at  Court  .  .  26 

3.  His  Services,  under  Louis  XIV.  and  Turenne,  in  Flanders  .  27 

4.  Manner  in  which  Louis  XIV. ’s  Ambition  worked  out  its  own 

Ruin . 28 

5.  Churchill’s  Marriage,  and  rapid  Rise  at  Court  .  .  .29 

6.  His  important  Services  on  Monmouth’s  Rebellion  .  .  .30 

7.  His  Endeavors  to  arrest  the  headlong  Course  of  James  .  .  30 

8.  He  deserts  James  II.  on  the  Invasion  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  31 

9.  Parallel  between  his  Treacheiy  and  that  of  Ney  .  .  .33 

10.  Honors  and  Commands  bestowed  on  Churchill.  He  signs 

the  Act  of  Association  in  favor  of  William  .  .  .  .34 

11.  His  first  Services  in  foreign  War  under  William  ' .  .  .35 

12.  Discreditable  Intrigues  soon  after  with  the  exiled  Royal  Family  35 

13.  He  is  liberated  from  Prison,  and  ere  long  restored  to  Favor  .  37 

14.  And  appointed  to  the  supreme  Command  in  the  Netherlands  38 

15.  At  which  Period  the  Blenheim  Papers  commenced  .  .  39 

16.  Great  Power  of  the  Bourbons  at  this  Period,  and  general 

Alarm  which  it  excited  .......  39 

17.  Vast  Ability  by  which  the  Government  of  France  was  directed  40 

18.  Extraordinary  Success  which  had  hitherto  attended  Louis  in 

all  his  Enterprises  ........  41 

19.  Hopes  and  Schemes  of  the  Catholic  Party  throughout  Eu¬ 

rope  at  this  Time.  Their  ultimate  Failure  .  .  .42 

20.  Simultaneous  Attacks  on  the  Protestants  in  France  and  En¬ 

gland  irrevocably  separate  the  two  Countries  .  .  .43 

21.  Efforts  of  William  III.  to  avert  the  Danger  .  .  .  .44 

22.  Manner  in  which  the  Bequest  of  Spain  to  the  Duke  of  Anjou 

had  been  obtained  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .44 

23.  Fresh  Treaty  of  Partition  between  France,  England,  and 

Holland  ..........  45 


CONTENTS. 


K 

Sect  Page 

24.  The  Kuowledge  of  this  Treaty  of  Partition  determines  the 

King  of  Spain  to  the  Bequest  in  Favor  of  the  Bourbons  .  47 

25.  Extent  of  the  Danger  which  threatened  the  Continental  Pow¬ 

ers  from  this  Accession  to  the  Power  of  France  .  .  .47 

26.  Comparative  Strength  of  the  Forces  on  the  opposite  Sides  .  49 

CHAPTER  II. 

CHARACTERS  OF  LOUIS  XIV.,  WILLIAM  III.,  AND  JAMES  II. - COMMENCE¬ 

MENT  OF  THE  WAR. — BATTLE  OF  BLENHEIM. 

1.  Strange  Diversity  in  the  Characters  drawn  by  Historians  of 

Louis  XIV . 50 

2.  Which  arose  from  the  Greatness  of  his  Deeds  .  .  .51 

3.  Remarkable  Diversities  and  seeming  Contradictions  of  his 

Character . 51 

4.  Vast.  Changes  which  he  effected  on  France  during  his  Reign  52 

5.  Which  arose  from  his  Turn  of  Mind  coinciding  with  the 

Spirit  of  the  Age . 53 

6.  His  Virtues  and  Vices  were  alike  those  of  his  People  .  .  54 

7.  His  Government  was  essentially  feudal  and  monarchical  .  55 

8.  Unity  and  centralization  were  his  great  Objects  .  .  .55 

9.  His  Efforts  to  give  Unity  to  Thought  .  .  .  .  .56 

10.  General  Resemblance  of  his  Ideas  of  Government  to  those  of 

Napoleon  ..........  58 

11.  Magnificent  Ideas  of  each  as  shown  in  their  public  Works  .  59 

12.  Atrocity  of  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  .  .  .59 

13.  Which  produced  the  Reaction  against  him  that  checked  his 

Power  ..........  60 

14.  Opposite  Characters  of  Louis  XIV.  and  William  III.  .  .  61 

15.  Heroic  Resistance  of  William  to  the  French  Invasion  .  .  62 

16.  Adaptation  of  the  Character  of  William  to  his  Destiny  in  Life  63 

17.  His  Policy  in  War,  which  at  length  proved  Victorious  .  .  64 

18.  His  Character  in  Private  .......  65 

19.  Character  of  James  II.  of  England . 66 

20.  His  good  and  heroic  Qualities . 66 

21.  The  Rashness  and  Imprudence  which  cost  him  his  Throne  .  67 

22.  Commencement  of  the  War  .......  68 

23.  Forces  on  the  Side  of  France  ......  69 

24.  Forces  of  the  Allies . 69 

25.  Marlborough’s  first  Mission  to  the  Continent,  and  first  Cam¬ 

paign  . 71 

26.  Storming  of  Liege  and  the  Chartreuse,  and  Conclusion  of  the 

Campaign . 71 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


Sect  Page 

27.  Narrow  Escape  of  Marlborough  from  being  made  Prisoner  .  72 

28.  Alliance  with  Sweden,  and  Campaign  of  1703.  Capture  of 

Bonn  ..........  73 

29.  The  Dutch  prevent  Marlborough  from  Fighting,  and  the  Cam. — — 

paign  concludes  with  the  taking  of  Limbourg  .  .  .74 

30.  Disasters  on  the  Upper  Rhine  and  in  Bavaria  .  .  75 

31.  Extreme  Danger  of  the  Empire  from  these  Successes  .  ■  76 

32.  French  Plan  of  the  Campaign  in  Germany  .  .  .  .77 

33.  Plan  of  the  Allies  to  counteract  it  .  .....  78 

34.  Marlborough’s  cross  March  into  Germany  .  .  .  .79 

35.  Subsequent  Successes  in  Bavaria  ......  80 

36.  Marshal  Tallard  joins  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  who  determines 

to  fight  ..........  81 

37.  Vendome  is  defeated  in  his  Attempt  to  penetrate  through  the 

Tyrol . 82 

38.  Forces  on  both  Sides,  and  their  comparative  Merits  .  .  83 

39.  Division  of  the  Command  between  Marlborough  and  Eugene  83 

40.  French  Position  and  Dispositions,  with  its  Dangers  .  .  85 

41.  And  Advantages . 86 

42.  Disposition  of  the  Allies  for  the  Attack  .....  86 

43.  Commencement  of  the  Battle  .  .  .  .  .87 

44.  Attack  on  Blenheim,  which  is  repulsed  .  .  .  .88 

45.  Crossing  of  the  Nebel  by  the  Allies  .  .  .  .  .89 

46.  The  Cavalry  with  great  Difficulty  are  got  across  .  .  .90 

47.  Rout  of  Prince  Holstein  in  the  Attack  on  Oberglau  .  .  91 

48.  Operations  of  Eugene  on  the  Right  .  .  .  .  .92 

49.  Grand  and  decisive  Charge  by  Marlborough  in  the  Center  .  93 

50.  Eugene’6  Success  on  the  Right  ......  94 

51.  Total  Rout  of  Tallard,  who  is  made  Prisoner  .  .  .95 

52.  Mistake  by  which  the  French  Left  escaped  Destruction  .  96 

53.  Capture  of  all  the  Troops  in  Blenheim,  and  Conclusion  of  the 

Battle  ' . 97 

54.  Results  of  the  Battle  ........  98 

55.  Causes  of  the  Defeat  of  the  French  .  ...  .  .99 

56.  Vast  Results  of  the  Victory . 99 

57.  Capture  of  Landau  and  Traerbach,  and  Conclusion  of  the 

Campaign . 101 

58.  Its  marvelous  Results  ........  101 

59.  Honors  and  Rewards  bestowed  on  Marlborough  .  .  .  102 


CONTENTS. 


xii 

CHAPTER  III. 

CAMPAIGNS  OF  1705  AND  1706. - BATTLE  OF  RAMILLIES,  AND  CONQUEST 

OF  FLANDERS. 

Sect.  Page 

1.  Backwardness  of  the  English  Parliament  in  voting  Supplies  .  104 

2.  Bitter  Sense  which  Marlborough  entertained  of  this  parsimo¬ 

nious  disposition  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .105 

3.  Reasons  for  converting  the  War  into  one  of  Sieges,  and  plac¬ 

ing  its  Seat  in  Flanders  .......  106 

4.  Examples  of  the  same  Necessity  being  felt  in  subsequent  Times  107 

5.  Extraordinary  Talent  of  Marlborough  for  keeping  together  the 

Alliance  ..........  108 

6.  Caution  which,  the  same  Cause  impriuted  on  Marlborough’s 

military  Conduct  ........  109 

7.  Strange  Fetters  which  the  Alliance  imposed  on  his  Conduct 

of  the  War  .....  ...  110 

8.  Vigorous  Efforts  of  the  French  Government  .  .  .  .*  112 

9.  Bold  Plan  of  Marlborough  and  Eugene  for  the  Invasion  of 

France  ..........  112 

10.  Commencement  of  Operations  early  in  June  on  the  Moselle  114 

11.  Successes  of  Villeroi  over  the  Allies  in  Flanders  .  .  .  114 

12.  Sudden  March  of  Marlborough  to  their  Relief  .  .  .  115 

13.  The  Disasters  of  the  German  Troops  in  the  Circle  of  Treves 

render  the  Design  abortive  .  .  .  .  .  .116 

14.  Position  occupied  by  Villeroi  ......  117 

15.  His  able  Plan  to  overreach  the  Enemy . 118 

16.  Entire  Success  of  the  Attack  on  Villeroi’s  Lines  .  .  .  119 

17.  Obstinacy  and  Backwardness  of  the  Dutch  prevents  a  com¬ 

plete  Victory  .........  119 

18.  Dutch  Deputies  continue  their  Opposition  ....  120 

19.  Which  mars  all  the  subsequent  Operations  of  the  Campaign  121 

20.  The  Dutch  treacherously  desert  him  .....  122 

21.  Marlborough’s  Operations  on  the  Field  of  Waterloo  .  .  123 

22.  Immense  Advantage  thus  gained  by  Marlborough,  who  had 

turned  the  French  ........  123 

23.  Marlborough  prepares  to  attack  the  French  at  Waterloo  .  124 

24.  But  is  again  thwarted  by  the  Dutch  Deputies  .  .  .  125 

25.  Marlborough  is  obliged  to  forego  his  Advantages  .  .  126 

26.  Complaints  of  the  Dutch  against  Marlborough  .  .  .  126 

27.  Vexation  and  magnanimous  Conduct  of  Marlborough  .  .  127 

28.  Jealousies  of  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna,  aud  the  German  Powers  128 

29.  Extraordinary  Success  of  Marlborough  in  appeasing  them  at 

Vienna . 129 


CONTENTS. 


Xlll 


Sect  Page 

30.  And  at  Berlin  and  Hanover  .......  130 

31.  Similarity  between  his  present  Situation  and  that  of  Welling¬ 

ton  in  his  early  Campaigns  .  .  .  .  .  .131 

32.  Universal  Backwardness  of  the  Allies  in  the  Commencement 

of  1706  .  132 

33.  Forces  on  the  opposite  Sides  in  Flanders  ....  133 

34.  Position  of  the  French  at  Ramillies  .....  134 

35.  Marlborough’s  Maneuvers  before  the  Battle,  and  Plan  of 

Attack  ..........  135 

36.  Commencement  of  the  Battle,  and  skillful  Feint  of  Marl¬ 

borough  ..........  136 

37.  Repulse  of  Overkirk,  and  imminent  Danger  of  Marlborough 

when  hastening  to  his  Relief  ......  137 

38.  The  twenty  Squadrons  ordered  up  from  the  Right  restore 

the  Battle  .........  138 

39.  Villeroi’s  Efforts  to  restore  the  Battle,  which  are  unsuccessful  139 

40.  The  Enemy,  though  thrown  into  Disorder,  endeavor  to  rally  139 

41.  General  Advance  of  the  Allies,  which  completes  the  Victory  140 

42.  Losses  of  the  French  and  the  Allies  in  the  Battle  .  .  141 

43.  And  its  great  Results  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .142 

44.  Retreat  of  the  French  from  Flanders,  and  universal  Joy  at 

its  Liberation  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .143 

45.  Magnanimous  Wisdom  of  Marlborough  in  protecting  the 

Flemings  from  Oppression  ......  143 

46.  Capitulation  of  Ghent,  Bruges,  Antwerp,  and  Oudenarde  .  144 

47.  Marlborough’s  Hopes  for  a  speedy  Peace  ....  145 

48.  Siege  and  Capture  of  Ostend  ......  146 

49.  Commencement  of  the  Siege  of  Menin,  and  its  great  Diffi¬ 

culties  ..........  146 

50.  It  is  at  length  earned  by  Assault  .  .  .  .  .147 

51.  Siege  and  Fall  of  Dendermonde  ......  148 

52.  And  of  Ath,  which  concludes  the  Campaign  .  .  .  149 

53.  Splendid  Reception  of  Marlborough  at  Brussels,  and  great 

Results  of  the  Campaign . 150 

54.  Splendid  and  disinterested  Conduct  of  Marlborough  in  re¬ 

fusing  the  Government  of  the  Netherlands  .  .  .151 

55.  Jealousies  of  the  Dutch,  and  continued  Disinterestedness  of 

Marlborough . 153 

56.  Opening  of  a  separate  secret  Negotiation  between  the  Dutch 

and  French . 153 

57.  Marlborough’s  Address  obtains  a  renewal  of  the  Alliance  .  154 

58.  His  Return  to  England,  and  splendid  Reception  there  .  .  155 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


Sect  Faga 

59.  Jealousy  against  him  arises  among  both  the  Whigs  and  To¬ 

ries,  but  he  prevails  at  Court  ......  156 

60.  Great  Error  iu  the  subsequent  Policy  of  England  .  .  .  157 

CHAPTER  IV. 

CAMPAIGNS  OF  1707  AND  1708. - BATTLE  OF  OUDENARDE,  CAPTURE  OF 

LILLE,  AND  RECOVERY  OF  GHENT. 

1.  Great  Disasters  experienced  by  France  in  the  preceding 

Campaign  ..........  158 

2.  Appearance  of  Charles  XII.  of  Sweden  iu  Germany  .  .  159 

3.  His  Character  .........  159 

4.  Great  Military  Abilities . 160 

5.  His  Faults,  Rashness,  and  Cruelty . 161 

6.  Efforts  of  Louis  XIV.  to  win  him  to  his  Side  .  .  .  162 

7.  Measures  of  Marlborough  to  counteract  his  Efforts  .  .  163 

8.  Visit  of  Marlborough  to  Charles  at  Dresden  ....  164 

9.  His  Address,  and  Success  with  that  Monarch  .  .  .165 

10.  Singular  Skill  with  which  he  avoided  rousing  religious  Dif¬ 

ferences  ..........  165 

11.  His  satisfactory  Arrangement  of  the  Difficulties  regarding 

Poland  ..........  166 

12.  Renewed  Jealousies  and  Procrastinations  of  the  Allied 

Powers . 167 

13.  The  Dutch  Deputies  thwart  Marlborough  near  Nivelles  .  167 

14.  Which  causes  the  Campaign  to  be  wasted  in  useless  Man¬ 

euvers  ..........  168 

15.  Disasters  of  the  Allies  in  Spain  and  on  the  Rhine  .  .  .  169 

16.  Marlborough,  in  consequence,  strongly  urges  an  Invasion  in 

the  South  of  France  ........  170 

17.  Selfish  Conduct  of  Austria,  which  ruins  the  Expedition  .  170 

18.  Invasion  of  Provence  by  Eugene  .  .  .  .  .  .171 

19.  Failure  there,  and  Retreat  of  Eugene . 172 

20.  Marlborough  closes  the  Campaign,  and  returns  to  England  172 

21.  Causes  of  the  Reaction  against  Marlborough  and  the  War  at 

this  Time  ..........  173 

22.  Change  in  the  System  of  Government  by  the  Revolution  .  174 

23.  Vast  Increase  of  Loans,  Taxes,  and  Corruption  .  .  .  174 

24.  Decline  of  Marlborough’s  Influence  at  Court,  and  Rise  of  Mrs. 

Masham  ..........  176 

25.  Her  great  Influence . 177 

26.  Violence  of  the  Party  Contests  in  England  ....  17S 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


Sect.  Page 

27.  Marlborough’s  Measures  defeat  a  threatened  Invasion  of 

Scotland  by  the  Pretender  ......  178 

28.  Vigorous  Preparations  made  by  Louis  XIV.  for  the  Cam¬ 

paign  in  the  Low  Countries  ......  179 

29.  Preparations  and  Forces  of  the  Allies  in  Flanders  .  .  180 

30.  Vendome’s  Movements  to  Aid  a  Revolt  in  Antwerp  .  .  181 

31.  Continued  Procrastination  of  the  German  Powers  .  .  181 

32.  Vendome’s  able  Plan  to  Aid  a  Rising  in  Ghent  and  Bruges  182 

33.  He  makes  himself  Master  of  Ghent  and  Bruges  .  .  .  183 

34.  Marlborough’s  Activity  secures  Oudeuarde  against  a  Coup- 

de-main  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .183 

35.  Extreme  Vexation  and  serious  Illness  of  Marlborough  .  .  184 

30.  Marlborough’s  Cross-march  on  Vendome’s  Communications  185 

37.  Vendome  moves  off,  followed  by  the  Allies  ....  180 

38.  Description  of  the  Field  of  Battle  .....  187 

39.  Preliminary  Movements  on  both  Sides,  and  Capture  of  the 

French  advanced  Guard . 188 

40.  Forces  on  both  Sides,  and  Commencement  of  the  Battle  .  189 

41.  Brilliant  Success  of  the  French  Right . 190 

42.  Operations  of  Eugene  on  the  Right . 191 

43.  And  of  Marlborough  on  the  Left . 192 

44.  Decisive  Movement  by  Marlborough  against  the  French  Left  192 

45.  Vigor  with  which  it  was  executed  by  Overkirk,  who  entire¬ 

ly  turns  them  .........  193 

46.  Gallant,  but  ineffectual  Efforts  of  Vendome  to  arrest  the  Dis¬ 

order  . 193 

47.  Results  of  the  Battle  ........  195 

48.  Pursuit  of  the  Enemy,  and  Arrival  of  Re-enforcements  on 

both  Sides  .........  195 

49.  Marlborough’s  Advice  to  march  to  Paris  is  overruled,  and  it 

is  resolved  to  lay  Siege  to  Lille . 196 

50.  Preparations  of  the  Allies  for  the  Siege  ....  197 

51.  Commencement  of  the  Siege,  and  Position  of  the  covering 

Army . 198 

52.  Marlborough  arrests  Vendome  and  Berwick  when  trying  to 

raise  the  Siege  .  199 

53.  Progress  of  the  Siege,  and  Eugene  wounded,  which  throws 

the  Direction  of  the  Siege  on  Marlborough  .  .  .  200 

54.  Efforts  on  both  Sides  to  obtain  Supplies  of  Ammunition  .  201 

55.  Capitulation  of  the  Town  of  Lille  .....  202 

56.  Siege  of  the  Citadel  of  Lille,  and  Diversion  of  Vendome 

against  Brussels . 202 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


Sect.  Page 

57.  Marlborough’s  brilliant  March,  which  defeats  it  .  .  .203 

58.  Marlborough  recovers  Ghent  ......  204 

59.  And  Bruges.  Concludes  the  Campaign,  and  again  refuses 

the  Government  of  the  Netherlands . 205 

60.  Glorious  Results  of  the  Campaign,  and  great  Ability  of  Marl¬ 

borough  . 206 

61.  His  bold  offensive  Measures,  and  extraordinary  Capture  of 

Lille . 206 

CHAPTER  V. 


CONFERENCES  OF  GERTRUYDENBERG. - LOUIS  REFUSES  THE  ULTIMATUM 

OF  THE  ALLIES. - SIEGE  AND  CAPTURE  OF  TOURNAY. - BATTLE  OF  MAL- 


PLAQUET. - FALL  OF  MONS. 

1.  Marlborough’s  renewed  Difficulties  with  the  Allied  Courts  208 

2.  Extravagant  Ideas  of  the  Cabinets  of  Berlin  and  Turin  .  208 

3.  His  cold  Reception  from  the  Court  of  England,  and  Mission 

to  the  Hague  .........  209 

4.  Great  Concessions  offered  by  Louis  .....  210 

5.  Vain  Endeavors  of  Louis  to  bribe  Marlborough  .  .  .  211 

6.  Ultimatum  of  the  Allies,  which  is  rejected  by  France  .  .  212 

7.  Noble  Efforts  of  Louis  to  save  France  .....  214 

8.  Forces  on  both  Sides  at  the  Opening  of  the  Campaign  .  .  214 

9.  Marlborough’s  Efforts  to  obtain  an  Augmentation  of  Force  in 

the  Low  Countries  ........  215 

10.  Which  at  length  are  partially  successful.  The  Forces  at  his 

Disposal  ..........  217 

11.  Marlborough’s  Measures  to  deceive  Villars  ....  217 

12.  And  lays  Siege  to  Toumay  .......  218 

13.  Description  of  Toumay . 219 

14.  Siege  and  Capture  of  that  Town . 219 

15.  Siege  of  the  Citadel,  and  its  desperate  Chances  .  .  .  220 

16.  Alarms  of  the  Troops  at  the  subterraneous  Warfare  .  .  221 

17.  Its  real  Horrors  .........  222 

18.  But  the  Citadel  is  at  length  taken  .....  223 

19.  Vigorous  Movements  of  Marlborough  toward  Mons  .  .  223 

20.  He  turns  Villars’s  Lines,  and  gets  between  them  and  France  224 

21.  Concentration  of  the  Allied  and  Villars’s  Army  .  .  .  225 

22.  Composition  and  Strength  of  the  French  Army  .  .  .  227 

23.  Description  of  the  Field  of  Battle  ......  228 

24.  Noble  Force  on  both  Sides  .......  229 

25.  Preparatory  Movements  on  both  Sides,  and  Interference  of 

the  Dutch  Deputies  ........  229 


Sect 

26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 

30. 

31. 

32. 

33. 

34. 

35. 

36. 

37. 

38. 

39. 

40. 

41. 

42. 

43. 

44. 

45. 

46. 

47. 

48. 

49. 

50. 

51. 

52. 


CONTENTS. 


xvii 


Page 

Villars  fortifies  his  Position  .......  230 

Plan  of  Attack  by  the  Allied  Generals . 231 

Feelings  of  the  Soldiers  on  both  Sides  .....  232 
Commencement  of  the  Battle  ......  233 


Marlborough,  after  a  desperate  Conflict,  carries  the  Wood  of 


Taisniere . .  234 

Bloody  Repulse  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  on  the  Left  .  .  235 

Heroic  but  ineffectual  Efforts  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  re¬ 
store  the  Combat  ........  235 

Marlborough  hastens  to  the  Spot,  and  restores  the  Battle  .  236 
A  vigorous  Attack  of  Villars  on  the  Right  weakens  his  Center, 
which  Marlborough  prepares  to  attack  ....  237 

Decisive  Attack  by  Lord  Orkney  on  the  Center  .  .  .  238 

Admirable  Efforts  of  Boufflers  to  regain  the  Day  .  .  .  238 

His  able  and  orderly  Retreat  ......  239 

Results  of  the  Battle  to  the  Allies  ......  240 

Loss  of  the  French,  and  Humanity  of  Marlborough  .  .  241 

Capture  of  Mons,  and  Conclusion  of  the  Campaign  .  .  242 

Continued  Decline  of  Marlborough’s  Influence  at  Court  .  243 
Unjust  Criticisms  and  Censures  on  the  Campaign  .  .  .  244 

Injudicious  Request  of  Marlborough  to  be  made  Captain-gen¬ 
eral  for  Life  .........  245 

His  flattering  Reception  from  the  Houses  of  Parliament  .  245 

Increasing  Jealousies  of  him  at  Court . 246 

His  Remonstrances  with  the  Queen  .....  247 
He  determines  to  resign  if  Mrs.  Masliam  is  not  removed  .  248 
But  is  persuaded  to  yield,  and  is  seemingly  reconciled  to  the 


Queen  ..........  248 

Battle  of  Pultowa,  and  overthrow  of  Charles  XII.  .  .  249 

Character  of  Peter  the  Great  of  Russia  ....  250 

His  Errors,  and  Delusions  regarding  him  ....  251 

Real  Character  of  his  Changes  ......  252 


CHAPTER  VI. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1710. - PASSAGE  OF  VILLARS’s  LINES. — CAPTURE  OF  DOUAY, 

AIRE,  BETHUNE,  AND  ST.  VENANT. - LAST  CAMPAIGN  OF  MARLBOROUGH 

IN  1711. - SECOND  PASSAGE  OF  VILLARS’s  LINES. - CAPTURE  OF  BOU- 

CH AIN. - FALL  AND  DEATH  OF  MARLBOROUGH. 

1.  Renewal  of  the  Negotiations  at  the  Hague  ....  253 

2.  Rigorous  Demands  of  the  Allies  ......  254 

..3.  Plan  of  the  Campaign  agreed  on  between  Eugene  and  Marl¬ 
borough  . 255 

B  2 


xvm 


CONTENTS. 


Sect.  Page 

4.  Passage  of  the  Lines  of  the  Scarpe  .....  256 

5.  Description  of  Douay  ........  257 

6.  Its  Investment  and  Siege,  which  Villars  tries  to  raise  .  .  257 

7.  Both  Armies  expect  another  Battle  .  .  .  .  .  258 

8.  Villars  retires  without  fighting  ......  259 

9.  Fall  of  Douay . 260 

10.  The  Allies  are  unable  to  reach  Arras . 260 


11.  Great  Skill  with  which  Villars  averted  the  Invasion  of  France 

on  this  Occasion.  Fall  of  Bethune  .  .  .  .  .261 

12.  Increasing  Animosity  to  Marlborough  in  England.  He  in¬ 

tends  to  besiege  Calais  .......  262 

13.  Siege  and  Capture  of  St.  Venant  ......  263 

14.  And  of  Aire  ..........  264 

15.  Increase  of  Marlborough’s  Difficulties  at  Home  .  .  .  264 

16.  General  Alarm  at  the  Augmentation  of  the  Public  Burdens  .  265 

17.  Argument  of  Bolingbroke  on  the  Subject  ....  266 

18.  Real  Causes  of  the  Evils  complained  of  ....  267 

19.  Envy  of  him  among  his  own  Party . 268 

20.  Paltry  Difficulties  thrown  in  the  Way  of  the  Completion  of 

Blenheim  ..........  269 

21.  Attempts  to  gain  over  Marlborough  to  the  Tories  .  .  .  269 

22.  Ungrateful  Reception  of  Marlborough  by  the  Ministers  and 

Country . 270 

23.  Dismissal  of  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough  ....  271 

24.  Marlborough,  with  great  Reluctance,  withholds  his  intended 

Resignation . 272 

25.  Prosperous  Condition  of  the  Army  in  the  Low  Countries  .  273 

26.  Death  of  the  Emperor  Joseph,  and  Election  of  Charles  VI.  as 

Emperor  ..........  274 

27.  Great  Lines  constructed  by  Villars  .....  274 

28.  Plan  of  the  Campaign  .  275 

29.  Fatal  Separation  of  Eugene,  with  his  Troops,  from  Marlbor¬ 

ough  . 276 

30.  Villars  avoids  a  Battle  by  Orders  of  Louis  ....  277 

31.  Who  had  begun  a  separate  and  secret  Negotiation  with  En¬ 

gland  . 278 

32.  Marlborough  determines  to  pass  the  Enemy’s  Lines  .  .  278 

33.  His  Project  for  achieving  this . 279 

34.  Preparations  for  Executing  it  and  Deceiving  the  Enemy  .  280 

35.  He  passes  the  Lines  with  entire  Success  ....  281 

36.  Extraordinary  Success  thus  gained  .....  281 

37.  Commencement  of  the  Siege  of  Bouchain  ....  282 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


Sect.  Page 

38.  Interesting  Operations  on  both  Sides  during  its  Progress  .  283 

39.  Fall  of  Boucbain . 284 

40.  Ostensible  Preparations  for  War,  and  real  secret  Negotiations 

for  Peace  by  the  Ministry . 285 

41.  Conditions  of  the  Preliminaries  which  were  agreed  to  .  .  286 

42.  Marlborough  returns  Home  deeply  hurt  at  this  clandestine 

Accommodation  ........  287 

43.  Marlborough’s  noble  Speech  against  it  in  the  House  of  Peers  288 

44.  Resolution  carried  against  Ministers  in  the  Peers  .  .  .  288 

45.  Counter  Address  carried  to  the  Commons,  and  Irresolution 

of  the  Queen  .........  289 

46.  The  Tories  dismiss  Marlborough,  charge  him  with  Pecula¬ 

tion,  and  swamp  the  House  of  Peers  ....  289 

47.  Universal  Joy  among  the  Enemies  of  England,  and  generous 

Conduct  of  Eugene  ........  290 

48.  Machinations  of  the  Tories  to  inflame  the  Queen  against 

Marlborough . 291 

49.  Louis  rises  in  his  Demands  at  Utrecht,  which  turns  into  a 

private  Treaty  between  France  and  England  .  .  .  292 

50.  Forces  of  the  Allies  and  French  in  Flanders,  and  desperate 

Situation  of  Louis  ........  294 

51.  The  Defection  of  Britain  saves  France  .....  295 

52.  Siege  and  Capture  of  Quesnoy  ......  296 

53.  Universal  Indignation  which  this  excites  in  the  Allied  Powers  296 

54.  Eloquent  Speech  of  Lord  Halifax  in  the  House  of  Peers 

against  the  Peace  ........  297 

55.  Marlborough’s  Speech  in  seconding  the  Motion  of  Halifax  .  298 

56.  The  Ministers  falsely  declare  the  Allies  to  be  Parties  to  the 

Negotiation  .........  299 

57.  Conditions  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  .....  299 

58.  Mournful  Separation  of  the  English  Contingent  from  the 

Allies . 301 

59.  Great  Difficulties  now  experienced  in  the  Negotiation  with 

Franco . 302 

60.  Landrecies  is  ineffectually  besieged  by  Eugene,  who  sustains 

a  Reverse  at  Denain  ........  302 

61.  Conclusion  of  the  War  between  Austria  and  France  at  Ras- 

tadt,  and  the  Dutch  at  Utrecht  ......  303 

62.  Marlborough  is  received  with  the  highest  Honors  on  the 

Continent . 305 

63.  Base  Ingratitude  of  the  Imperial  Court  to  him  .  .  .  306 

64.  Continued  Malice  against  him  at  Home  ....  307 


XX 


CONTENTS. 


Sect.  Page 

65.  Suspension  of  the  building  of  Blenheim  at  the  Public  Expense  307 

66.  Which  arose  from  a  Plan  for  the  Restoration  of  the  Stuarts  .  308 

67.  Death  of  Anne,  and  Marlborough’s  Conduct  on  the  Acces¬ 


sion  of  the  Hanover  Family  ......  309 

68.  His  domestic  Bereavements,  and  Stroke  of  Palsy  .  .  .  309 

69.  His  last  Years  and  Death  .  .  *  .  .  .  .  .  310 

70.  And  Funeral . 310 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MARLBOROUGH. - EUGENE. - FREDERIC. - NAPOLEON. - WELLINGTON. 

1.  Change  in  the  System  of  War  in  Marlborough’s  Time  .  .  312 

2.  Nature  of  the  Feudal  Wars  .......  313 

3.  Great  Change  when  Armies  were  paid  by  Government  .  314 

4.  Turenne  introduced  this  System  and  brought  it  to  Perfection  314 

5.  Character  of  Conde  ........  315 

'6.  Peculiar  Character  of  Marlborough  as  a  General  .  .  .316 

7.  His  extraordinary  Prudence  and  Address  ....  317 

8.  Though  inferior  in  Force,  he  always  maintained  the  Initiative  317 

9.  Nature  of  War  in  the  Time  of  Marlborough  ....  318 

10.  Circumspection  was  in  him  a  Matter  of  Necessity  .  .  319 

11.  He  was  compelled  to  adopt  the  System  of  Sieges  and  fix  the 

War  in  Flanders  ........  320 

12.  Dangers  of  the  opposite  System . 321 

13.  Reasons  why  Marlborough's  Genius  was  underrated  in  his 

Life . 321 

14.  He  was  the  Perfection  of  Genius  matured  by  Experience  .  322 

15.  His  great  Address  and  Suavity  of  Manner  ....  323 

16.  His  Character  as  a  Statesman  and  in  Private  .  .  .  324 

17.  His  political  Character  after  the  Revolution  ....  325 

18.  His  Faults  and  Weaknesses  .......  326 

19.  Circumstances  which  palliate  these  Faults  in  him  .  .  327 

20.  His  private  Character  and  elevated  Ideas  in  the  Disposal  of 

Money  ..........  327 

21.  His  Magnanimity  and  Humanity . 328 

22.  His  Character,  as  drawn  by  Adam  Smith  and  Bolingbroke  .  329 

23.  The  five  great  Generals  of  Modem  Times  ....  330 

24.  Leading  Characteristics  of  each  ......  330 

25.  Early  Life  of  Eugene . 331 

26.  Character  of  his  Warfare,  and  his  first  great  Victory  ever  the 

Turks . 332 

27.  His  Campaigns  in  Italy  and  Germany . 333 

28.  And  with  Marlborough  in  Flanders  .  333 


CONTENTS. 


XXI 


Sect.  Page 

29.  His  astonishing  Successes  over  the  Turks  ....  334 

30.  Narrow  Escape  from  Ruin,  and  wonderful  Victoiy  at  Belgrade  335 

31.  His  Character  as  a  General,  and  Parallel  to  Napoleon  .  .  336 

32.  Daring  and  Skill  with  which  he  extricated  himself  from 

Dangers  ..........  336 

33.  Early  Life  of  Frederic  the  Great  ......  337 

34.  His  Accession  to  the  Throne,  and  vigorous  Application  to  its 

Duties  ..........  338 

35.  His  Aggression  on,  and  Conquest  of  Silesia,  and  first  Victory 

at  Mollwitz  .........  339 

36.  His  glorious  Successes  over  the  Austrians  ....  340 

37.  Who  are  at  length  obliged  to  make  Peace  ....  340 

38.  His  decided  and  indomitable  Character  already  appears  .  341 

39.  His  great  Services  to  his  Kingdom  during  the  next  ten  Years 

of  Peace  ..........  342 


40.  Coalition  of  Austria,  Russia,  France,  Saxony,  and  Sweden 


against  Prussia . 342 

41.  Frederic  invades  Saxony  and  conquers  that  Country  .  .  343 

42.  He  defeats  the  Austrians  at  Prague,  and  is  defeated  at  Kolin  344 

43.  Desperate  Situation  of  the  Prussian  Monarchy  .  .  .  344 

44.  The  King’s  marvelous  Victories  at  Rosbach  and  Leuthen  .  345 

45.  Disasters  sustained  by  his  Troops  in  other  Quarters,  and  Vic¬ 

tory  of  Zorndorf  ........  346 

46.  Frederic’s  Defeat  at  Hohenkirchen  .....  347 

47.  Terrible  Battle  of  Cunnersdorf,  in  which  Frederic  is  de¬ 

feated  ..........  347 

48.  Overwhelming  Misfortunes  in  other  Quarters  .  .  .  348 

49.  Victory  of  Frederic  over  Landon  at  Lignetz  .  .  .  348 

50.  Dreadful  Battle  and  Victory  of  the  Prussians  at  Torgau  .  349 

51.  Desperate  State  of  Prussia  at  this  Time  ....  349 

52.  Operations  in  the  Camp  of  Bunzelwitz  ....  350 

53.  The  Death  of  the  Empress  of  Russia  restores  his  Affairs  .  351 

54.  Wonderful  Result  of  the  Struggle  .....  352 

55.  His  Character  as  a  General . 353 

56.  Comparison  of  Frederic  and  Napoleon . 354 

•< 57.  Of  Marlborough  and  Wellington . 355 

58.  Points  in  which  their  Situations  differed  ....  356 

59.  Great  Superiority  of  Force  with  which  Wellington  had  to 

contend  ..........  357 

60.  Their  respective  Characteristics  ......  358 

61.  Wellington’s  Policy  was  more  daring  but  more  hazardous 

than  Marlborough’s . 359 


xxn 


CONTENTS. 


Sect.  Page 

62.  Marlborough  made  more  use  of  Cavalry  than  Wellington, 

aud  why  .........  359 

63.  Marlborough  was  more  Successful  than  Wellington  in  Sieges, 

and  why  ..........  361 

64.  Great  and  remarkable  Land  Triumphs  of  England  over 

France . 362 

65.  Long  Series  of  Land  Disasters  sustained  by  France  from  En¬ 

gland  ..........  363 

66.  What  have  been  the  Causes  of  this  ? . 364 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  PEACE  OF  UTRECHT. 

1.  Moral  Character  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough’s  Wars  .  .  365 

2.  Opposite  Interests  and  Causes  for  which  the  Parties  con¬ 

tended  . 365 

3.  Magnitude  of  the  Danger  which  threatened  Europe  if  France 

had  proved  successful . 366 

4.  Results  which  might  have  followed  the  Triumph  of  France  .  367 

5.  Opposite  Sides  on  Political  Questions  on  which  the  Parties 

were  ranged  similar  to  what  afterward  occurred  .  .  368 

6.  Yet  fundamentally  the  Allies  aud  France  were  in  both  Cases 

ranged  on  the  same  Sides . 368 

7.  Important  Difference  in  the  Parties  by  whom  the  War  was 

opposed  in  the  Time  of  Marlborough  and  Napoleon  .  .  369 

8.  State  of  the  opposite  Parties  in  Great  Britain  since  the  Great 

Rebellion . 370 

9.  The  Union  of  Parties  had  brought  about  the  Revolution  .  371 

10.  Dangers  which  flowed  from  the  Revolution  ....  372 

11.  The  Funding  System  is  introduced  by  William  III.  .  .  373 

12.  General  Terrors  it  excited  in  Great  Britain  .  .  .  .374 

13.  Bolingbroke’s  Account  of  its  Dangers . 375 

14.  General  Corruption  which  was  induced  in  the  Country  .  375 

15.  Bolingbroke’s  Account  of  the  general  Indignation  at  this  de¬ 

moralizing  System  ........  377 

16.  Strong  Principles  of  Freedom  and  Loyalty  in  the  English 

Character . 378 

17.  Reaction  of  generous  Feelings  in  favor  of  the  Tories  in  the 

advanced  Period  of  the  War  .  .  .  .  .  -  379 

18.  Which  distinctly  appeared  in  the  Votes  and  Composition  of 

the  House  of  Commons  .......  380 

19.  Character  of  Bolingbroke . 381 

20.  His  Inconsistencies  and  Faults . 3S2 


Sect 

21. 

22. 

23. 

24. 

25. 

26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 

30. 

31. 

32. 

33. 

34. 

35. 

36. 

37. 

38. 

39. 

40. 

41. 

42. 

43. 

44. 

45. 

46. 

47. 


CONTENTS.  xxiii 

Page 

Character  of  Harley,  Earl  of  Oxford . 384 

Swift  and  the  Tory  Writers  in  the  Press  ....  384 

It  was  these  general  Causes  which  overturned  Marlborough  385 
Great  Violations  of  moral  Rectitude  in  the  Mode  of  their 

Attack  on  Marlborough . 387 

What  was  the  Danger  to  be  guarded  against  in  the  Peace  .  388 
The  Result  has  proved  the  Tories  were  wrong  in  their  Policy 

regarding  it . 389 

Disastrous  Effects  and  Serious  Dangers  to  England  which 
followed  the  leaving  a  Bourbon  on  the  Spanish  Throne  .  390 
Examples  of  this  in  later  Times  .  .  .  .  .  .391 

These  Dangers  have  arisen  solely  from  the  Spanish  Alliance  .  392 
It  was  a  Sense  of  this  Advantage  which  made  Napoleon  en¬ 
gage  in  the  Peninsular  War  ......  393 

Causes  which  render  the  Alliance  of  Spain  of  such  vital  Im¬ 
portance  to  France  ........  394 

Instance  of  the  same  Political  Infatuation  in  our  Times  .  395 
Results  which  have  followed  from  it  in  the  last  Instance  .  396 
Strange  Insensibility  to  National  Sins  which  often  prevails  .  397 
Analogy  between  the  Situation  of  the  Tories  in  the  War  of 
the  Succession,  and  the  Whigs  in  that  of  the  Revolution  .  398 
Extraordinary  Coincidence  in  the  Crisis  of  the  two  Contests  399 
Real  Causes  of  this  Identity  of  Conduct  of  the  opposite  Parties 
on  these  Occasions  ........  400 

Excuses  which  existed  for  the  Policy  of  the  Tories  at  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht  from  the  Dread  of  Spain  .  .  .  401 

Bolingbroke’s  Picture  of  the  ruined  State  of  the  Spanish 
Monarchy  at  this  Period  .......  402 

What  Course  the  Tories  should  have  pursued  at  the  Treaty 
of  Utrecht  ..........  403 

But  no  Excuse  can  be  found  for  our  Violation  of  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht  by  the  Quadruple  Alliance  in  1834  .  .  .  404 

Answer  to  the  common  Argument  used  in  behalf  of  the 

Quadruple  Alliance  ........  405 

Our  active  Interference  to  put  down  Don  Carlos  and  the 
Male  Line  was  still  more  unjustifiable  ....  406 

What  England  should  have  done  on  the  Occasion  .  .  407 

Just  Punishment  we  have  now  received  ....  407 

England  has  lost  all  Title  to  complain  of  any  Violation  of  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht  ........  408 

Great  Change  which  the  Substitution  of  the  Female  Line  for 
the  Male  in  Spain  made  in  this  Respect  on  the  Interests  of 
other  Powers . 409 


XXIV 


CONTENTS. 


PLANS,  &c. 


MAP  OF  FRANCE  AND  THE  NETHERLANDS. 
PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  BLENHEIM. 
PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  RAMILLIES. 
PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  OUDENARDE. 
PLAN  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  LILLE. 

PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  MALPLAQUET. 


THE  LIFE 


OF 

MARLBOROUGH. 


CHAPTER-  I. 

BIRTH  AND  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  MARLBOROUGH. - HIS  SHARE  IN 

THE  REVOLUTION  OF  1688. - CAUSES  WHICH  LED  TO  THE  WAR 

OF  THE  SUCCESSION. 

John  Churchill,  afterward  Duke  of  Marlborough,  was 
born  on  the  5th  of  July,  1650  (new  style),  at  Ash,  in  ! 
the  county  of  Devon.  His  father  was  Sir  Winston 
Churchill,  a  gaUant  cavalier  who  had  drawn  his  borou='h- 
sword  in  behalf  of  Charles  I.,  and  had,  in  consequence,  been 
deprived  of  his  fortune  and  driven  into  exile  by  Cromwell. 
His  paternal  family  was  very  ancient,  and  boasted  its  descent 
from  the  Courcils  de  Poitou,  who  came  into  England  with 
the  Conqueror.  His  mother  was  Elizabeth  Drake,  who  claim¬ 
ed  a  collateral  connection  with  the  descendants  of  the  illus¬ 
trious  Sir  Francis  Drake,  the  great  navigator.  Young  Church¬ 
ill  received  the  rudiments  of  his  education  from  the  parish 
clergyman  in  Devonshire,  from  whom  he  imbibed  that  firm 
attachment  to  the  Protestant  faith  by  which  he  was  ever  aft¬ 
erward  distinguished,  and  which  determined  his  conduct  in 
the  most  important  crisis  of  his  life.  He  was  afterward 
placed  at  the  school  of  St.  Paul’s  ;  and  it  was  there  that  he 
first  discovered,  on  reading  Yegetius,  that  his  bent  of  mind 
was  decidedly  for  the  military  life.  “  What  is  usually  called 
genius,”  says  Johnson,  “  is  nothing  but  strong  natural  parts 
accidentally  turned  hi  one  direction.”  Like  many  other  men 

C 


26 


THE  LIFE  OF 


destined  to  future  distinction,  he  made  no  great  figure  as  a 
scholar,  a  circumstance  easily  explained,  if  we  recollect  that 
it  is  on  the  knowledge  of  words  that  the  reputation  of  a  school¬ 
boy  is  founded — of  a  man,  on  that  of  things.  But  the  dis¬ 
patches  now  pubhshed  demonstrate  that,  before  he  attained 
middle  life,  he  was  a  proficient  in  at  least  Lathi,  French, 
and  English  composition ;  for  letters  in  each,  written  in  a 
very  pure  style,  are  to  be  found  in  all  parts  of  his  corre¬ 
spondence. 

From  his  first  youth,  young  Churchill  was  distinguished  by 

2.  the  elegance  of  his  maimers,  and  the  beauty  of  his 
His  first  ap-  °  J 

pearance  and  countenance  and  figure  ;  advantages  which,  coup- 

early  promo-  .  ;  ...  .. 

tion  at  court  led  with  the  known  loyal  principles  and  the  suffer¬ 
ings  of  his  father  in  the  royal  cause,  procured  for  him,  at  the 
early  age  of  fifteen,  the  situation  of  page  in  the  household  of 
the  Duke  of  York,  afterward  James  II.  His  inclination  for 
arms  was  then  so  decided,  that  the  prince  procured  for  him 
a  commission  in  one  of  the  regiments  of  Guards  when  he  was 
only  sixteen  years  old.  His  uncommonly  handsome  figure 
then  attracted  no  small  share  of  notice  from  the  beauties  of 
the  court  of  Charles  II.,  and  even  awakened  a  passion  in  one 
of  the  royal  mistresses  herself.  Impatient  to  signalize  linn- 
self,  however,  he  left  their  seductions,  and  embarked  as  a  vol¬ 
unteer  in  the  expedition  against  Tangiers  in  1666.  Thus  his 
first  essay  in  arms  was  made  in  actions  against  the  Moors. 
Having  returned  to  Great  Britain,  he  attracted  the  notice  of 
the  Countess  of  Castlemaine,  afterward  Duchess  of  Cleveland, 
then  the  favorite  mistress  of  Charles  II.,  who  had  distinguish 
ed  him  by  her  regard  before  he  embarked  for  Africa,  and  who 
made  him  a  present  of  £5000,  with  wdiich  the  young  soldier 
bought  an  annuity  of  £500,  which  laid  the  foundation,  says 
Chesterfield,  of  all  his  subsequent  fortunes.  Charles,  to  re¬ 
move  a  dangerous  rival  in  her  unsteady  affections,  gave  him 
a  company  in  the  Guards,  and  sent  him  to  the  Continent 
with  the  auxiliary  force  which,  in  those  days  of  English  hu 
miliation,  the  cabinet  of  St.  James’s  furnished  to  Louis  XIV 


MARL  BOROUGH. 


27 


to  aid  him  in  subduing  the  United  Provinces.  Thus,  by  a 
singular  coincidence,  it  was  under  Turenne,  Conde,  and  Vau- 
ban  that  the  future  conqueror  of  the  Bourbons  first  learned 
the  art  of  scientific  warfare.  Wellington  went  through  the 
same  discipline,  but  in  the  inverse  order  :  his  first  campaigns 
were  made  against  the  French  in  Flanders,  his  next  against 
the  bastions  of  Tippoo  and  the  Mahratta  horse  in  Hindostan. 

Churchill  had  not  been  long  in  Flanders  before  his  talents 
and  gallantry  won  for  him  deserved  distinction.  3. 

The  campaign  of  1672,  which  brought  the  French  under  Louis 
armies  to  the  gates  of  Amsterdam,  and  placed  the  Turenmfin 
United  Provinces  within  a  hair’s  breadth  of  de-  *'lauder3- 
struction,  was  to  him  fruitful  in  valuable  lessons.  lie  distin¬ 
guished  himself  afterward  so  much  at  the  siege  of  Nimeguen, 
that  Turenne,  who  constantly  called  him  by  the  soubriquet 
of  “  the  handsome  Englishman,”  predicted  that  he  would  one 
-day  be  a  great  man.  In  the  following  year  he  had  the  good 
fortune  to  save  the  life  of  his  colonel,  the  Duke  of  Monmouth, 
and  acquired  so  much  renown  at  the  siege  of  Maestricht,  that 
Louis  XIV.  publicly  thanked  him  at  the  head  of  his  army, 
and  promised  him  his  powerful  influence  with  Charles  II. 
for  future  promotion.  He  little  thought  what  a  formidable 
enemy  he  was  then  fostering  at  the  court  of  his  obsequious 
brother  sovereign.  The  result  of  Louis  XIV. ’s  intercession 
was,  that  Churchill  was  made  lieutenant-colonel ;  and  he  con¬ 
tinued  to  serve  with  the  English  auxiliary  force  in  Flanders, 
under  the  French  generals,  till  1677,  when  he  returned  with 
liis  regiment  to  London.  Beyond  all  doubt,  it  was  these  five 
years’  service  under  the  great  masters  of  the  military  art,  who 
then  sustained  the  power  and  cast  a  halo  round  the  crown  of 
Louis  XIV.,  which  rendered  Marlborough  the  consummate 
commander  that  he  showed  himself  to  have  become,  from  the 
moment  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  allied  armies.  One 
of  the  most  interesting  and  instructive  lessons  to  be  learned 
from  biography  is  derived  from  observing  the  long  steps,  the 
vast  amount  of  previous  preparation,  the  numerous  changes, 


26 


THE  LITE  OF 


some  prosperous,  others  adverse,  by  which  the  powers  of  a 
great  man  are  formed,  and  he  is  prepared  for  playing  the  im¬ 
portant  part  which  it  is  intended  he  should  perform  on  the 
theater  of  the  world.  Providence  does  nothing  in  vain,  and 
when  it  has  selected  a  particular  mind  for  a  great  achieve¬ 
ment,  the  events  which  happen  to  it  all  seem  to  conspire  in  a 
mysterious  way  for  its  development.  Were  any  one  omitted, 
some  essential  quality  in  the  character  of  the  future  hero, 
statesman,  or  pliilosopher  would  be  found  to  be  wanting. 

Here  also,  as  in  every  other  period  of  history,  we  may  see 
4.  how  unprincipled  ambition  overvaults  itself,  and 

Manner  in 

which  Louis  the  measures  which  seem  at  first  sight  most  se- 

XIV.'s  ambi- 
tion  worked 

ruin.  """  yet  unperceived  means  by  which  an  overruling  Pow¬ 
er  works  out  its  destruction.  Doubtless  the  other  ministers 
of  Louis  XIV.  deemed  their  master’s  power  secure  when  this 
English  alliance  was  concluded ;  when  the  English  monarch . 
had  become  a  state  pensioner  of  the  court  of  Versailles  ;  when 
a  secret  treaty  had  united  them  by  apparently  indissoluble 
bonds ;  when  the  ministers,  alike  with  the  patriots  of  En¬ 
gland,  were  corrupted  by  his  bribes  ;  when  the  dreaded  fleets 
of  Britain  were  to  be  seen  in  union  with  those  of  France, 
leagued  to  overpower  the  squadrons  of  an  inconsiderable  re¬ 
public  ;  when  the  descendants  of  the  conquerors  of  Cressy, 
Poitiers,  and  Azincour  stood  side  by  side  with  the  successors 
of  the  vanquished  in  those  disastrous  fields,  ready  to  achieve 
the  conquest  of  Flanders  and  Holland.  Without  doubt,  so 
far  as  human  foresight  could  go,  Louvois  and  Colbert  were 
right.  Nothing  could  appear  so  decidedly  calculated  to  fix 
the  power  of  Louis  XIV.  on  an  immovable  foundation.  But 
how  vain  are  the  calculations  of  the  great  human  intellects 
when  put  in  opposition  to  the  overruling  will  of  Omnipotence ! 
It  was  that  very  English  alliance  which  ruined  Louis  XII'., 
as  the  Austrian  alliance  and  marriage,  which  seemed  to  put 
the  keystone  in  the  arch  of  Ids  greatness,  afterward  ruined 
Napoleon.  By  the  effect,  and  one  of  the  most  desired  effects, 


curely  to  establish  its  oppressive  reign  are  the  as 


MARLBOROUGH. 


29 


of  the  English  alliance,  a  strong  body  of  British  auxiliaries 
were  sent  to  Flanders ;  the  English  officers  learned  the  the¬ 
ory  and  practice  of  war  in  the  best  of  all  schools,  and  under 
the  best  of  all  teachers ;  that  ignorance  of  the  military  art, 
the  result  in  every  age  of  our  insular  situation,  and  which 
generally  causes  the  first  four  or  five  years  of  every  war  to 
terminate  in  disaster,  was  for  the  time  removed ;  and  that 
mighty  genius  was  developed  under  the  eye  of  Louis  XIV., 
and  by  the  example  of  Turenne,  which  was  destined  to  hurl 
hack  to  its  own  frontiers  the  tide  of  Gallic  invasion,  and 
close  in  mourning  the  reign  of  the  Grand  Monarque.  “  Les 
hommes  agissent,”  says  Bossuet,  “  mais  Dieu  les  mene.” 

Upon  Churchill’s  return  to  London,  the  brilliant  reputation 
which  had  preceded,  and  the  even  augmented  per-  5. 
sonal  advantages  which  accompanied  him,  imme-  marriage  and 
diately  rendered  him  the  idol  of  beauty  and  fashion,  court. 

The  ladies  of  the  palace  vied  for  his  homage,  the  nobles  of 
the  land  hastened  to  cultivate  his  society.  Like  Julius  Cae¬ 
sar,  he  was  carried  away  by  the  stream,  and  plunged  into 
the  vortex  of  courtly  dissipation  with  the  ardor  which  marks 
an  energetic  character  in  the  pursuit  either  of  good  or  evil. 
The  elegance  of  his  person  and  manners,  and  the  charms  of 
his  conversation,  prevailed  so  far  with  Charles  II.  and  the 
Duke  of  York,  that  soon  after,  though  not  yet  thirty  years  of 
age,  he  obtained  a  regiment.  In  1680  he  married  the  cele¬ 
brated  Sarah  Jennings,  the  favorite  lady  in  attendance  on  the 
Princess  Anne,  second  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  York,  one  of 
the  most  admired  beauties  of  the  court.  This  affiance  in¬ 
creased  his  influence,  already  great,  with  that  prince,  and  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  future  grandeur  of  his  fortunes.  Short¬ 
ly  after  his  marriage  he  accompanied  the  Duke  of  York  to 
Scotland,  in  the  course  of  which  they  were  both  nearly  ship¬ 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Fife.  On  this  occasion  the  duke 
made  the  greatest  efforts  to  preserve  his  favorite’s  life,  and 
succeeded  in  doing  so,  although  the  danger  was  such  that 
many  of  the  Scottish  nobles  perished  under  his  eye.  On  their 


30 


THE  LIFE  OF 


return  to  London  in  1682,  Churchill  was  presented  by  his 
patron  to  the  king,  who  made  him  colonel  of  the  third  regi¬ 
ment  of  Guards.  When  the  Duke  of  York  ascended  the 
throne  in  1685,  on  the  demise  of  his  brother,  Churchill  kept 
Iris  place  as  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  bed-chamber,  and  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general.  He  was  sent  to  Paris 
to  notify  his  sovereign’s  accession  to  Louis  XIV.,  and  on  Iris 
return  he  was  created  a  peer  by  the  title  of  Baron  Churchill 
of  Sandbridge,  in  the  county  of  Hertford  :  a  title  which  he 
took  from  an  estate  there  which  he  had  acquired  in  right  of 
his  wife. 

On  the  revolt  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  he  had  an  oppor- 
6-  tunity  of  showing  at  once  his  military  ability,  and, 

His  important  J  m  ...  .  J 

services  on  by  a  signal  service,  Iris  gratitude  to  his  benefactor. 

Monmouth’s 

rebellion.  Lord  Feversham  had  the  command  of  the  royal 
forces,  and  Churchill  was  his  major-general.  The  general-in- 
chief,  however,  kept  so  bad  a  look-out  that  he  was  on  the 
point  of  being  surprised  and  cut  to  pieces  by  the  rebel  forces, 
who,  on  this  occasion  at  least,  were  conducted  with  ability. 
The  general  and  almost  all  his  officers  were  in  their  beds,  and 
sound  asleep,  when  Monmouth,  at  the  head  of  all  his  forces, 
silently  issued  from  his  camp,  and  suddenly  fell  on  the  royal 
army.  The  rout  would  have  been  complete,  and  James  II. 
probably  dethroned,  had  not  Churchill,  whose  vigilant  eye 
nothing  escaped,  observed  the  movement,  and  hastily  collected 
a  handful  of  men,  with  whom  he  made  so  vigorous  a  resist¬ 
ance  as  gave  time  for  the  remainder  of  the  army  to  form,  and 
repel  this  well-concerted  enterprise. 

Churchill’s  mind  was  too  sagacious,  and  his  knowledge  of 
7.  the  feelings  of  the  nation  too  extensive,  not  to  be 
orstoarrest  aware  of  the  perilous  nature  of  the  course  upon 
Ion  ^'course  which  James  soon  after  adventured,  hi  endeavoring 
of  James.  |0  bring  about,  if  not  the  absolute  re-establishment 
of  the  Catholic  religion,  at  least  such  a  quasi-establishment 
of  it  as  the  people  deemed,  and  probably  with  reason,  was, 
with  so  aspiring  a  body  of  ecclesiastics,  in  effect  the  same 


MARLBOROUGH. 


31 


tiling.  When  he  saw  the  headstrong  monarch  break  through 
all  bonds,  and  openly  trample  on  the  liberties,  while  he  shock¬ 
ed  the  religious  feelings  of  his  people,  he  wrote  to  him  to  point 
out,  in  firm  but  respectful  terms,  the  danger  of  his  conduct, 
lie  declared  to  Lord  Galway,  when  James’s  innovations  be¬ 
gan,  that  if  he  persisted  in  liis  design  of  overturning  the  con¬ 
stitution  and  religion  of  his  country,  he  would  leave  his  service. 
So  far  his  conduct  was  perfectly  unexceptionable.  Our  first 
duty  is  to  our  country,  our  second  only  to  our  benefactor.  If 
they  are  brought  into  collision,  as  they  often  are  during  the 
melancholy  vicissitudes  of  a  civil  war,  an  honorable  man, 
whatever  it  may  cost  him,  has  but  one  part  to  take.  He 
must  not  abandon  his  public  duty  for  his  private  feelings,  but 
lie  must  never  betray  official  duty.  If  Churchill,  perceiving 
the  frantic  course  of  his  master,  had  withdrawn  from  his 
service,  and  then  either  taken  no  part  in  the  revolution  which 
followed,  or  even  appeared  in  arms  against  him,  the  most 
scrupulous  moralist  could  have  discovered  nothing  reprehensi¬ 
ble  in  his  conduct.  History  has  hi  every  age  applauded  the 
virtue,  while  it  has  commiserated  the  anguish,  of  the  elder 
Bratus,  who  sacrificed  his  sons  to  the  perhaps  too  rigorous 
laws  of  his  country. 

But  Churchill  did  not  do  this,  and  thence  has  arisen  an  in¬ 
effaceable  blot  on  his  memory.  He  did  not  relin-  g 
quish  the  service  of  the  infatuated  monarch  ;  he  re- 
taincd  his  office  and  commands ;  but  he  employed  ofthePrince 
the  influence  and  authority  thence  derived  to  ruin  of°ranse- 
his  benefactor.  Information  was  sent  to  James  that  he  was 
not  to  be  trusted ;  but  so  far  were  those  representations  from 
having  inspired  any  doubts  of  liis  fidelity,  that  that  deluded 
monarch,  when  the  Prince  of  Orange  landed,  confided  to  him 
the  command  of  a  corps  of  five  thousand  men  destined  to  op¬ 
pose  his  progress,  and  raised  him  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
general.  He  led  this  force  in  person  as  far  as  Salisbury  to 
meet  William,  who  was  advancing  through  Devonshire.  And 
yet  he  had  before  that  written  to  William  a  letter,  still  extant, 


32 


THE  LIFE  OF 


in  which  he  expressed  entire  devotion  to  his  cause.*  Nay, 
he  at  this  tune,  if  we  may  believe  his  panegyrist  Ledyard, 
signed  a  letter,  along  with  several  other  peers,  addressed  to 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  inviting  him  to  come  over,  and  had 
actually  concluded  with  Major-general  Kirk,  who  commanded 
at  Axminster,  a  convention  for  the  seizure  of  the  king  and 
giving  him  up  to  his  hostile  son-in-law.  James  was  secretly 
warned  that  Churchill  was  about  to  betray  him,  but  he  re¬ 
fused  to  believe  it  of  one  from  whom  he  had  hitherto  experi¬ 
enced  such  devotion,  and  was  only  awakened  from  his  dream 
of  security  by  learning  that  his  favorite  had  gone  over,  with 
the  Duke  of  Grafton  and  the  principal  officers  of  his  regiment, 
to  the  Prince  of  Orange.  Not  content  Math  this,  he  shortly 
after  employed  his  influence  with  his  own  regiment,  and  others 
stationed  near  London,  to  induce  them  to  desert  James  and 
join  the  invading  candidate  for  the  throne. f  Nay,  it  was  his 
arguments,  joined  to  those  of  his  wife,  which  induced  James’s 
own  daughter,  the  Princess  Anne,  and  Prince  George  of  Den¬ 
mark,  to  detach  themselves  from  the  cause  of  the  falling  mon¬ 
arch,  and  drew  from  that  unhappy  sovereign  the  mournful 
exclamation,  “  My  God !  my  very  children  have  forsaken 
me.”  Thus  his  example  was  the  signal  for  a  general  defec- 

*  "  Sir, — Mr.  Sidney  will  let  you  know  how  I  intend  to  beliave  myself.  I 
think  it  is  what  I  owe  to  God  and  my  country.  My  honor  I  take  leave  to 
put  into  your  highness’s  hands,  where  I  think  it  is  safe.  If  you  think  there 
is  any  thing  which  I  ought  to  do,  you  have  but  to  command  me.  I  shall  pay 
an  entire  obedience  to  it,  being  resolved  to  die  in  that  religion  that  it  hath 
pleased  God  to  give  you  both  the  will  and  the  power  to  protect.” — Lord 
Churchill  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Aug.  4, 1688.  William  landed  at  Torbay 
on  Nov.  5, 1688,  so  that  three  months  before  Marlborough  accepted  the  com¬ 
mand  of  the  forces  destined  to  oppose,  he  had  secretly  agreed  to  join  him. 
— See  Gleig’s  Military  Commanders,  i.,  332. 

t  On  the  approach  of  William  to  the  capital,  and  the  flight  of  James  to 
Feversham,  Lord  Churchill  was  sent  forward  to  reassemble  his  own  troop 
of  Horse  Guards,  and  to  bring  over  the  soldiers  quartered  in  and  about  the 
metropolis.  He  executed  the  commission  with  equal  prudence  and  activity, 
and  carried  back  so  favorable  a  report  concerning  the  disposition  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  and  army  as  induced  the  prince  to  hasten  to  the  capital.  After  the  dis¬ 
comfiture  of  James,  Lord  Churchill  assisted  in  the  convention  of  Parliament. 
— Coxe,  v.,  42. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


S.i 

tion,  not  only  of  those  who  were  openly  hostile  to  James,  hut 
even  of  those  who  were  connected  with  him  by  blood. 

In  what  does  this  conduct  differ  from  that  of  Labedoyere, 
who,  at  the  head  of  the  garrison  of  Grenoble,  de-  9- 

b  .  Parallel  be- 

serted  to  Napoleon  when  sent  out  to  oppose  him  ?  tween  his 

...  treachery  and 

or  Lavalette,  who  employed  his  influence,  as  post-  thatofNey. 
master  under  Louis  XVIII.,  to  forward  the  imperial  conspir¬ 
acy  ?  or  Marshal  Ney,  who,  after  promising  at  the  Tuileries 
to  bring  the  ex-emperor  back  in  an  iron  cage,  no  sooner  reach¬ 
ed  the  royal  camp  at  Melun,  than  he  issued  a  proclamation 
calling  on  the  troops  to  desert  the  Bourbons,  and  mount  the 
tricolor  cockade  ?  Nay,  is  not  Churchill’s  conduct,  in  a  moral 
point  of  view,  worse  than  that  of  Ney  ?  for  the  latter  aban¬ 
doned  the  trust  reposed  in  him  by  a  new  master,  forced  upon 
an  unwilling  nation,  to  rejoin  his  old  benefactor  and  companion 
in  arms  ;  but  the  former  betrayed  the  trust  reposed  in  him  by 
his  old  master  and  tried  benefactor,  to  range  himself  under 
the  banner  of  a  competitor  for  the  throne  to  whom  he  was 
bound  neither  by  duty  nor  obligation.  And  yet,  such  is  often 
the  inequality  of  crimes  and  punishments  in  this  world,  that 
Churchill  was  raised  to  the  pinnacle  of  greatness  by  the  very 
conduct  which  consigned  Ney,  with  justice,  so  far  as  his  con¬ 
duct  is  concerned,  to  an  ignominious  death. 

"Treason  ne’er  prospers  ;  for  when  it  does, 

None  dare  call  it  treason.” 

History  forgets  its  first  and  noblest  duty  when  it  fails,  by 
its  distribution  of  praise  and  blame,  to  counterbalance,  so  far 
as  its  verdict  can,  this  inequality,  which,  for  inscrutable  but 
doubtless  wise  purposes,  Providence  has  permitted  hi  this  tran¬ 
sient  scene.  Charity  forbids  us  to  scrutinize  such  conduct  too 
severely.  It  is  the  deplorable  consequence  of  a  successful  rev¬ 
olution,  even  when  commenced  for  the  most  necessary  pur¬ 
poses,  to  obliterate  the  ideas  of  man  on  right  and  wrong,  and 
to  leave  no  other  test  in  the  general  case  for  public  conduct 
but  success :  its  first  effect,  to  place  men  in  such  tiying  cir¬ 
cumstances  that  nothing  but  the  most  confirmed  and  resolute 

C  2 


34 


THE  LIFE  OF 


virtue  can  pass  unscathed  through  the  ordeal.  He  knew  the 
human  heart  well  who  commanded  us  in  our  daily  prayers  to 
supplicate  not  to  be  led  into  temptation,  even  before  asking 
for  deliverance  from  evil.  Let  no  man  be  sure,  however 
much,  on  a  calm  survey,  he  may  condemn  the  conduct  of 
Marlborough  and  Ney,  that  in  similar  circumstances  he  would 
not  have  done  the  same.* 

The  magnitude  of  the  service  rendered  by  Churchill  to  the 
Honors  and  P1'™06  °f  Orange  immediately  appeared  in  the 
commands  be-  commands  conferred  upon  him.  Hardly  was  he 

etowed  on  .  ,  ,  J 

Churchill.  He  settled  at  Yv  illiam’s  headquarters  when  he  was  dis- 

6igns  the  Act  ,  , 

of  Association  patched  to  London  to  assume  the  command  of  the 
William.  Horse  Guards  ;  and,  while  there,  he  signed,  on  the 
20th  of  December,  1688,  the  famous  Act  of  Association  in  fa¬ 
vor  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  Shortly  after,  he  was  named 
lieutenant-general  of  the  armies  of  William,  and  immediately 
made  a  new  organization  of  the  troops,  under  officers  whom 
he  could  trust,  which  proved  of  the  utmost  service  to  William 

*  Marlborough,  on  leaving  the  king,  sent  the  following  letter  to  him : 
“  Sir, — Since  men  are  seldom  suspected  of  sincerity  when  they  act  contrary 
to  their  interests,  and  though  my  dutiful  behavior  to  your  majesty  in  the 
worst  of  times  (for  which  I  acknowledge  my  poor  sendees  much  overpaid) 
may  not  be  sufficient  to  incline  you  to  a  charitable  interpretation  of  my  ac¬ 
tions,  yet  I  hope  the  great  advantage  I  enjoy  under  your  majesty,  which  I 
can  not  expect  to  enjoy  under  any  other  government,  may  reasonably  con¬ 
vince  your  majesty  and  the  world  that  I  am  actuated  by-  a  higher  principle 
when  I  offer  that  violence  to  my  inclination  and  interest  as  to  desert  your 
majesty  at  a  time  when  your  affairs  seem  to  challenge  the  strictest  obedience 
from  all  your  subjects,  much  more  from  one  who  lies  under  such  obligations 
to  your  majesty.  This,  sir,  could  proceed  from  nothing  but  the  inviolable 
dictates  of  my  conscience,  and  a  necessary  concern  for  my  religion  (which 
no  good  man  can  oppose),  and  with  which,  I  am  instructed,  nothing  can 
come  in  competition.  Heaven  knows  with  what  partiality  my  dutiful  re¬ 
gard  for  your  majesty  has  hitherto  represented  those  unhappy  dangers  which 
inconsiderate  and  self-interested  men  have  framed  against  your  majesty’s 
true  interest  and  the  Protestant  religion ;  but  as  I  can  no  longer  join  with 
such  to  give  a  pretense  by  conduct  to  bring  them  to  effect,  so  I  will  always, 
with  the  hazard  of  my  life  and  fortune  (so  much  your  majesty’s  due),  en¬ 
deavor  to  preserve  your  royal  person  and  lawful  rights  with  all  the  tender 
concern  and  dutiful  respect  that  becomes  me.” — Lord  Churchill  to  James  IL, 
Nov.  12,  1688.  Ledyard,  i.,  75. 


MAR.  L  BOROUGH. 


35 


on  the  unstable  throne  on  which  he  was  soon  after  seated. 
He  was  present  at  most  of  the  long  and  momentous  debates 
which  took  place  in  the  House  of  Peers  on  the  question  on 
whom  the  crown  should  be  conferred,  and  at  first  inclined  to 
a  regency ;  but  with  a  commendable  delicacy  he  absented  him¬ 
self  on  the  night  of  the  decisive  vote  on  the  vacancy  of  the 
throne.  He  voted,  however,  on  the  Gth  of  February  for  the 
resolution  which  settled  the  crown  on  William  and  Mary ;  and 
he  assisted  at  their  coronation,  under  the  title  of  Earl  of  Marl¬ 
borough,  to  which  he  had  shortly  before  been  elevated  by 
William. 

England  having,  on  the  accession  of  the  new  monarch,  join¬ 
ed  the  continental  league  against  France,  Marlbor-  n. 

.  .  .  .  Hisfirstserv- 

ough  received  the  command  of  the  British  auxilia-  ices  in  for- 
ry  force  in  the  Netherlands,  and  by  his  courage  and  de?* William, 
ability  contributed  in  a  remarkable  maimer  to  the  victory  of 
Walcourt.  In  1690  he  received  orders  to  return  from  Flanders 
in  order  to  assume  a  command  in  Ireland,  then  agitated  by  a 
general  insurrection  hi  favor  of  James  ;  but,  actuated  by  some 
remnant  of  attachment  to  his  old  benefactor,  he  eluded  on  va¬ 
rious  pretenses  complying  with  the  order  till  the  battle  of  the 
Boyne  had  extinguished  the  hopes  of  the  dethroned  monarch, 
when  he  came  over  and  made  himself  master  of  Cork  and  Kin- 
sale.  In  1691  he  was  sent  again  into  Flanders,  in  order  to  act 
under  the  immediate  orders  of  William,  who  was  then,  with 
heroic  constancy,  contending  with  the  still  superior  forces  of 
F ranee ;  but  hardly  had  he  landed  there  when  he  was  ar¬ 
rested,  deprived  of  all  his  commands,  and  sent  to  the  Tower 
of  London,  along  with  several  of  the  noblemen  of  distinction 
in  the  British  Senate. 

Upon  this  part  of  the  history  of  Marlborough  there  hangs 
a  veil  of  mystery,  which  all  the  papers  brought  to  jo. 
light  in  more  recent  times  have  not  entirely  remov-  Strigncs' roon 
ed.  At  the  time,  his  disgrace  was  by  many  attrib-  e^iicd%?oyail° 
uted  to  some  cutting  sarcasms  in  which  he  had  in-  lamlly- 
dulged  on  the  predilection  of  William  for  the  continental  troops, 


THE  LIFE  OF 


•j  () 

and  especially  the  Dutch  ;  by  others,  to  intrigues  conducted  by 
Lady  Marlborough  and  him,  to  obtain  for  the  Princess  Anne 
a  larger  pension  than  the  king  was  disposed  to  allow  her. 
But  neither  of  these  causes  is  sufficient  to  explain  the  fall 
and  arrest  of  a  man  so  eminent  as  Marlborough,  and  who  had 
rendered  such  important  services  to  the  newly-established  mon¬ 
arch.  It  would  appear,  from  what  has  transpired  in  later 
times,  that  a  much  more  serious  cause  had  produced  the  rup¬ 
ture  between  him  and  William.  The  charge  brought  against 
him  at  the  time,  but  not  prosecuted,  as  it  was  found  to  rest  on 
false  or  insufficient  evidence,  was  that  of  having,  along  with 
Lords  Salisbury,  Cornbury,  the  Bishop  of  Rochester,  and  Sir 
Basil  Ferebrace,  signed  the  scheme  of  an  association  for  the 
restoration  of  James.  Sir  John  Fenwick,  who  was  executed 
for  a  treasonable  correspondence  with  James  II.  shortly  after 
Marlborough’s  arrest,  declared  that  he  was  privy  to  the  design, 
had  received  the  pardon  of  the  exiled  monarch,  and  had  en¬ 
gaged  to  procure  for  him  the  adhesion  of  the  army.  The  pa¬ 
pers,  published  by  Coxe,  rather  corroborate  the  view  that  he 
was  privy  to  it ;  and  it  is  supported  by  those  found  at  Rome 
in  the  possession  of  Cardinal  York.*  That  Marlborough, 

*  "About  a  fortnight  ago,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  acquaint  you  with  what  1 
had  observed  of  some  people,  in  hopes  Mr.  Arden  would  have  called  upon 
me  as  he  promised  ;  but  I  did  not  care  to  send  it  by  the  post,  so  it  was  burn¬ 
ed.  We  had  yesterday  Sir  John  Fenwick  at  the  house,  and  I  think  it  all 
went  as  you  could  wish.  I  do  not  send  you  the  particulars,  knowing  you 
must  have  it  more  exactly  from  others  ;  but  I  should  be  wanting  if  I  did  not 
let  you  know  that  Lord  Rochester  has  behaved  himself,  on  all  this  occasion, 
like  a  friend.  In  a  conversation  he  had  with  me,  he  expressed  himself  as  a 
real  servant  of  yours ;  and  I  think  it  would  not  be  amiss  if  you  took  notice 
of  it  to  him.  If  you  think  me  capable  of  any  commands,  I  shall  endeavor  to 
approve  myself  what  I  am,  with  much  truth,''  &c. — Marlborough  to  the  Duke 
of  Shrewsbury  (a  Catholic  leader  and  Royalist).  Wednesday  night,  no  date. 
Shrewsbury  Papers,  and  Coxe,  i.,  85. 

“  During  the  interval  between  the  liberation  of  Marlborough  and  the  death 
of  Clueen  Mary,  we  find  him,  in  conjunction  with  Godolphin  and  many  others, 
maintaining  a  clandestine  intercourse  with  the  exiled  family.  On  the  2d  of 
May,  1694,  only  a  few  days  before  he  offered  his  services  to  King  William, 
he  communicated  to  James,  through  Colonel  Sackville,  intelligence  of  an  ex¬ 
pedition  then  fitting  out  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  fleet  in  Brest  liar- 


MARLBOROUGH 


37 


disgusted  with  the  partiality  of  William  for  his  Dutch  troops, 
and  irritated  at  the  open  severity  of  his  government,  should 
have  repented  of  his  abandonment  of  his  former  sovereign  and 
benefactor,  is  highly  probable.  But  it  can  scarcely  be  taken 
as  an  apology  for  one  act  of  treason  that  he  meditated  the  com¬ 
mission  of  another.  It  only  shows  how  perilous,  in  public  as  in 
private  life,  is  any  deviation  from  the  path  of  integrity,  that  it 
impelled  such  a  man  into  so  tortuous  and  disreputable  a  path. 

But  Marlborough  was  a  man  whose  services  were  too  val¬ 
uable  to  the  newly-established  dynasty  to  be  per-  lr! 
mitted  to  remain  long  in  disgrace.  He  was  soon  ^Vrompris- 
liberated  from  the  Tower,  as  no  sufficient  evidence  a 

of  his  alleged  accession  to  the  conspiracy  had  been  to  lavor- 
obtained.  Several  years  elapsed,  however,  before  he  emerged 
from  the  privacy  into  which  he  prudently  retired  on  his  liber¬ 
ation  from  confinement.  Queen  Mary  having  been  carried 
off’ by  the  small-pox  on  the  17th  of  January,  1696,  Marlbor¬ 
ough  wisely  abstained  from  even  taking  part  in  the  debates 
which  followed  in  Parliament,  during  which  some  of  the  mal¬ 
contents  dropped  hints  as  to  the  propriety  of  conferring  the 
crown  on  his  immediate  patroness,  the  Princess  Anne.  This 
prudent  reserve,  together  with  the  absence  of  any  decided 
proofs  at  the  time  of  Marlborough’s  correspondence  with 
James,  seems  to  have  at  length  weakened  William’s  resent¬ 
ment,  and  by  degrees  he  -was  taken  back  into  favor.  The 
peace  of  Ryswick,  signed  on  the  20th  of  September,  1697, 
having  consolidated  the  power  of  that  monarch,  Marlborough 
was,  on  the  19th  of  June,  1698,  made  preceptor  of  the  young 
Duke  of  Gloucester,  his  nephew,  son  of  the  Princess  Anne,  and 
heir-presumptive  to  the  throne  ;  and  this  appointment,  which 
at  once  restored  liis  credit  at  court,  was  accompanied  by  the 
gracious  expression,  “  My  lord,  make  my  nephew  to  resem- 

bor.” — Coxe’s  Marlborough,  i.,  75.  “  Marlborough’s  conduct  to  the  Stuarts,” 

says  Lord  Mahon,  “was  a  foul  blot  on  his  memory.  To  the  last  he  persever¬ 
ed  in  those  deplorable  intrigues.  In  October,  1713,  he  protested  to  a  Jaco¬ 
bite  agent  he  would  rather  have  his  hands  cut  off  than  do  any  thing  to  prej¬ 
udice  King  James.” — Mahon,  i.,  21,  22. 

D 


38 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Lie  yourself,  and  he  will  he  every  tiling  which  I  can  desire.” 
On  the  same  day  he  was  restored  to  his  rank  as  a  privy  coun¬ 
selor,  and  took  the  oaths  and  his  seat  accordingly. 

So  fully  had  he  now  regained  the  confidence  of  William, 
that  he  was  three  times  named  one  of  the  nine 
hrds  justiciars  to  whom  the  administration  of  af- 
mandta'tbe  fa*rs  Great  Britain  wras  subsequently  intrusted 
Netherlands.  cJur[ng  the  temporary  absence  of  William  in  Hol¬ 
land  ;  and  the  War  of  the  Succession  having  become  certain 
in  the  year  1700,  that  monarch,  wh®  was  preparing  to  take 
an  active  part  in  it,  appointed  Marlborough,  on  the  1st  of  June, 
1701,  his  embassador  extraordinary  at  the  Hague,  and  com¬ 
mander-in-chief  of  the  allied  forces  in  Flanders.  This  double 
appointment  in  effect  invested  Marlborough  with  the  entire 
direction  of  affairs,  civil  aud  military,  so  far  as  England  was 
concerned,  on  the  Continent.  William,  who  was  highly  in¬ 
dignant  at  the  recognition  of  the  Chevalier  St.  George  as 
King  of  England  on  the  deatli  of  his  father,  James  II.,  in 
September,  1701,  was  preparing  to  prosecute  the  war  with 
the  vigor  and  perseverance  which  so  eminently  distinguished 
his  character,  when  he  wras  carried  off’  by  the  effects  of  a  fall 
from  his  horse,  on  the  19th  of  March,  1702.  But  that  event 
made  no  alteration  in  the  part  which  England  took  in  the  war 
which  was  commencing,  and  it  augmented  rather  than  dimin¬ 
ished  the  influence  which  Marlborough  had  hi  its  direction. 
The  Princess  Anne,  with  whom,  both  individually  and  through 
Lady  Marlborough,  he  was  so  ultimately  connected,  mounted 
the  throne  without  opposition  ;  and  by  one  of  her  first  acts  the 
queen  bestowed  on  Marlborough  the  order  of  the  Garter,  con- 
finned  liim  in  his  former  offices,  and  appointed  him,  in  addi¬ 
tion,  her  plenipotentiary  to  the  Hague.  War  wras  declared 
on  the  15th  of  May,  1702,  and  Marlborough  immediately  went 
over  to  the  Netherlands  to  take  the  command  of  the  allied 
army,  sixty  thousand  strong,  then  lying  before  Nimeguen, 
which  was  threatened  by  a  superior  force  on  the  part  of  the 
French. 


MARYBOROUGH. 


39 


It  is  at  this  period — June,  1702 — that  the  great  and  mem¬ 
orable,  and,  withal,  blameless  period  of  Marlhor-  15. 

At  which  pe- 

ough’s  life  commenced.  The  next  ten  years  were  riod  the  Bien- 

_  .  heim  Papers 

one  unbroken  series  of  efforts,  victories,  and  glory,  commenced. 
He  arrived  in  the  camp  at  Nimeguen  on  the  evening  of  the 
2d  of  July,  having  been  a  few  weeks  before  at  the  Hague,  and 
immediately  assumed  the  command.  Lord  Athlone,  who 
had  previously  enjoyed-  that  situation,  at  first  laid  claim  to 
an  equal  authority  with  him  ;  but  this  rubious  division,  which 
never  is  safe  save  with  fucn  so  great  as  he  and  Eugene,  and 
would  unquestionably  have  proved  ruinous  to  the  common 
cause  had  Athlone  been  his  partner  in  command,  was  pre¬ 
vented  by  the  States  General,  who  nisisted  upon  the  undi¬ 
vided  direction  being  conferred  on  Marlborough.  Most  for¬ 
tunately,  it  is  precisely  at  this  period  that  the  Dispatches 
commence,  which  present  an  unbroken  series  of  his  letters  to 
persons  of  every  description,  down  to  liis  dismissal  from  office 
in  May,  1712.  They  thus  embrace  the  early  successes  in 
Flanders,  the  cross  march  into  Bavaria  and  battle  of  Blen¬ 
heim,  the  expulsion  of  the  French  from  Germany,  the  battle 
of  Ramillies,  and  taking  of  Brussels  and  Antwerp,  the  mission 
to  the  King  of  Sweden  at  Dresden,  the  battle  of  Almanza  in 
Spain,  those  of  Oudenarde,  Malplaquet,  and  all  the  sieges  in 
Flanders,  and  all  the  important  events  of  the  war  down  to  its 
close.  More  weighty  and  momentous  materials  for  history 
never  were  presented  to  the  public  ;  and  their  importance 
will  not  be  properly  appreciated  if  the  previous  condition  of 
Europe,  and  imminent  hazard  to  the  independence  of  all  the 
adjoining  states,  from  the  unmeasured  ambition  and  vast  pow- 
■>r  of  Louis  XIV.,  are  not  taken  into  consideration. 

Accustomed  as  we  are  to  regard  the  Bourbons  as  a  fallen 
and  unfortunate  race,  the  objects  rather  of  com-  i6. 
miseration  than  apprehension,  and  Napoleon  as  of  thePBomr 
the  only  sovereign  who  has  really  threatened  our  period^and'3 
independence,  and  all  but  effected  the  subjugation  e™ 

of  the  Continent,  we  can  scarcely  conceive  the  ter-  cited- 


40 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ror  with  which,  a  century  and  a  half  ago,  the  monarch  of 
that  race,  with  reason,  inspired  all  Europe,  or  the  narrow 
escape  which  the  continental  states,  at  least,  then  made  from 
being  reduced  to  the  condition  of  provinces  of  France.  The 
forces  of  that  monarchy,  at  all  times  formidable  to  its  neigh¬ 
bors,  from  the  warlike  spirit  of  its  inhabitants,  and  their  ra¬ 
pacious  disposition,  conspicuous  alike  in  the  earliest  and  the 
latest  times  ;*  its  central  situation,  forming,  as  it  were,  the 
salient  angle  of  a  bastion  projecting  into  the  center  of  Ger¬ 
many,  and  its  numerous  population,  were  then,  in  a  peculiar 
manner,  to  be  dreaded,  from  the  concentration  of  the  elements 
of  power  thus  afforded  hi  the  hands  of  an  able  and  ambitious 
monarch,  who  had  succeeded  for  the  first  time,  for  two  hund¬ 
red  years,  in  healing  the  divisions  and  stilling  the  feuds  of  its 
nobles,  and  turning  their  buoyant  energy  into  the  channel  of 
foreign  conquest.  Immense  was  the  force  which,  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  this  able  policy,  was  found  to  exist  in  France,  and 
terrible  the  danger  to  which  it  at  once  exposed  the  neighbor¬ 
ing  states. 

France  was  rendered  the  more  formidable  in  the  time  of 
!7.  Louis  XIV.  from  the  remarkable  talents  which  he 
by  whichThe  himself  possessed,  and  the  unbounded  ambition  by 
ofFrancffwas  which  he  was  actuated,  the  extraordinary  concen- 
directed.  tration  of  talent  which  his  discernment  or  good  for¬ 
tune  had  collected  round  his  throne,  and  the  consummate 
abilities,  civil  and  military,  with  which  affairs  were  directed. 
Turemie,  Boufflers,  and  Conde  were  his  generals  ;  Vauban 
was  his  engineer  ;  Louvois  and  Torcy  were  his  statesmen. 
The  luster  of  the  exploits  of  these  illustrious  men,  in  itself 
great,  was  much  enhanced  by  the  still  greater  blaze  of  fame 
which  encircled  his  throne,  from  the  genius  of  the  literary 
men  who  have  given  such  immortal  celebrity  to  his  reign. 
Corneille  and  Racine  were  his  tragedians  ;  Moliere  wrote  his 
comedies  ;  Bossuet,  Fenelon,  and  Bourdaloue  were  his  theo- 

*  “  Galli  turpe  esse  ducunt  frumentam  raanu  quaerere ;  itaque  armati 
alienos  agros  demetunt.” — C.ESAR. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


41 


logians  ;  Massillon  his  preacher  ;  Boileau  his  critic  ;  Le  No¬ 
tre  laid  out  his  gardens  ;  Le  Brun  painted  his  halls.  Great¬ 
ness  had  come  upon  France,  as,  in  truth,  it  does  to  most  other 
states,  in  all  departments  at  the  same  time  ;  and  the  adjoin¬ 
ing  nations,  alike  intimidated  hy  a  power  which  they  could 
not  resist,  and  dazzled  hy  a  glory  which  they  could  not  emu¬ 
late,  had  come  almost  to  despair  of  maintaining  their  inde¬ 
pendence,  and  were  sinking  into  that  state  of  apathy  which 
is  at  once  the  consequence  and  the  cause  of  extraordinary  re¬ 
verses. 

The  influence  of  these  causes  had  distinctly  appeared  in 
the  extraordinary  good  fortune  which  had  attended  i8 
the  enterprises  of  Louis,  and  the  numerous  con- 
quests  he  had  made  since  he  had  lanched  into  the  hitherto  at- 
career  of  foreign  aggrandizement.  Nothing  had 
been  able  to  resist  his  victorious  arms.  At  the  terPnses- 
head  of  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand  men,  directed  hy  Tu- 
renne,  he  had  speedily  overrun  Flanders.  Its  fortified  cities 
yielded  to  the  science  of  Vauban,  or  the  terrors  of  his  name. 
The  boasted  harrier  of  the  Netherlands  was  passed  in  a  few 
weeks ;  hardly  any  of  its  far-famed  fortresses  made  any  re¬ 
sistance.  The  passage  of  the  Rhine  was  achieved  under  the 
eyes  of  the  monarch  with  little  loss,  and  with  melo-dramatic 
effect.  One  half  of  Holland  was  soon  subdued,  and  the  pres¬ 
ence  of  the  French  army  at  the  gates  of  Amsterdam  seemed 
to  presage  immediate  destruction  to  the  United  Provinces  ; 
and,  but  for  the  firmness  of  their  leaders,  and  a  fortunate 
combination  of  circumstances,  unquestionably  would  have 
done  so.  The  alliance  with  England  in  the  early  part  of  his 
reign,  and  the  junction  of  the  fleets  of  Britain  and  France  to 
ruin  their  fleets  and  blockade  their  harbors,  seemed  to  de¬ 
prive  these  states  of  their  last  resource,  derived  from  their 
energetic  industry.  Nor  were  substantial  fruits  wanting 
from  these  conquests.  Alsace  and  Franche  Comte  were 
overrun,  and,  with  Lorraine,  permanently  annexed  to  the 
French  monarchy;  and  although,  by  the  treaties  of  Aix-la- 

D  2 


42 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Chapelle  and  Nimeguen,  part  of  the  acquisitions  of  Louis  in 
Flanders  were  abandoned,  enough  was  retained  by  the  de¬ 
vouring  monarchy  to  deprive  the  Dutch  of  the  harrier  they 
had  so  ardently  desired,  and  render  their  situation  to  the  last 
degree  precarious  in  the  neighborhood  of  so  formidable  a 
power. 

It  was  the  ambition  and  detestable  cruelty  of  the  Church 
TT  19-  ,  of  Rome  which  first  produced,  and  probably  alone 

Hopes  and  r  1  J 

schemes  of  the  could  have  produced,  a  reaction  against  these 

Catholic  party  1  ° 

throughout  dangers.  Intoxicated  with  the  success  which 

Europe  at  this 

time.  Their  had  in  many  quarters  attended  its  efforts,  and  in 

ultimate  fail-  . 

ure.  an  especial  maimer  m  France,  for  the  extirpation 

of  heresy,  its  leaders  thought  nothing  could  resist  their  power. 
The  long  triumphs  and  well-known  orthodoxy  of  Louis  XIV. 
gave  them  the  greatest  hopes  that  he  would  employ  his  vast 
power  and  great  capacity  in  effecting  that  unity  in  the  Church 
which  he  had  so  long  labored  to  produce  in  the  temporal  ad¬ 
ministration  of  his  monarchy  ;  while  the  secret  inclination  of 
James  II.,  revealed  to  his  spiritual  guides,  made  the  leaders 
of  the  Romish  Church  aware  that  he  was  resolutely  bent  on 
re-establishing  the  Catholic  faith  in  his  dominions,  or,  at  least, 
in  restoring  it  to  such  a  degree  of  power  and  consideration,  as 
with  so  aspiring  a  body  would  have  amounted,  in  effect,  to 
the  same  tiling.  His  character — bold,  sincere,  and  enterpris¬ 
ing,  but  withal  rash,  bigoted,  and  inconsiderate — appeared  to 
promise  the  fairest  chance  of  success  to  such  a  design.  The 
moment  seemed  beyond  all  hope  favorable  for  a  general  ag¬ 
gression  on  the  Protestant  faith ;  for  in  F ranee  was  an  able 
and  powerful  monarch,  who  considered,  and  perhaps  with 
reason,  unity  hi  religion  as  indispensable  to  his  great  object  of 
centralization  in  temporal  power  ;  and  in  England  a  devout 
and  daring  Catholic  was  on  the  throne,  wrhose  efforts,  sup¬ 
ported  by  a  considerable  party  in  Great  Britain  and  a  very 
large  one  in  Ireland,  promised  ere  long  to  render  the  British 
empire,  hitherto  the  strong  hold  of  the  Reformed,  the  chief 
outwork  of  the  ancient  faith.  The  two  rival  powers,  whose 


MARLBOROUGH. 


43 


jealousy  and  rival  pretensions  had  so  long  desolated  Europe, 
and  whose  opposite  creeds  had  recently  still  more  widely  sev¬ 
ered  them  from  each  other,  were  now  united  in  close  alliance, 
under  governments  alike  anxious  for  the  restoration  of  unity 
in  matters  of  religion.  And  yet  so  short-sighted  are  often  the 
conclusions  of  human  sagacity,  even  when  founded  on  the 
most  apparently  reasonable  grounds,  or  so  entirely  are  they 
overruled  by  a  Superior  Power,  that  to  the  consequence  of 
this  very  aggression  may  be  traced,  by  a  clear  chain  of  causes 
and  effects,  the  curbing  of  the  power  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  the 
establishment  of  the  Reformed  faith  on  a  solid  foundation  hi 
the  north  of  Europe. 

The  onset  of  the  Church  of  Rome  against  that  of  Luther 
commenced  in  both  countries  at  the  same  time.  D.  ~°- 

Simultaneous 

In  1685  the  Edict  of  Nantes  was  revoked  by  Louis  attacks  on  the 

J  Protestants  in 

XIV.,  and  those  sanguinary  military  executions  France  and 
°  J  _  England  irre- 

began  which  have  reflected  such  disgrace  on  his  vocabiy  sepa- 
.  .  rate  the  two 

reign.  In  1687  the  persecution  of  the  Protestants,  countries, 
and  measures  evidently  designed  for  the  re-establishment  of 
the  Romish  faith,  commenced  hi  Great  Britain.  The  result 
was  different  hi  the  two  countries.  In  France,  four  hundred 
thousand  weephig  citizens  were  sent  hito  exile,  who  carried 
hito  foreign  states  their  hidustry,  their  arts,  their  hatred  of 
Roman  Catholic  oppression.  In  England,  the  reigning  dy¬ 
nasty  was  expelled  from  the  throne,  and  carried  to  foreign 
courts  the  inextinguishable  desire  to  regain  its  inheritance. 
Europe  was  permanently  divided  by  these  great  events.  The 
wrongs  committed,  the  injuries  suffered  on  both  sides,  were 
too  great  to  be  forgiven.  On  the  one  side  was  a  throne  over¬ 
turned,  a  race  of  sovereigns  in  exile  ;  on  the  other  were  half 
a  million  of  persecuted  human  beings  wanderhig  hi  foreign 
lands.  Temporal  wrongs  of  the  deepest  dye  had  come  to  be 
superadded  to  religious  divisions.  Alliances  on  both  sides  fol¬ 
lowed,  and  revealed  the  vehement  passions  winch  were  felt. 
The  League  of  Augsburg,  first  signed  on  the  9th  of  July, 
1686,  muted  Austria,  Spain,  Holland,  Saxony,  Swabia — to 


44 


THE  LIFE  OF 


which,  after  the  revolution  of  1688,  was  added  England- 
against  France  ;  while  Louis  XIV.  contracted  an  alliance  of 
the  closest  kind  with  the  exiled  James,  now  established  at 
St.  Germains,  entered  into  correspondence  with  the  Royalists 
and  Catholics  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  commenced 
those  dark  intrigues  at  the  court  of  Madrid  which  ere  long 
ed  to  the  War  of  the  Succession. 


The  heroic  William  struggled  not  in  vain  for  the  inde- 
21.  pendence  of  his  country.  The  distant  powers  ot 

Efiorts  of  V,  . 

william  hi.  Europe,  at  length  awakened  to  a  sense  oi  then-  dan- 

to  avert  the  ,  „  ... 

danger.  ger,  made  strenuous  eflorts  to  coerce  the  ambition 
of  France.  The  revolution  of  1688  had  restored  England  to 
its  natural  place  in  the  van  of  the  contest  for  continental  free¬ 
dom  ;  and  the  peace  of  Ryswick  in  1697  saw  the  tropliies  of 
conquest  in  some  degree  more  equally  balanced  between  the 
contending  parties.  But  still  it  was  with  difficulty  that  the 
affiance  kept  its  ground  against  Louis  ;  any  untoward  event, 
the  defection  of  any  considerable  power,  would  at  once,  it  was 
felt,  cast  the  balance  in  his  favor  ;  and  all  history  had  demon¬ 
strated  how  many  are  the  chances  against  any  considerable 
confederacy  keeping  for  any  length  of  time  together,  when  the 
immediate  danger  which  had  stilled  their  jealousies,  and  bound 
together  their  separate  interests,  is  in  appearance  removed. 
Such  was  the  dubious  and  anxious  state  of  Europe  when  the 
death  of  Charles  II.  at  Madrid,  on  the  1st  of  November,  1700, 
and  the  bequest  of  his  vast  territories  to  Philip,  duke  of  Anjou, 
second  son  of  the  dauphin,  and  grandson  of  Louis  XIV., 
threatened  at  once  to  place  the  immense  resources  of  the  Cas¬ 
tilian  monarchy  at  the  disposal  of  the  ambitious  monarch  of 
France,  whose  passion  for  glory  had  not  diminished  with  Ins 
advancing  years,  and  whose  want  of  moderation  was  soon 
evinced  by  his  accepting,  after  an  affected  hesitation,  the 
splendid  bequest. 

The  maimer  in  which  this  bequest  in  favor  of  the  Bourbons 
had  been  brought  about  was  very  curious,  and  more  cred¬ 
itable  to  the  astuteness  and  ability  bf  the  diplomatists  of 


MARLBOROUGH 


45 


Louis  XIV.  than  either  the  integrity  or  foresight  „ 

0  J  n  Manner  in 

of  the  allied  cabinets.  At  first  sight,  it  seemed  the  whi<'h  th<’  be- 

°  quest  ol  Spain 

most  extraordhiary  thing  imaginable  that  an  Aus-  t0  the  Duke  oi 

Anjou  had 

trian  prince,  the  descendant  of  Charles  V.,  should  been  obtained, 
have  bequeathed  Lis  dominions  to  the  grandson  of  Louis  XIV., 
the  hereditary  enemy  of  his  house,  in  preference  to  his  own 
family,  seated  on  the  archducal  throne  of  Austria.  But  the  se¬ 
cret  has  been  revealed  by  the  publication,  in  later  times,  of  the 
secrets  of  diplomacy,  of  which  Smollett  and  our  earlier  writers 
were  either  ignorant,  or  which  they  were  guilty  of  concealing.* 
It  appears  that  the  principal  powers  of  Europe,  aware  of  the 
approaching  demise  of  the  Spanish  king  without  descendants, 
had  come  not  only  to  speculate  on  the  chances  of  the  succes¬ 
sion,  but  had  actually  entered  into  secret  treaties  among  each 
other  for  the  partition  of  his  dominions.  In  this  nefarious 
scheme  of  spoliation,  Louis  XIV.  and  William  III.  of  England 
took  a  prominent  part,  and  the  accession  of  Holland  was  ob¬ 
tained  by  promising  her  government  a  large  share  of  the  spoils. 
The  first  conference  on  the  subject  took  place  between  the 
embassadors  of  the  three  great  powers  at  the  time  of  the  treaty 
of  llyswick,  and  the  first  formal  treaty  was  signed  at  the 
Hague  on  the  11th  of  October,  1698.  By  it,  the  Spanish 
monarchy  in  the  Peninsula  was  to  be  ceded  to  the  Prince 
Electoral  of  Bavaria,  with  Flanders  and  the  Low  Countries. 
Naples,  Sicily,  Tuscany,  and  Guipuscoa  fell  to  France,  and 
the  Duchy  of  Milan  to  the  Archduke  Charles,  second  son  of 
the  Emperor  of  Germany.  England,  to  its  credit  be  it  said, 
was  to  gain  nothing  by  this  partition.! 

What  care  soever  the  contracting  parties  took  to  keep  this 
treaty  secret,  it  transpired,  and  excited,  as  well  it  might,  the 
most  vehement  indignation  in  the  cabinets  of  Viemia  and 
Madrid.  William  secretly  informed  the  emperor  of  its  sig- 

*  See  Smollett,  vol.  i.,  c.  vii.,  §  37,  where  not  a  word  is  said  of  the 
formal  treaty  of  partition  of  Spain. 

t  See  the  treaty  in  Memoires  de  Torcy,  P.  i.,  p.  57 ;  Sismondi,  Hist,  tie 
France,  xxvi.,  276 ;  and  Capefigue,  Hisloire  de  Louis  XIV.,  iv.,  270,  271 


4G 


THE  LIFE  OF 


,,  ,2;;  .  nature  ;*  and  the  result  of  the  deliberations  of  the 

r  reeh  treaty 

of  partition  Austrian  family  was,  that  the  Kiny  of  Spain  made 
France,  En-  a  testament,  in  which  he  bequeathed  his  whole  do- 

gland,  and  e  * 

Holland.  minions  to  the  Electoral  Prince  of  Bavaria,  under 
the  solemn  injunction  to  resist  any  attempt  at  partition.  Had 
tliis  prince  lived,  all  the  calamities  which  followed  might  have 
been  averted  ;  hut  his  death,  which  happened  on  the  8th  of 
February,  1699,  threw  every  thing  open  again,  and  exposed 
Spain  afresh  to  the  cupidity  of  the  allied  powers.  Negotia¬ 
tions  again  began  afresh  at  the  Hague,  and  on  this  occasion 
England  became  a  participator  in  the  expected  spoil.  The 
result  was  a  second  treaty  of  partition,  signed  on  the  13th  of 
March,  1700,  at  the  Hague,  between  England,  France,  and 
Holland,  without  the  privity  of  the  emperor.  By  it,  the  whole 
Spanish  dominions  were  to  be  divided  between  the  contract¬ 
ing  parties  in  the  following  proportions.  France  was  to  re¬ 
ceive  Naples,  Sicily,  Guipuscoa,  and  Lorraine  ;  and  Archduke 
Charles,  second  son  of  the  Archduke  of  Austria,  was  to  obtain 
Spain,  the  Low  Countries,  and  the  Indies,  on  condition  of  re¬ 
nouncing  any  other  succession.  But  by  secret  articles  annexed 
to  this  treaty,  the  Spanish  colonies  beyond  seas  were  to  be  di¬ 
vided  between  England  and  Holland. f  Both  of  the  latter 
powers  were  at  the  moment  in  alliance  with  Spain,  and  had 
fought  by  her  side  in  the  very  last  war,  which  lasted  from 
1689  to  1697.  It  may  safely  be  affirmed  that  a  more  in¬ 
famous  proceeding  is  not  recorded  in  history ;  and  it  reveals 
the  melancholy  truth  that  the  human  heart  is  ever  the  same, 
under  whatever  banners  it  may  be  enlisted  ;  and  that,  under 
the  mask  of  zeal  for  liberty  and  the  reformed  religion,  may  be 

*  Sismondi,  xxvi.,  277. 

t  Pais  des  articles  joints  da  traite,  les  colonies  Espagnoles  etaient  cedees 
a  la  Grande  Bretagne  et  a  la  Hollande,  seule  avantage  materielle  qu'elle 
et  l’autre  retiraient  de  ces  stipulations.  On  donnait  beaucoup  a  la  France, 
parceque  Louis  XIV.  reconnaissait  Guillaume  III.  et  les  gouveruemens 
uouveaux,  qui  veulent  le  faire  admettre  par  les  vooux  sont  obliges  a  des  sac¬ 
rifices. — Capefigue,  Hist,  de  Louis  XIV.,  iv.,  277;  Lombardy,  i.,  97; 
Schodl,  ii.t  13,  14. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


47 


concealed  ambition  as  grasping,  and  perfidy  as  black,  as  ever 
lurked  under  the  crown  of  kings  or  the  cowl  of  priestly 
tyranny ! 

Uniting  duplicity  toward  Iris  new  allies  with  ambition  to¬ 
ward  his  old  enemies,  Louis  had  no  sooner  con-  24. 
eluded  this  treaty  than  he  secretly  caused  it  to  be  JdgVof°tMg 
communicated  to  Charles  II.,  king  of  Spain,  naorf determ- 
through  his  secretary  of  state,  Abilles.  The  in-  o*f  Spain  to  tile 
telligence  threw  the  declining  monarch,  as  well  it  vorTf  the  fa" 
might,  into  the  utmost  consternation.  He  address-  Bollrbous- 
ed  in  vain  the  most  pressing  remonstrances  to  the  cabinets  of 
Versailles,  London,  and  the  Hague,  pointing  out,  in  just  and 
emphatic  terms,  the  glaring  injustice  of  friendly  and  allied 
powers  concluding  a  treaty  for  the  partition  of  the  dominions 
of  a  sovereign  before  he  had  yet  sunk  into  the  grave.  It  was 
all  in  vain.  The  ambition  of  Ffance,  England,  and  Holland 
was  proof  against  every  consideration  of  honor,  or  faith,  or 
justice.  The  French  embassador  at  Madrid  got  orders  to 
quit  that  capital ;  the  Spanish  embassador  at  London  receiv¬ 
ed  his  passports  ;  a  large  French  army  was  collecting  on  the 
Guipuscoa  frontier  of  the  Pyrenees.  War  seemed  inevit¬ 
able  ;  the  fate  which  subsequently  befell  Poland  seemed  to 
threaten  Spain  the  moment  its  present  sovereign  should  be 
no  more.  In  this  extremity,  Charles  II.  convened  his  council 
of  state,  and  submitted  the  matter  to  their  decision.  By  a 
large  majority,  they  determined  that  a  bequest  in  favor  of  the 
Duke  of  Anjou,  grandson  of  Louis  XIV.,  was  the  most  ad¬ 
visable  step,  as  he  was  the  only  monarch  capable  of  preventing 
a  partition  ;  and  the  old  king,  sacrificing  the  partiality  of 
family  and  race  to  aroused  indignation  and  sentiments  of  na¬ 
tionality,  consented  to  do  so,  and  signed  the  bequest  which  hi 
volved  Europe  in  conflagration. 

But  though  the  origin  of  the  evil  was  to  be  found  in  their 
own  unjustifiable  ambition,  it  was  not  the  less  real,  or  deserv¬ 
ing  of  immediate  consideration.  Threatened  with  so  serious 
a  danger,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  powers  of  Europe  were 


48 


THE  LIFE  OF 


25.  in  the  utmost  alarm,  and  ere  long  took  steps  to 

danger  which  endeavor  to  avert  it.  All  had  injuries  to  avenge, 
th^conUuen-  or  inheritances  to  regain.  Austria  armed  to  re- 
ti'om°thisSac-  ?ain  the  Spanish  succession,  reft  from  its  family  by 
powerVf  016  ^le  ambition  and  diplomatic  ability  of  the  cabinet 
i  ranee.  0f  Versailles..  England  had  a  double  motive  for 
hostihty :  she  had  danger  to  avert,  and  the  mortification  of 
being  duped  to  avenge.  Holland  saw  the  enemy  at  her  gates  : 
the  white  flag  floated  on  the  bastions  of  Antwerp.  Such, 
however,  was  the  terror  inspired  by  the  name  of  Louis  XIV., 
and  the  magnitude  of  the  addition  made  by  this  bequest  to  his 
power,  that  the  new  monarch,  in  the  first  instance,  ascended 
the  throne  of  Spain  and  the  Inches  without  any  opposition. 
The  Spanish  Netherlands,  so  important  both  from  their  in¬ 
trinsic  riches,  their  situation  as  the  certain  theater  of  W'ar,  and 
the  numerous  fortified  towns  with  which  they  were  studded, 
had  been  early  secured  for  the  young  Bourbon  prince  by  the 
Elector  of  Bavaria,  who  was  at  that  time  the  governor  of 
those  valuable  possessions.  The  distant  colonies  of  the  crown 
of  Castile  in  America  and  the  Inches  sent  in  their  adhesion. 
Sardinia,  Naples,  Sicily,  the  Milanese,  and  the  other  Spanish 
possessions  in  Italy,  speedily  fohowed  the  example.  The 
young  Prince  of  Anjou  made  his  formal  entry  into  Spain  in  the 
beginning  of  1701,  and  was  crowned  at  Madrid  under  the  title 
of  Philip  V.  The  principal  continental  powers,  with  the  ex¬ 
ception  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  acknowledged  liis  title  to 
the  throne.  Bavaria  united  itself  in  a  cordial  alliance  with 
France  and  Spain.  The  Dutch  were  in  despair  ;  they  beheld 
the  power  of  Louis  XIV.  brought  to  their  frontier.  Flanders, 
instead  of  being  the  barrier  of  Europe  against  France,  had 
become  the  outwork  of  France  against  Europe.  Bavaria  was 
an  important  advanced  post,  which  gave  the  armies  of  Louis 
an  entrance  into  the  heart  of  Germany.  Italy,  France,  Spain, 
Flanders,  and  part  of  Germany  were  united  in  one  close  league, 
and,  in  fact,  formed  but  one  dominion.  It  was  the  empire  of 
Charlemagne  over  again,  directed  with  equal  ability,  founded 


MARLBOROUGH. 


49 


on  greater  power,  and  backed  by  the  boundless  treasures  of  the 
Indies.  Spain  had  threatened  the  liberties  of  Europe  in  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century  :  France  had  all  but  overthrown 
them  in  the  close  of  the  seventeenth.  What  hope  was  there 
of  being  able  to  make  head  against  them  both,  united  under 
such  a  monarch  as  Louis  XIV.  ? 

Great  as  these  dangers  were,  however,  they  had  no  effect 
in  daunting  the  heroic  spirit  of  William  III.  In  o6p 
concert  with  the  emperor  and  the  United  Prov-  rtrengSTof 6 
inces,  who  were  too  nearly  threatened  to  be  back-  ?e  forceson 
ward  in  falling  into  his  views,  he  labored  for  the  sides- 
formation  of  a  great  confederacy,  which  might  prevent  the 
union  of  the  crowns  of  Fraiipe  and  Castile  in  one  family,  and 
prevent,  before  it  was  too  late,  the  consolidation  of  a  power 
which  threatened  to  be  so  formidable  to  the  liberties  of  Eu¬ 
rope.  The  death  of  that  intrepid  monarch  in  March,  1702, 
which,  had  it  taken  place  earlier,  might  have  prevented  the' 
formation  of  the  confederacy,  proved  no  impediment,  but  rath¬ 
er  the  reverse.  His  measures  had  been  so  well  taken,  his 
resolute  spirit  had  labored  with  such  e fleet,  that  the  alliance, 
offensive  and  defensive,  between  the  Emperor,  England,  and 
Holland,  had  been  already  signed.  The  accession  of  the 
Princess  Anne,  without  weakening  its  bonds,  added  another 
power  of  no  mean  importance  to  its  ranks.  Her  husband, 
Prince  George  of  Denmark,  brought  the  forces  of  that  king¬ 
dom  to  aid  the  common  cause.  Prussia  soon  after  followed 
the  example.  On  the  other  hand,  Bavaria,  closely  connected 
wth  the  French  and  Spanish  monarchies,  both  by  the  influ¬ 
ence  of  its  jealousy  of  Austria,  and  by  the  government  of  the 
Netherlands,  which  its  elector  held,  adhered  to  France.  Thus 
the  forces  of  Europe  were  mutually  arrayed  and  divided,  much 
as  they  afterward  were  in  the  coalition  against  Napoleon  in 
1813.  It  might  already  be  foreseen  that  Flanders,  the  Ba¬ 
varian  plains,  Spain,  and  Lombardy,  would,  as  in  the  great 
contest  which  followed  a  century  after,  be  the  theater  of  war. 
But  the  forces  of  France  and  Spain  possessed  tins  advantage, 

E 


50 


THE  LIFE  OF 


unknown  in  former  wars,  but  immense  in  a  military  point  of 
view,  that  they  were  in  possession  of  the  whole  of  the  Nether¬ 
lands,  the  numerous  fortresses  of  which  were  alike  valuable 
as  a  basis  of  offensive  operations,  and  as  affording  asylums  all 
but  impregnable  in  cases  of  disaster.  The  allied  generals, 
whether  they  commenced  their  operations  in  Flanders  or  on 
the  side  of  Germany,  had  to  begin  on  the  Rhine,  and  cut  their 
way  through  the  long  barrier  of  fortresses  with  which  the  ge¬ 
nius  of  Vauban  had  encircled  the  frontiers  of  the  monarchy. 


CHAPTER  II. 

CHARACTERS  OF  LOUIS  XIV.,  WILLIAM  IH.,  AND  JAMES  H. - COM¬ 
MENCEMENT  OF  THE  WAR. - BATTLE  OF  BLENHEIM. 

Louis  XIV.,  whose  unmeasured  ambition  and  diplomatic 
i-  address  had  procured  the  splendid  bequest  of  the 

Strange  di-  r  .  .  * 

versity  in  the  Spanish  succession  for  Ins  family,  was  one  of  the 

characters 

drawn  by  his-  most  remarkable  sovereigns  who  ever  sat  upon  the 

torians  of  _  J‘ 

Louis  xiv.  throne  of  France.  Yet  there  is  none  of  whose 
character,  even  at  this  comparatively  remote  period,  it  is 
more  difficult  to  form  a  just  estimate.  Beyond  measure  eulo¬ 
gized  by  the  poets,  orators,  and  annalists  of  his  own  age,  who 
lived  on  his  bounty,  or  were  flattered  by  his  address,  he  has 
been  proportionally  vilified  by  the  historians,  both  foreign  and 
national,  of  subsequent  times.  The  Roman  Catholic  writers, 
with  some  truth,  represent  him  as  the  champion  of  their  faith, 
the  sovereign  who  extirpated  the  demon  of  heresy  in  his  do¬ 
minions,  and  restored  to  the  Church,  in  undivided  unity,  the 
realm  of  France.  The  Protestant  authors,  with  not  less  rea¬ 
son,  regard  him  as  the  deadliest  enemy  of  their  religion,  and 
the  cruellest  foe  of  those  who  had  embraced  it ;  as  a  faithless 
tyrant,  who  scrupled  not,  at  the  bidding  of  bigoted  priests,  to 
violate  the  national  faith  plighted  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and 


MARLBOROUGH. 


51 


to  persecute  with  unrelenting  severity  the  unhappy  people 
who,  from  conscientious  motives,  had  broken  off  from  the 
Church  of  Rome.  One  set  of  waiters  paint  him  as  a  mag¬ 
nanimous  monarch,  whose  mind,  set  on  great  things,  and 
swayed  by  lofty  desires,  foreshadowed  those  vast  designs  which 
Napoleon,  armed  with  the  forces  of  the  Revolution,  afterward 
for  a  brief  space  realized.  Another  set  dwell  on  the  foibles  or 
the  vices  of  his  private  character — depict  him  as  alternately 
swayed  by  priests,  or  influenced  by  women  ;  selfish  in  his  de¬ 
sires,  relentless  in  his  hatred,  and  sacrificing  the  peace  of  Eu¬ 
rope,  and  endangering  the  independence  of  France,  for  the 
gratification  of  personal  vanity,  or  from  the  thirst  of  unbound¬ 
ed  ambition. 

It  is  the  fate  of  all  men  who  have  made  a  great  and  dura¬ 
ble  impression  on  human  affairs,  and  powerfully  af-  2. 
fected  the  interests,  or  thwarted  the  opinion  of  from  the 
large  bodies  of  men,  to  he  represented  in  these  op-  deeds. u* 
posite  colors  to  future  times.  The  party,  whether  in  church 
or  state,  which  they  have  elevated,  the  nation  whose  power 
or  glory  they  have  augmented,  praise  as  much  as  those  whom 
they  have  oppressed  and  injured,  w'hether  at  home  or  abroad, 
strive  to  vilify  their  memory.  But  in  the  case  of  Louis  XIV., 
this  general  propensity  has  been  greatly  increased  by  the  op¬ 
posite,  and,  at  first  sight,  inconsistent  features  of  his  character. 
There  is  almost  equal  truth  in  the  magniloquent  eulogies  of 
his  admirers,  and  hi  the  impassioned  invectives  of  his  enemies. 
Pie  was  not  less  great  and  magnanimous  than  he  is  represent¬ 
ed  by  the  elegant  flattery  of  Racine  or  Boileau,  nor  less  cruel 
and  hard-hearted  than  he  is  painted  by  the  austere  justice  of 
Sismondi  or  D’Aubigne. 

Like  many  other  men,  hut  more  than  most,  he  was  made 

up  of  lofty  and  elevated,  of  selfish  and  frivolous  3. 

Remarkable 

qualities.  He  could  alternately  boast,  with  truth,  diversities 

.  and  seeming 

that  there  was  no  longer  any  Pyrenees,  and  rival  contradic- 
his  youngest  courtiers  in  frivolous  and  often  heartless  character, 
gallantry.  In  his  younger  years  he  wras  equally  assiduous  in 


52 


THE  LIFE  OF 


his  application  to  business,  and  engrossed  with  personal  vani¬ 
ty.  When  he  ascended  the  throne,  his  first  words  were,  “  I 
intend  that  ever}'  paper,  from  a  diplomatic  dispatch  to  a  pri¬ 
vate  petition,  shall  be  submitted  to  me and  his  vast  pow¬ 
ers  of  application  enabled  him  to  compass  the  task.  Like 
Louis  Philippe,  he  was  his  own  prime  minister  ;  and  even 
when  he  acted  through  others,  he  never  failed  to  communi¬ 
cate  the  impress  of  his  own  lofty  mind  and  great  capacity  to 
the  conduct  of  all  his  subordinate  authorities.  Discerning  in 
the  choice  of  his  ministers,  swayed  only,  at  least  in  matters  of 
state,  by  powerful  intellects,  patriotic  and  unselfish  in  the 
choice  of  his  ministers,  he  collected  round  himself  the  first  tal¬ 
ent  in  France,  and  yet  preserved  his  ascendency  over  them 
all.  Yet,  at  the  same  time,  he  deserted  the  queen  for  Ma¬ 
dame  la  Vallfere,  and  soon  after  broke  La  Valliere’s  heart  by 
abandoning  her  for  Madame  de  Montespan.  In  mature  fife, 
his  ambition  to  extend  the  bounds  and  enhance  the  glory  of 
France  was  equaled  by  his  desire  to  win  the  admiration  or 
gain  the  favor  of  the  fair  sex.  In  his  later  days  he  alternate¬ 
ly  engaged  in  devout  austerities  with  Madame  de  Maintenon, 
and,  with  mournful  resolution,  asserted  the  independence  of 
France  against  Europe  in  arms.  Never  was  evinced  a  more 
striking  exemplification  of  the  saying,  so  well  known  among 
men  of  the  world,  that  no  one  is  a  hero  to  his  valet-de-cham- 
bre ;  nor  a  more  remarkable  confirmation  of  the  truth,  so  oft¬ 
en  proclaimed  by  divines,  that  characters  of  imperfect  good¬ 
ness  constitute  the  great  majority  of  mankind. 

That  he  was  a  great  man,  as  well  as  a  successful  sovereign, 
4.  is  decisively  demonstrated  by  the  mighty  changes 
wWchhe'cf-8  which  he  effected  in  his  own  realm,  as  well  as  in 
France°dur-  the  neighboring  states  of  Europe.  When  he  as¬ 
ms  his  reign.  ceuc|et[  t}le  throne,  France,  though  it  contained  the 
elements  of  greatness,  had  never  yet  become  great.  It  had 
been  alternately  wasted  by  the  ravages  of  the  English,  and 
torn  by  the  fuiy  of  the  religious  wars.  The  insurrection  of 
the  Fronde  had  shortly  before  involved  the  capital  in  all  the 


M  A  R  L  IJ  O  R  O  U  G  H. 


53 

horrors  of  civil  conflict ;  barricades  had  been  erected  in  the 
streets ;  alternate  victory  and  defeat  had  by  turns  elevated 
and  depressed  the  rival  faction.  Turenne  and  Conde  had  dis¬ 
played  their  consummate  talents  in  miniature  warfare  within 
sight  of  Notre  Dame.  Never  had  the  monarchy  been  depress^ 
ed  to  a  greater  pitch  of  weakness  than  during  the  reign  of 
Louis  XIII.  and  the  minority  of  Louis  XIV.  But  from  the 
time  the  latter  sovereign  ascended  the  throne,  order  seemed  to 
arise  out  of  chaos.  The  ascendency  of  a  great  mind  made  it¬ 
self  felt  in  every  department.  Civil  war  ceased ;  the  rival 
faction  disappeared ;  even  the  bitterness  of  religious  hatred 
seemed  for  a  time  to  be  stilled  by  the  influence  of  patriotic  feel¬ 
ing.  The  energies  of  France,  drawn  forth  during  the  agonies 
of  civil  conflict,  were  turned  to  public  objects  and  the  career 
of  national  aggrandizement,  as  those  of  England  had  been 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  Great  Rebellion,  by  the  firm  hand 
and  magnanimous  mind  of  Cromwell.  From  a  pitiable  state 
of  anarchy,  France  at  once  appeared  on  the  theater  of  Eu¬ 
rope,  great,  powerful,  and  united.  It  is  no  common  capacity 
which  can  thus  seize  the  helm  and  right  the  ship  when  it  is 
reeling  most  violently,  and  the  fury  of  contending  elements 
has  all  but  torn  it  in  pieces.  It  is  the  highest  proof  of  polit¬ 
ical  capacity  to  discern  the  bent  of  the  public  mind,  when  most 
violently  excited,  and,  by  falling  in  with  the  prevailing  desire 
of  the  majority,  to  convert  the  desolating  vehemence  of  social 
conflict  into  the  steady  passion  for  national  advancement. 
Napoleon  did  this  with  the  political  aspirations  of  the  eight¬ 
eenth,  Louis  XIV.  with  the  religious  fervor  of  the  seventeenth 
century. 

It  was  because  his  character  and  turn  of  mind  coincided 
with  the  national  desires  at  the  moment  of  his  as-  .  5. 

Which  arose 

cending  the  throne,  that  this  great  monarch  was  from  his  mm 

of  mmdeoin- 

enabled  to  achieve  tins  marvelous  transformation,  cidmgwitk 

_T  I  1  ■  •  „  .  T-.  the  SP>rit  °f 

11  N  apoleon  was  the  incarnation  ot  the  Revolution,  the  age. 
with  not  less  truth  it  may  be  said  that  Louis  XIV.  was  the 
incarnation  of  the  monarchy.  The  feudal  spirit,  modified,  but 

E  2 


54 


THE  LIFE  OF 


not  destroyed,  by  the  changes  of  time,  appeared  to  be  concen¬ 
trated,  with  its  highest  luster,  in  his  person.  He  was  still  the 
head  of  the  Franks — the  luster  of  the  historic  families  yet  sur¬ 
rounded  his  throne  ;  but  he  was  the  head  of  the  Franks  only 
— that  is,  of  a  hundred  thousand  conquering  warriors.  Twen¬ 
ty  millions  of  conquered  Gauls  were  neither  regarded  nor  con¬ 
sidered  in  his  administration,  except  hr  so  far  as  they  augment¬ 
ed  the  national  strength,  or  added  to  the  national  resources. 
But  this  distinction  was  then  neither  perceived  nor  regarded. 
Worn  out  with  civil  dissension,  torn  to  pieces  by  religious  pas¬ 
sions,  the  fervent  minds  and  restless  ambition  of  the  French 
longed  for  a  'national  field  for  exertion — an  arena  in  which 
social  dissensions  might  be  forgotten.  Louis  XIV.  gave  them 


6. 

His  virtues 
and  vices 
were  alike 
those  of  his 
people. 


this  field — he  opened  this  arena. 

He  ascended  the  throne  at  the  time  when  this  desire  had 
become  so  strong  and  general  as  in  a  manner  to 
concentrate  on  its  objects  the  national  will.  His 
character,  equally  hr  all  its  parts,  was  adapted  to 
the  general  want.  He  took  the  lead  alike  hi  the 
greatness  and  the  foibles  of  his  subjects.  Were  they  ambi¬ 
tious  ?  so  was  he  :  were  they  desirous  of  renown  ?  so  was  he  : 
were  they  set  on  national  aggrandizement  ?  so  was  he  :  were 
they  desirous  of  protection  to  industry  ?  so  was  he  :  were  they 
prone  to  gallantry  ?  so  was  he.  His  figure  stately,  and  coun¬ 
tenance  majestic ;  his  manner  lofty  and  commanding ;  his 
conversation  dignified,  but  enlightened ;  his  spirit  ardent,  but 
patriotic — qualified  him  to  take  the  lead  and  preserve  Iris  as¬ 
cendency  among  a  proud  body  of  ancient  nobles,  whom  the 
disasters  of  preceding  reigns,  and  the  astute  pohcy  of  Cardinal 
Richelieu,  had  driven  into  the  ante-chambers  of  Paris,  but 
who  preserved  hi  their  ideas  and  habits  the  pride  and  recol¬ 
lections  of  the  conquerors  who  followed  the  banners  of  Clovis. 
And  the  great  body  of  the  people,  proud  of  their  sovereign, 
proud  of  his  victories,  proud  of  his  magnificence,  proud  of  his 
fame,  proud  of  his  national  spirit,  proud  of  the  literary  glory 
which  environed  his  throne,  hi  secret  proud  of  his  gallantries, 


MAR  L  DOll O UGH. 


55 

joyfully  followed  their  nobles  in  the  brilliant  career  which  his 
ambition  opened,  and  submitted  with  as  much  docility  to  liis 
government  as  they  had  once  ranged  themselves  round  the 
banners  of  their  respective  chiefs  on  the  day  of  battle. 

It  was  the  peculiarity  of  the  government  of  Louis  XIV., 
arising  from  this  fortuitous,  but  to  him  fortunate  7 
combination  of  circumstances,  that  it  united  the  dis-  wa™s- 
tinctions  of  rank,  family  attachments,  and  ancient  aai  andymoU 
ideas  of  feudal  tunes,  with  the  vigor  and  efficiency  narchlcal- 
of  monarchical  government,  and  the  luster  and  brilliancy  of 
literary  glory.  Such  a  combination  could  not,  in  the  nature 
of  things,  last  long ;  it  must  soon  work  out  its  own  destruc¬ 
tion.  In  truth,  it  was  sensibly  weakened  during  the  course  of 
the  latter  part  of  the  half  century  that  he  sat  upon  the  tlirone. 
But  while  it  endured,  it  produced  a  most  formidable  union ; 
it  engendered  an  extraordinary  and  hitherto  unprecedented 
phalanx  of  talent.  The  feudal  ideas  still  lingering  in  the 
hearts  of  the  nation  produced  subordination ;  the  national 
spirit,  excited  by  the  genius  of  the  sovereign,  induced  unanim¬ 
ity  ;  the  development  of  talent,  elicited  by  his  discernment, 
conferred  power  ;  the  literary  celebrity,  encouraged  by  his  mu¬ 
nificence,  diffused  fame.  The  peculiar  character  of  Louis,  in 
which  great  talent  was  united  with  great  pride,  and  unbound¬ 
ed  ambition  with  heroic  magnanimity,  qualified  him  to  turn 
to  the  best  account  this  singular  combination  of  circumstances, 
and  to  unite  in  France,  for  a  brief  period,  the  lofty  aspirations 
and  dignified  manners  of  chivalry,  with  the  energy  of  rising 
talent  and  the  luster  of  literary  renown. 

Louis  XIV.  was  essentially  monarchical.  That  was  the  se¬ 
cret  of  his  success  :  it  was  because  he  first  gave  the  8. 

Unity  and  cen- 

powers  of  unity  to  the  monarchy  that  he  render-  traiization 
ed  France  so  brilliant  and  powerful.  All  his  objects.  ^  at 
changes — and  they  were  many — from  the  dress  of  soldiers  to 
the  instructions  to  embassadors,  were  characterized  by  the 
same  spirit.  He  first  introduced  a  uniform  in  the  army. 
Before  his  time,  the  soldiers  merely  wore  a  banderole  over  their 


56 


THE  LIFE  OF 


steel  breast-plates  and  ordinary  dresses.  That  was  a  great 
and  symptomatic  improvement :  it  at  once  induced  an  esprit 
de  corps  and  a  sense  of  responsibility.  He  first  made  the 
troops  march  with  a  measured  step,  and  caused  large  bodies 
of  men  to  move  with  the  precision  of  a  single  company.  The 
artillery  and  engineer  service,  under  his  auspices,  made  aston¬ 
ishing  progress.  His  discerning  eye  selected  the  genius  of 
Vauban,  which  invented,  as  it  were,  the  modern  system  of 
fortification,  and  well-nigh  brought  it  to  its  greatest  elevation 
— and  raised  to  the  highest  command  that  of  Turenne,  which 
carried  the  military  art  to  the  most  consummate  perfection. 
Skillfully  turning  the  martial  and  enterprising  genius  of  the 
Franks  into  the  career  of  conquest,  he  multiplied  tenfold  their 
power,  by  conferring  on  them  the  inestimable  advantages  of 
skilled  discipline  and  unity  of  action.  He  gathered  the  feudal 
array  around  his  banner ;  he  roused  the  ancient  barons  from 
their  chateaux,  the  old  retainers  from  their  villages.  But  he 
arranged  them  in  disciplined  battalions  of  regular  troops,  who 
received  the  pay  and  obeyed  the  orders  of  government,  and 
never  left  their  banners.  His  regular  army  was  all  enrolled 
by  voluntary  enlistment,  and  served  for  pay.  The  militia  alone 
was  raised  by  conscription.  When  he  summoned  the  milita¬ 
ry  forces  of  France  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  the  Low 
Countries,  he  appeared  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  men,  all  regular  and  disciplined  troops,  with  a  hund¬ 
red  pieces  of  cannon.  Modem  Europe  had  never  seen  such 
an  array.  It  was  irresistible,  and  speedily  brought  the  mon¬ 
arch  to  the  gates  of  Amsterdam. 

The  same  unity  which  the  genius  of  Louis  and  his  minis- 
9  ters  communicated  to  the  military  power  of  France, 
ri^unity  to  be  gave  also  to  its  naval  forces  and  internal  strength, 
thought.  rp0  such  a  pitch  of  greatness  did  he  raise  the  ma¬ 
rine  of  the  monarchy,  that  it  all  but  outnumbered  that  of  En¬ 
gland  ;  and  the  battle  of  La  Hogue,  in  1692,  alone  determin¬ 
ed,  as  Trafalgar  did  a  century  after,  to  which  of  these  rival 
powers  the  dominion  of  the  seas  was  to  belong.  His  Ordi- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


57 


nances  of  the  Marine,  promulgated  in  1781,  form  the  best  code 
of  maritime  law  yet  known,  and  one  which  is  still  referred  to, 
like  the  Code  Napoleon,  as  a  ruling  authority  hi  all  commer¬ 
cial  states.  He  introduced  astonishing  reforms  into  the  pro¬ 
ceedings  of  the  courts  of  law,  and  to  his  efforts  the  great  per¬ 
fection  of  the  French  law,  as  it  now  appears  hi  the  admirable 
works  of  Pothier,  is  in  a  great  degree  to  be  ascribed.  He  re¬ 
duced  the  government  of  the  interior  to  that  regular  and  me¬ 
thodical  system  of  governors  of  provinces,  mayors  of  cities,  and 
other  subordinate  authorities,  all  receiving  their  instructions 
from  the  Tuileries,  which,  under  no  subsequent  change  of  gov¬ 
ernment,  imperial  or  royal,  has  been  abandoned,  and  which 
lias,  in  every  succeeding  age,  formed  the  mahi  source  of  its 
strength.  He  concentrated  around  the  monarchy  the  rays  of 
genius  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  threw  -around  its 
head  a  luster  of  literary  renown,  which,  more  even  than  the 
exploits  of  his  armies,  dazzled  and  fascinated  the  minds  of 
men.  He  arrayed  the  scholars,  philosophers,  and  poets  of  his 
dominions  like  soldiers  and  sailors ;  almost  all  the  academies 
of  France,  which  have  since  become  so  famous,  were  of  his  in¬ 
stitution  :  he  sought  to  give  discipline  to  thought,  as  he  had 
done  to  his  fleets  and  armies,  and  rewarded  distinction  in  lit¬ 
erary  efforts  not  less  than  warlike  achievement.  No  mon¬ 
arch  ever  knew  better  the  magical  influence  of  intellectual 
strength  on  general  opinion,  or  felt  more  strongly  the  expedi¬ 
ence  of  enlisting  it  on  the  side  of  authority.  Not  less  than 
Hildebrand  or  Napoleon,  he  aimed  at  drawing,  not  over  his 
own  country  alone,  but  the  whole  of  Europe,  the  meshes  of 
regulated  and  centralized  thought ;  and  more  durably  than 
either  he  attained  his  object.  The  religious  persecution,  wliich 
constitutes  the  great  blot  on  his  reign,  and  caused  its  brilliant 
career  to  close  in  mourning,  was  the  result  of  the  same  desire. 
He  longed  to  give  the  same  imity  to  the  Church  wliich  he  had 
done  to  the  army,  navy,  and  civil  strength  of  the  monarchy. 
He  saw  no  reason  why  the  Huguenots  should  not,  at  the  roy¬ 
al  command,  face  about  like  one  of  Turenne’s  battalions. 


58 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Schism  in  the  Church  was  viewed  hy  him  in  exactly  the  same 
light  as  rebellion  in  the  state.  No  efforts  were  spared  hy  in¬ 
ducements,  good  deeds,  and  fair  promises,  to  make  proselytes ; 
but  when  twelve  hundred  thousand  Protestants  resisted  his  se¬ 
ductions,  the  sword,  the  fagot,  and  the  wheel  were  resorted  to 
without  mercy  for  their  destruction. 

Napoleon,  it  is  well  known,  had  the  highest  admiration  of 
Louis  XIV.  Nor  is  this  surprising  :  their  princi- 

General  re-  r  .  r  .  . 

semblance  of  pies  of  government  and  leading  objects  of  ambition 
his  ideas  of  Q 

government  were  the  same.  “  L’etat — c  est  'trim ,  ’  was  the 

Napoleon.  principle  of  this  grandson  of  Henry  IV.  :  “  Your 
first  duty  is  to  me,  your  second  to  France,”  said  the  emperor 
to  his  nephew,  Prince  Louis  Napoleon.  In  different  words, 
the  idea  was  the  same.  To  concentrate  Europe  in  France, 
France  in*  Paris,  Paris  in  the  government,  and  the  govern¬ 
ment  in  himself,  was  the  ruling  idea  of  each.  But  it  was  no 
concentration  for  selfish  or  unworthy  purposes  which  was  thus 
desired.  It  was  for  great  and  lofty  objects  that  this  undi¬ 
vided  power  was  sought  by  both.  It  was  neither  to  gratify 
the  desire  of  an  Eastern  seraglio,  nor  exercise  the  tyranny  of 
a  Roman  emperor,  that  either  coveted  unbounded  authority. 
It  was  to  exalt  the  nation  of  which  they  formed  the  head,  to 
augment  its  power,  extend  its  dominion,  enhance  its  fame, 
magnify  its  resources,  that  they  both  deemed  themselves  sent 
into  the  world.  It  was  the  general  sense  that  this  was  the 
object  of  their  administration  which  constituted  the  strength  of 
both.  Equally  with  the  popular  party  in  the  present  day, 
they  regarded  society  as  a  pyramid,  of  which  the  multitude 
formed  the  base,  and  the  monarch  the  head.  Equally  with  the 
most  ardent  democrat,  they  desired  the  augmentation  of  the 
national  resources,  the  increase  of  public  felicity.  But  they 
both  thought  that  these  blessings  must  descend  from  the  sover¬ 
eign  to  his  subject,  not  ascend  from  the  subjects  to  their  sover¬ 
eign.  “  Every'  tiling  for  the  people,  nothing  by  them,”  which 
Napoleon  described  as  the  secret  of  good  government,  was  not 
less  the  maxim  of  the  imperious  despot  of  the  Bourbon  race. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


59 


The  identity  of  their  ideas,  the  similarity  of  their  objects  of 
ambition,  appears  in  the  monuments  which  both  n 
have  left  at  Paris.  Great  as  was  the  desire  of  the  ideSurf  each 
emperor  to  add  to  its  embellishment,  magnificent  as  their  public* 
were  his  ideas  in  the  attempt,  he  has  yet  been  un-  works- 
able  to  equal  the  noble  structures  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty. 
The  splendid  pile  of  Versailles,  the  glittering  dome  of  the  In- 
valides,  still,  after  the  lapse  of  a  century  and  a  half,  over¬ 
shadow  all  the  other  monuments  in  the  metropolis,  though 
the  confiscations  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  victories  of  the 
emperor,  gave  succeeding  governments  the  resources  of  the 
half  of  Europe  for  their  construction.  The  inscription  on  the 
arch  of  Louis,  “  Ludovico  Magno,”  still  seems  to  embody  the 
gratitude  of  the  citizens  to  the  greatest  benefactor  of  the  cap¬ 
ital  ;  and  it  is  not  generally  known  that  the  two  edifices 
which  have  added  most  since  his  time  to  the  embellishment 
of  the  metropolis,  and  of  which  the  Revolution  and  the  Empire 
would  fahi  take  the  credit — the  Pantheon  and  the  Madeleine 
— were  begun  in  1764  by  Louis  XV.,  and  owe  their  origin  to 
the  magnificent  ideas  Avhich  Louis  XIV.  transmitted  to  his, 
in  oilier  respects,  unworthy  descendant.* 

Had  one  dark  and  atrocious  transaction  not  taken  place, 
the  annalist  might  have  stopped  here,  and  painted  i£ 

,  •  ,  r  r  i  ,  f  ,  Atrocity  of 

the  French  monarch,  with  a  lew  foibles  and  weak-  the  revocation 
,  ~  ..  ...  of  the  Edict  of 

nesses,  the  common  bequest  of  mortality,  yet  stiff,  Nantes. 

upon  the  whole,  a  noble  and  magnanimous  ruler.  His  ambi¬ 
tion,  great  as  it  was,  and  desolating  as  it  proved,  both  to  the 
adjoining  states,  and,  in  the  end,  to  his  own  subjects,  was  the 
“  last  infirmity  of  noble  minds.”  He  shared  it  with  Caisar 
and  Alexander,  with  Charlemagne  find  Napoleon.  Even  his 
cruel  and  unnecessary  ravaging  of  the  Palatinate,  though  at¬ 
tended  with  dreadful  private  suffering,  has  too  many  parallels 

*  “La  Madeleine  comme  le  Pantheon  avait  ete  eominencde  la  infime  an- 
nde  en  1764,  par  les  ordres  de  Louis  XV.,  le  roi  des  grands  monumens,  et 
dont  le  regne  a  ete  travesti  par  la  petite  liistoire.” — Capefigue,  Histoire 
de  Louis  Philippe,  viii.,  281. 


60 


THE  LIFE  OF 


in  the  annals  of  military  cruelty.  His  accession  to  the  league 
of  1700  for  the  partition  of  Spain  was  a  violent  stretch  of  am¬ 
bition,  and  carried  into  execution  with  equal  duplicity  and 
perfidy  ;  hut  these  were  directed  against  the  hereditary  enemy 
of  France,  and  the  annals  of  diplomacy  in  all  ages  prove  that 
violations  of  state  morality  are  too  frequent  among  govern¬ 
ments.  His  personal  vanities  and  weaknesses,  his  love  of 
show,  his  passion  for  women,  his  extravagant  expenses,  were 
common  to  him  with  his  grandfather,  Henry  IV. :  they  seem¬ 
ed  inherent  in  the  Bourbon  race,  and  are  the  frailties  to  which 
heroic  minds  in  every  age  have  been  most  subject.  But,  for 
the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  the  heart-rending 
cruelties  with  which  it  was  carried  into  execution,  no  such 
apology  can  be  found  :  it  admits  neither  of  palliation  nor 
excuse.  Were  it  not  for  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
and  the  expulsion  of  the  Morescoes  from  Spain,  it  would  stand 
foremost  in  the  annals  of  the  world  as  an  example  of  kingly 
perfidy  and  priestly  cruelty. 

The  expulsion  of  four  hundred  thousand  innocent  human 
beings  from  their  country,  for  no  other  cause  but  13. 

.  .  .  .  Which  pro¬ 

difference  of  religious  opinion  ;  the  destruction  of  duced  the  re- 

nearly  a  hundred  thousand,  of  whom  it  is  said  a  him  that 

chocked  his 

tenth  perished  by  the  frightful  tortures  of  the  power, 
wheel  and  the  stake — the  wholesale  desolation  of  provinces 
and  destruction  of  cities  for  conscience’  sake,  never  will  and 
never  should  be  forgotten.  It  is  the  eternal  disgrace  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion — a  disgrace  to  which  the  “  execra¬ 
tions  of  ages  have  not  yet  affixed  an  adequate  censure” — that 
all  these  infamous  state  crimes  took  their  origin  in  the  bigot¬ 
ed  zeal  or  sanguinary  ambition  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Nor 
have  any  of  them  passed  without  their  just  reward.  The  ex¬ 
pulsion  of  the  Moors,  the  most  industrious  and  valuable  inhab¬ 
itants  of  the  Peninsula,  has  entailed  a  weakness  upon  the 
Spanish  monarchy,  which  the  subsequent  lapse  of  two  centu¬ 
ries  has  been  unable  to  repair.  The  reaction  against  the 
Romish  atrocities  produced  the  great,  league  of  which  Will- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


61 


iam  III.  was  the  head ;  it  sharpened  the  swords  of  Eugene 
and  Marlborough  ;  it  closed  in  mourning  the  reign  of  Louis 
XV.  Nor  did  the  national  punishment  stop  here.  The  mas¬ 
sacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  and  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  were  the  chief  among  remote,  but  certain,  causes  of 
the  French  Revolution,  and  all  the  unutterable  miseries  which 
it  brought  both  upon  the  Bourbon  race  and  the  professors  of 
the  Romish  faith.  Nations  have  no  immortality ;  their  pun¬ 
ishment  is  inflicted  in  this  world  ;  it  is  visited  with  unerring, 
certainty  on  the  third  and  fourth  generations.  Providence 
has  a  certain  way  of  dealing  with  the  political  sins  of  men, 
which  is,  to  leave  them  to  the  consequences  of  their  own 
actions. 

If  ever  the  characters  of  two  important  actors  on  the  the¬ 
ater  of  human  affairs  stood  forth  in  striking  and  14 
emphatic  contrast  to  each  other,  they  were  those  Characters  of 
of  Louis  XIV.  and  William  III.  They  were,  in  andwmiani 
truth,  the  representatives  of  the  principles  for  which  UI- 
they  respectively  so  long  contended  ;  their  characters  embod¬ 
ied  the  doctrines,  and  were  distinguished  by  the  features, 
of  the  causes  for  which  they  fought  through  life.  As  much 
as  the  turn  of  mind — stately,  magnanimous,  and  ambitious, 
but  bigoted  and  unscrupulous — of  Louis  XIV.  personified  the 
Romish,  did  the  firm  and  simple,  but  persevering  and  uncon¬ 
querable  soul  of  William,  embody  the  principles  of  the  Prot¬ 
estant  faith.  The  positions  they  respectively  held  through 
life,  the  stations  they  occupied,  the  resources,  moral  and  polit¬ 
ical,  which  they  wielded,  were  not  less  characteristic  of  the 
causes  of  which  they  were  severally  the  head.  Louis  led  on 
the  feudal  energies  of  the  French  monarchy.  Inured  to  rigid 
discipline,  directed  by  consummate  talent,  supported  by  im¬ 
mense  resources,  his  armies,  uniting  the  corn-age  of  feudal  to 
the  organization  of  civilized  times,  had  at  first,  like  those  of 
Caesar,  only  to  appear  to  conquer.  From  liis  gorgeous  pal¬ 
aces  at  Paris,  he  seemed  able,  like  the  Church  of  Rome  from 
Ihe  halls  of  the  Quirinal,  to  give  law  to  the  whole  Christian 

F 


THE  LIFE  OF 


12 

world.  William  began  the  contest  under  very  diflerent  cir¬ 
cumstances.  Sui ilc  in  obscure  marshes,  cooped  up  hi  a  nar¬ 
row  territory,  driven  into  a  corner  of  Europe,  the  forces  at  his 
command  appeared  as  nothing  before  the  stupendous  array  of 
his  adversary.  He  was  the  emblem  of  the  Protestant  faith, 
arising  from  small  beginnings,  springing  from  the  energy  of 
the  middle  classes,  but  destined  to  grow  with  ceaseless  vigor 
until  it  reached  the  gigantic  strength  of  its  awful  antagonist. 

The  result  soon  proved  the  prodigious  difference  in  the  early 
15  resources  of  the  parties.  Down  wrent  tower  and 
uMofW  town  before  the  apparition  of  Louis  in  his  strength. 
FrencMnva-  The  iron  barriers  of  Flanders  yielded,  almost  with- 
Blon-  out  a  struggle,  to  his  arms.  The  genius  of  Tu- 

renne  and  Vauban,  the  presence  of  Louis,  proved  for  the  time 
irresistible.  The  Rhine  was  crossed  ;  fifty  thousand  men  ap¬ 
peared  before  the  gates  of  Amsterdam.  Dissension  had  par¬ 
alyzed  its  strength,  terror  all  but  mastered  its  resolution. 
England,  influenced  by  French  mistresses,  bought  by  French 
gold,  hi  secret  won  over  to  the  French  faith,  held  hack,  and 
ere  long  openly  joined  the  oppressor,  alike  of  its  liberties  and 
its  religion.  All  seemed  lost  for  the  liberties  of  Europe  and 
the  Protestant  faith.  But  William  was  not  dismayed.  He 
had  a  certain  resource  against-  subjugation  left.  In  his  own 
words,  “  he  could  die  hi  the  last  ditch.”  He  communicated 
his  unconquerable  spirit  to  his  fainting  fellow-citizens  ;  he  in¬ 
spired  them  with  the  noble  resolution  to  abandon  their  coun¬ 
try  rather  than  submit  to  the  invaders,  and  “  seek  in  a  new 
hemisphere  that  liberty  of  which  Europe  had  become  unwor¬ 
thy.”  The  generous  eflort  was  not  made  in  vain.  The 
Dutch  rallied  round  a  leader  who  was  not  wanting  to  him¬ 
self  in  such  a  crisis.  The  dikes  were  cut  ;  the  labor  of  cen¬ 
turies  was  lost ;  the  ocean  resumed  its  sway  over  the  fields 
reft  from  its  domain.  But  the  cause  of  freedom,  of  religion, 
was  gained.  The  French  armies  recoiled  from  the  watery 
waste,  as  those  of  Napoleon  afterward  did  from  the  flames  of 
Moscow.  Amsterdam  was  the  limit  of  the  conquests  of  Louis 


MARLBOROUGH. 


63 


XIV.  He  there  found  the  power  which  said,  “  Hitherto  slialt 
thou  come,  and  no  further,  and  here  shall  thy  proud  waves 
be  stayed.”  The  manifest  danger  to  Europe  caused  the  triple 
league  to  be  formed ;  even  Charles  II.  became  alarmed  at 
the  fearful  progress  of  his  great  rival.  The  German  armies 
threatened  the  communications  of  the  French  in  Holland 
with  their  own  country.  Louis  XIV.  was  obliged  to  give 
orders  to  retreat ;  his  conquests  in  the  Low  Countries  were 
lost  as  fast  as  they  had  been  won.  But  the  snake  was  scotch¬ 
ed,  not  lulled  :  its  strength  and  daring  were  unabated.  Long, 
and  often  doubtful,  was  the  contest ;  it  was  bequeathed  to  a 
succeeding  generation  and  another  reign.  But  from  the  tune 
of  the  invasion  of  Holland,  the  French  arms  and  Homish 
domination  permanently  receded ;  and  but  for  the  desertion 
of  the  alliance  by  England  at  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  the  allies 
would  have  given  law  in  the  palace  of  the  Grand  Monarque, 
bridled  the  tyranny  of  Bossuet  and  Tellier,  and  permanently 
established  the  Protestant  faith  in  nearly  the  half  of  Europe. 

Like  many  other  men  who  are  called  on  to  play  an  impor¬ 
tant  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  world,  William  seem-  ^ 
ed  formed  by  nature  for  the  duties  he  was  destined  tim'ciufractrr 
to  perform.  Had  his  mind  been  stamped  by  a  dif-  yg^eetiny 
ferent  die,  Iris  character  cast  in  a  different  mold,  ufe- 
he  would  have  failed  in  his  mission.  He  was  not  a  monarch 
of  the  most  brilliant,  nor  a  general  of  the  most  daring  kind. 
Had  he  been  either  the  one  or  the  other,  he  would  have  been 
shattered  against  the  colossal  strength  of  Louis  XIV.,  and 
crushed  in  the  very  outset  of  his  career.  But  he  possessed  in 
the  highest  perfection  that  great  quality  without  which,  in 
the  hour  of  trial,  all  others  prove  of  no  avail — moral  courage 
and  invincible  determination.  His  enterprises,  often  designed 
with  ability  and  executed  with  daring,  were  yet  all  based, 
like  those  of  Wellington  afterward  hr  Portugal,  on  a  just  sense 
of  the  necessity  of  husbanding  his  resources,  arising  lrom  the 
constant  inferiority  of  his  forces  and  means  to  those  of  the  en¬ 
emy.  He  was  perseverance  itself.  Nothing  could  shake  his 


64 


THE  LIFE  OF 


resolution,  nothing  divert  his  purpose.  With  equal  energy  he 
labored  in  the  cabinet  to  construct  and  keep  together  the  vast 
alliance  necessary  to  restrain  the  ambition  of  the  F rench  mon¬ 
arch,  and  toiled  in  the  field  to  baffle  the  enterprises  of  his 
able  generals. 

AVith  a  force  generally  inferior  in  number,  always  less  pow- 
17.  erful  than  that  of  his  adversaries  in  its  discipline, 

Ills  policy  in 

war,  which  at  composition,  and  resources,  he  nevertheless  con- 
victorious.  trived  to  sustain  the  contest,  and  gradually  wrested 
from  his  powerful  enemy  the  more  important  fortresses,  which, 
in  the  first  tumult  of  invasion,  had  submitted  to  his  arms. 
He  was  frequently  worsted,  hut  scarcely  ever  entirely  defeated 
hi  pitched  battles,  for  his  troops  were  for  the  most  part  infe¬ 
rior  hi  composition  to  those  of  the  French,  while  his  tenacity 
and  skill  never  failed  to  interpose  so  as  to  avert  a  total  disas¬ 
ter.  But  he  generally  contrived  to  inflict  on  them  a  loss 
equal  to  his  own,  and  the  barren  honors  of  a  well-contested 
field  were  all  that  remained  to  the  victors.  Like  AVashing- 
ton,  he  made  great  use  of  the  mattock  and  the  spade,  and 
often,  though  in  the  end  victorious,  the  gallant  chivalry  of 
France  were  decimated  before  his  well-constructed  intrench- 
ments.  At  length  he  worked  his  way  up  to  a  superiority, 
when  the  capture  of  Namur,  in  1695,  in  the  face  of  the 
French  army,  and  the  garrison  commanded  by  Marshal  Bouf- 
flers,  proved  that  the  armies  of  the  Grand  Monarque  had  by 
great  exertions  been  overmatched.  If  the  treaty  of  Nimeguen 
was  less  detrimental  to  the  French  power  than  that  of  Utrecht 
afterward  proved,  it  was  more  glorious  to  the  arms  of  the 
Dutch  commonwealth  and  the  guidance  of  AVilliam,  for  it 
was  the  result  of  efforts  hi  which  the  weight  of  the  conflict 


generally  fell  on  Holland  alone  ;  and  its  honors  were  not  to  he 
shared  with  those  won  by  the  wisdom  of  a  Marlborough  or 
the  daring  of  a  Eugene.  And  at  length  the  treaty  of  Rys- 
wick  put  a  bridle  in  the  mouth  of  Louis,  and  France  openly 
receded  before  her  once-despised  foe. 

In  private  life  AVilliam  was  distinguished  by  the  same 


MARLBOROUGH. 


G5 

qualities  which  marked  his  public  career.  He  had  _.  ,18- 

*  x '  His  character 

not  the  chivalrous  ardor  wliich  bespoke  the  nobles  in  private, 
of  France,  nor  the  stately  magnificence  of  their  haughty  sov¬ 
ereign.  His  manners  and  habits  were  such  as  arose  from,  and 
suited,  the  austere  and  laborious  people  among  whom  his  hie 
was  passed.  Without  being  insensible  to  the  softer  passions, 
he  never  permitted  them  to  influence  his  conduct  or  encroach 
upon  his  time.  He  was  patient,  laborious,  and  indefatigable. 
To  courtiers  accustomed  to  the  polished  elegance  of  Paris,  or 
the  profligate  gallantry  of  St.  James’s,  his  manners  appeared 
cold  and  unbending.  It  was  easy  to  see  he  had  not  been  bred 
in  the  saloons  of  Versailles  or  the  soirees  of  Charles  II.  But 
he  was  steady  and  unwavering  in  Iris  resolutions  ;  his  desires 
were  set  on  great  objects  ;  and  his  external  demeanor  was 
correct,  and  often  dignified.  He  was  reproached  by  the  En¬ 
glish,  not  without  reason,  with  being  unduly  partial,  after  his 
accession  to  the  British  throne,  to  Iris  Dutch  subjects  ;  and  he 
was  influenced  through  fife  by  a  love  of  money,  which,  though 
at  first  arising  from  a  bitter  sense  of  its  necessity  in  his  long 
and  arduous  conflicts,  degenerated  in  his  older  years  into  an 
avaricious  turn.  The  national  debt  of  England  has  been  im¬ 
properly  ascribed  to  his  policy.  It  arose  unavoidably  from 
the  Revolution,  and  is  the  price  which  every  nation  pays  for 
a  lasting  change,  how  necessary  soever,  in  its  ruling  dynasty. 
When  the  sovereign  can  no  longer  depend  on  the  unbought 
loyalty  of  his  subjects,  he  has  no  resource  but  in  their  inter¬ 
ested  attachment.  The  selfish  desires  of  the  holders  of  stock 
must  come  in  place  of  the  disinterested  attachment  of  nations. 
Louis  Philippe’s  government  has  done  the  same,  under  the 
influence  of  the  same  necessity.  Yet  William  was  not  a  per¬ 
fect  character.  More  than  one  dark  transaction  has  left  a 
stain  on  his  memory  ;  his  accession  to  the  treaties  with  France 
for  the  partition  of  Spam  proved  that  his  ambition  could  at 
times  render  him  insensible  to  all  the  dictates  of  public  moral¬ 
ity  ;  and  the  massacre  of  Glencoe,  if  it  did  not  equal  the  rev¬ 
ocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  the  wide-spread  misery  with 
F  2 


G6 


THE  LIFE  OF 


which  it  was  attended,  rivaled  it  in  the  perfidy  in  which  it 
was  conceived,  and  the  cruelty  with  which  it  was  executed 

Less  distinguished  than  either  of  his  great  regal  cotempo- 

19.  raries  by  genius  or  success,  James  II.  of  England 
“rjf  was  yet  a  sovereign  of  no  ordinary  character,  and 
England.  the  important  events  of  his  reign  have  impressed 
his  name  in  an  indelible  maimer  on  the  records  of  history.  In 
his  person  a  dynasty  was  overturned,  a  form  of  government 
changed,  a  race  of  sovereigns  sent  into  exile,  and  a  new  im¬ 
pulse  communicated  to  the  Reformed  religion.  He  consum¬ 
mated  the  W aterloo  of  the  royal  dynasty  of  the  Stuarts  ;  he 
established,  without  intending  it,  the  Protestant  faith  in  the 
British  empire  on  an  imperishable  foundation.  Such  deeds 
for  good  or  for  evil  necessarily  give  immortality  to  their  au¬ 
thors  ;  for  they  lift  them  from  the  common  herd  of  men,  the 
effect  of  whose  actions  perish  with  themselves,  to  the  rank  of 
those  who  have  made  durable  and  indelible  changes  in  human 
affairs.  James  did  tills,  like  Charles  X.  in  after  times,  from 
the  force  of  Iris  will,  and  the  absence  of  corresponding  strength 
of  understanding  ;  from  the  sincerity  of  his  conscientious  opin¬ 
ions,  and  the  want  of  that  intermixture  of  worldly  prudence 
which  was  necessary  to  give  his  measures  lasting  success.  A 
less  honest  man  would  never  have  thought  of  hazarding  the 
name  of  royalty  for  that  of  religion — a  more  able  one  would 
probably  have  succeeded  in  rendering  his  religion  victorious. 
It  is  the  mixture  of  zeal  with  rashness,  sincerity  with  impru¬ 
dence,  courage  with  incapacity,  which  has  generally  induced 
royal  martyrdom. 

Yet  James  II.  was  not  destitute  of  abilities,  and  he  was  ac- 

20.  tuated  by  that  sincerity  of  intention  and  earnest- 

herofc°qua}id  ness  °f  purpose  which  is  so  important  an  element 
cies-  in  eveiy  elevated  character.  He  had  none  of  the 

levity  or  insouciance  of  his  brother  Charles.  That  fight" 
hearted  monarch  was  his  superior  hi  penetration,  and  greatly 
his  superior  in  prudence,  but  had  less  of  the  hero,  and  incom¬ 
parably  less  of  the  martyr  in  his  composition.  Charles  was 


MARLBOROUGH. 


f>7 


at  heart  a  Catholic,  hut  he  would  never  have  sacrificed  three 
crowns  for  a  mass.  In  the  arms  of  the  Duchess  of  Portsmouth 
he  forgot  alike  the  cares  and  the  duties  of  royalty.  James 
was  not  without  his  personal  frailties  as  well  as  Charles,  hut 
they  did  not  form  a  ruling  part  of  his  character.  Cast  in  a 
ruder  mold,  moved  hy  more  serious  feelings,  he  was  actuated 
in  every  period  of  life  hy  lofty  and  respectable,  because  gener¬ 
ous  and  disinterested,  passions.  Patriotism  at  first  was  his 
ruling  motive  :  England  had  not  a  more  gallant  admiral ;  and 
in  Ids  combats  with  De  Ruyter  and  Van  Tromp,  he  exhibited 
a  degree  of  nautical  skill  rarely  witnessed  in  those  who  have 
been  bred  in  palaces.  Nelson  or  Collingwood  did  not  more 
gallantly  steer  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy’s  fleet,  or  engage 
with  more  dogged  resolution,  yard-ami  to  yard-arm,  with  a 
powerful  and  redoubtable  foe.  When  he  ascended  the  throne, 
this  daring  and  obstinate  disposition  was  entirely  directed 
toward  religion.  A  sincere,  even  a  bigoted  Catholic,  he  deem¬ 
ed  his  duty  to  his  faith  far  superior  to  all  worldly  considera¬ 
tions.  From  the  moment  of  his  accession,  he  labored  assidu¬ 
ously  to  effect,  if  not  the  re-establishment  of  Romish  suprem¬ 
acy,  at  least  such  an  equal  partition  of  power  with  the  Church 
of  England  as  was  probably,  in  the  case  of  so  ambitious  a 
body  as  the  Romish  ecclesiastics,  the  same  thing. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  object  he  was  rash,  vehement, 
and  inconsiderate  ;  deterred  by  no  consideration  of  21 
prudence,  influenced  by  no  calculation  of  his  means  ^*|FSp“_ss 
to  his  end,  he  permitted,  if  he  did  not  actually  sane-  cos^hunhis1 
tion,  atrocious  cruelty  and  oppression  toward  his  throne- 
unhappy  Protestant  subjects ;  and  drove  on  his  own  objects 
without  the  slightest  regard  to  the  means  of  effecting  them 
which  he  possessed,  or  the  chances  of  success  which  they  pre¬ 
sented.  He  uniformly  maintained,  to  the  last  hour  of  his  life, 
that  it  was  perfect  liberty  of  conscience,  and  not  any  exclusive 
supremacy,  which  he  intended  to  establish  for  his  Roman 
Catholic  subjects  ;  and  several  acts  of  his  reign  unquestionably 
favor  this  opiiuon.  If  so,  it  is  a  curious  historical  fact,  illus- 


68 


THE  LIFE  OF 


trative  of  the  silent  changes  of  time  on  human  affairs,  that  the 
Whigs  of  1688  took  the  crown  from  his  head,  and  placed  a 
new  dynasty  on  the  throne,  for  attempting  to  do  the  very 
thing  which  their  successors  in  1829,  after  thirty  years’  in¬ 
cessant  efforts,  actually  accomplished.  As  it  was,  the  attempt 
lost  James  and  his  family  the  throne,  threw  England  perma¬ 
nently  into  the  Protestant  alliance,  and,  by  giving  her  the  lead 
in  the  great  confederacy  against  France,  contributed  more 
than  any  other  cause  to  place  her  on  that  lofty  eminence 
which  she  has  ever  since  maintained  in  European  affairs. 
The  constancy  of  James  in  misfortune  was  as  remarkable  and 
more  respectable  than  Iris  vehemence  hi  prosperity ;  with 
mournful  resolution  he  continued  to  assert  to  his  dying  hour 
the  cause  of  legitimacy  against  that  of  revolution,  and  died 
an  exile  hi  a  foreign  land,  the  martyr  of  religious  fidelity  and 
royal  resolution. 

WTar  havhig  been  resolved  on,  the  first  step  was  taken  by 
22  the  emperor,  who  laid  claim  to  Milan  as  a  fief  of 
raeniof'the  the  empire,  and  supported  his  pretensions  by  mov- 
war.  ing  an  army  hito  Italy  under  the  command  of 

Prince  Eugene  of  Savoy,  who  afterward  became  so  celebrated 
as  the  brother  and  worthy  rival  in  arms  of  Marlborough. 
The  F rench  and  Spaniards  assembled  an  army  in  the  Milan¬ 
ese  to  resist  his  advance ;  and  the  Duke  of  Mantua  having 
johied  the  cause,  that  important  city  was  garrisoned  by  the 
French  troops.  But  Prince  Eugene  ere  long  obliged  them  to 
fall  back  from  the  banks  of  the  Adige  to  the  fine  of  the  Oglio, 
on  which  they  made  a  stand.  But  though  hostilities  had 
thus  commenced  in  Italy,  negotiations  were  still  carried  on 
at  the  Hague.  It  was  soon  found,  however,  that  the  preten¬ 
sions  of  the  French  king  were  of  so  exorbitant  a  character 
that  an  accommodation  was  impossible.  He  had  recently 
taken  a  step  which  showed  how  much  his  ambition  had  in¬ 
creased  with  the  vast  accession  of  power  he  had  received. 
Charles  II.  had  declared  in  his  testament  that  the  Duke  of 
Anjou  should  renounce  his  rights  to  the  crown  of  France  be- 


MARLBOROUGH 


69 


fore  receiving  that  of  Spain  ;  but  Louis  would  not  permit 
him  to  make  such  a  renunciation,  and  he  accepted  the  Span¬ 
ish  crown  without  any  qualification.  The  resolution  to  unite 
the  two  crowns  on  the  same  head  was  therefore  not  attempt¬ 
ed  to  he  disguised. 

When  the  contest  commenced,  the  forces  which  the  con¬ 
tending  parties  could  command  seemed  nearly  equal  23. 
to  each  other,  and  the  result  showed  that  they  were  uiTsid  °of 
very  equally  matched.  On  the  side  of  Louis  ,  was  France- 
France,  which,  with  a  population  of  twenty  millions,  could 
maintain  two  hundred  thousand  soldiers  in  arms,  and  Spain, 
with  its  vast  and  varied  possessions  in  the  Peninsula,  Flan¬ 
ders,  Italy,  Sicily,  Sardinia,*  containing  at  least  thirty  mill¬ 
ions  of  inhabitants,  besides  the  colonies  beyond  seas,  of  great 
importance  from  the  revenue — not  less  than  five  millions  ster¬ 
ling — which  they  furnished  to  the  Spanish  government.  Ba¬ 
varia,  too,  was  an  important  outwork,  not  merely  from  the 
courageous  disposition  of  its  inhabitants,  and  the  firm  adher¬ 
ence  of  its  government,  through  jealousy  of  Austria,  to  the 
French  interest,  hut  from  the  entrance  which  it  afforded  to 
hostile  armies  into  the  heart  of  Germany.  The  central  posi¬ 
tion,  however,  of  France,  and  the  close  proximity  of  its  fron¬ 
tiers  to  the  seat  of  war  in  Flanders,  Italy,  and  on  the  Rhine, 
rendered  it  easy  to  foresee,  what  the  event  soon  demonstrated, 
that  the  weight  of  the  contest,  save  in  the  Peninsula,  would 
fall  on  its  forces.  But  they  were  numerous  and  efficient,  ad¬ 
mirably  disciplined,  and  led  by  generals  of  talent  and  experi¬ 
ence  ;  and,  above  all,  they  were  inspired  with  that  confidence 
in  themselves,  and  justifiable  pride,  wliich  is  the  invariable 
consequence  of  a  long  train  of  military  success. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  allies  had  the  troops  of  Austria, 
England,  Holland,  Hanover,  Hesse-Cassel,  and  the  at. 

K orcee  of 

lesser  states  of  Germany,  with  slight  succor  from  the  allies. 
Prussia  and  Denmark.  These  powers  had  a  numerical 

*  Sismondi,  xxvi.,  286,  290.  CArEFiGUE,  Hist,  tic  Louis  XIV.,  iv.,  296, 


320. 


70 


THE  LIFE  OF 


amount  of  inhabitants  little  inferior,  if  put  together,  to  those 
of  the  French  and  Spanish  monarchies,  but  they  were  incom¬ 
parably  more  divided  and  distracted  by  separate  interests  and 
necessities,  and  the  military  resources  of  none  of  them,  except 
Austria,  had  been  fully  drawn  forth.  The  latter  power  had 
its  forces,  great  as  they  were,  divided  by  the  pressure  of  a 
Hungarian  insurrection  and  the  dangers  of  a  Turkish  inva¬ 
sion,  which  the  activity  of  French  diplomacy  kept  continually 
impending  over  it ;  and  they  were  at  such  a  distance  from 
the  scene  of  action  that  they  could  seldom  be  relied  on  to  ap¬ 
pear  in  requisite  time  at  the  decisive  point.  The  interests  of 
the  different  powers  were  as  various  as  their  territories  were 
far  severed.  England  was  sincerely  set  on  preventing  the 
union  of  the  French  and  Spanish  monarchies,  because  its  in¬ 
dependence  was  seriously  threatened  by  their  junction.  But 
the  other  powers  were  actuated  by  very  different  motives. 
Austria  was  intent  on  regaining  in  whole  the  splendid  inher¬ 
itance  of  the  Spanish  monarchy,  of  which  she  regarded  her¬ 
self,  not  without  reason,  as  defrauded  by  the  testament  of 
Charles  II.  Holland  longed  for  a  barrier  of  fortresses  to  shel¬ 
ter  her  from  the  invasion  of  France,  which  had  at  no  distant 
period  brought  her  to  the  very  verge  of  destruction ;  while 
Prussia  and  Denmark  were  so  far  removed  from  the  danger, 
that  it  was  with  difficulty  they  could  be  induced  to  make  any 
considerable  efforts  in  the  common  cause.  England,  albeit 
placed  in  the  very  front  of  the  conflict,  was  so  ignorant  of  her 
strength,  and  so  little  accustomed  to  exert  it,  that  with  a 
population,  including  Ireland,  of  little  less  than  ten  millions 
of  souls,  she  had  only  forty  thousand  men  under  arms  ;  while 
France,  with  her  twenty  millions,  had  two  hundred  thousand. 
Thus,  though  the  physical  resources  on  the  two  sides  were 
not  materially  different,  yet  the  superiority  in  point  of  numer¬ 
ical  amount  of  forces,  central  situation,  and  homogeneity  of 
descent,  was  decisively  on  the  side  of  France ;  and  the  dan¬ 
ger  was  very  great  that  the  coalition  would  be  dissolved  by 
weighty  strokes  received  by  its  exposed  members,  before  the 


MARLBOROUGH. 


71 


requisite  succor  could  arrive  from  its  distant  and  less  menaced 
extremities. 

Marlborough’s  first  mission  to  the  Continent,  after  the  ac¬ 
cession  of  Anne,  was  of  a  diplomatic  character  ;  35. 

and  it  was  by  his  unwearied  efforts,  suavity  of  firstmisMonto 
manner,  and  singular  talents  for  negotiation,  that  i^dfiStcan? 
the  difficulties  which  attend  the  formation  of  all  palgn- 
such  extensive  confederacies  were  overcome.  It  was  not, 
however,  till  war  was  declared,  on  the  4th  of  May,  1702, 
that  he  first  became  commander-in-chief  of  the  allied  armies. 

The  first  operation  of  the  allies  was  an  attack  on  the  small 
fort  of  Ixaiserworth,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  Elector  of  Cologne,  which  surrendered  on  the  15th 
of  May.  The  main  French  army,  nominally  under  the  di¬ 
rection  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  really  of  Marshal  Boufflers, 
entered  the  duchy  of  Cleves  in  the  end  of  the  same  month, 
and  soon  became  engaged  with  the  allied  forces,  which  at  first, 
being  inferior  in  numbers,  fell  back.  Marlborough  reached 
head-quarters  when  the  French  lay  before  Nimegucn ;  and 
the  Dutch  trembled  for  that  frontier  town.  Re-enforcements, 
however,  rapidly  came  in  from  all  quarters  to  join  the  allied 
army,  and  Marlborough,  finding  himself  at  the  head  of  a  gal¬ 
lant  force  sixty  thousand  strong,  resolved  to  commence  offens¬ 
ive  operations.  His  first  operation  was  the  siege  of  Venloo, 
which  was  carried  by  storm  011  the  18th  of  September,  after 
various  actions  in  the  course  of  the  siege.  “  My  Lord  Cutts,” 
says  Marlborough,  “  commanded  at  one  of  the  breaches  ;  and 
the  English  grenadiers  had  the  honor  of  being  the  first  that 
entered  the  fort.”*  Ruremondc  was  next  besieged  ;  and  the 
allies,  steadily  advancing,  opened  the  navigation  of  the  Meuse 
as  far  as  Maestricht.  Stevenswart  was  taken  on  the  1st  of 
October,  and  on  the  6th  Ruremondc  surrendered. 

Liege  was  the  next  object  of  attack  ;  and  the  breaches  of 
the  citadel  were,  by  the  skillful  operations  of  Cohorn,  who 
commanded  the  allied  engineers  and  artillery,  declared  prac- 
*  Dispatches,  21st  of  September,  1702. 


72 


THE  LIFE  OF 


26.  ticable  on  the  23d  of  the  same  month.  The  as- 
Liegeanl the  sault  was  immediately  ordered,  and,  “by  the  ex- 
Sdronciu-  traordinary  bravery,”  says  Marlborough,  “ of  the 
campaign?  officers  and  soldiers,  the  citadel  was  carried  by 
23d  Sept  storm  ;  and,  for  the  honor  of  her  majesty’s  sub¬ 
jects,  the  English  were  the  first  that  got  upon  the  breach.”* 
So  early  in  this,  as  in  every  other  war  where  ignorance  and 
infatuation  has  not  led  them  into  the  field,  did  the  native-born 
valor  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  make  itself  known  !  Seven 
battalions  and  a  half  were  made  prisoners  on  this  occasion  ; 
and  so  disheartened  was  the  enemy  by  the  fall  of  the  citadel, 
that  the  castle  of  the  Chartreuse,  with  its  garrison  of  fifteen 
hundred  men,  capitulated  a  few  days  afterward.  This  last 
success  gave  the  allies  the  entire  'command  of  Liege,  and  con¬ 
cluded  this  short  but  glorious  campaign,  in  the  course  of 
which  they  had  made  themselves  masters,  by  main  force,  in 
the  presence  of  the  French  army,  of  four  fortified  towns,  con¬ 
quered  all  Spanish  Guclderland,  opened  the  Meuse  as  far  as 
Maestricht,  carried  the  strong  castles  of  Liege  by  storm,  ad¬ 
vanced  their  standards  from  the  Rhine  far  into  Flanders,  and 
became  enabled  to  take  up  their  winter  quarters  in  the  ene- 
mvV territory,  amid  fertile  fields. 

The  campaign  being  now  concluded,  and  both  parties  hav- 
07.  ing  gone  into  winter  quarters,  Marlborough  em- 
capeof  Marl-  barked  on  the  Meuse  to  return  to  London,  where 
bein’®  made”1  bis  presence  was  much  required  to  steady  the  au- 
pnsoncr.  thority  and  direct  the  cabinet  of  the  queen,  who 
had  so  recently  taken  her  seat  on  the  throne.  When  drop¬ 
ping  down  the  Meuse,  in  company  of  the  Dutch  commission¬ 
ers,  he  was  made  prisoner  by  a  French  partisan,  who  had 
made  an  incursion  into  those  parts ;  and  owed  his  escape  to 
the  presence  of  mind  of  a  servant  named  Gill,  who,  unper¬ 
ceived,  put  into  his  master’s  hands  an  old  passport  in  the 
name  of  General  Churchill.  The  Frenchman,  intent  only  on 
plunder,  seized  all  the  plate  and  valuables  in  the  boat,  and 
*  Dispatches,  23d  of  October,  1702. 


M  A  II  L  I!  O  U  O  U  C-  II. 


73 


made  prisoners  the  small  detachment  of  soldiers  who  accom¬ 
panied  them  ;  but,  ignorant  of  the  inestimable  prize  within  his 
grasp,  allowed  the  remainder  of  the  party,  including  Marl¬ 
borough,  to  proceed  on  their  way.  On  this  occasion,  it  may 
truly  be  said,  the  boat  carried  Ceesar  and  his  fortunes.  He 
arrived  in  safety  at  the  Hague,  where  the  people,  who  regard¬ 
ed  him  as  their  guardian  angel,  and  had  heard  of  his  narrow 
escape,  received  him  with  the  most  enthusiastic  acclamations. 
From  thence,  having  concerted  the  plan  for  the  ensuing  cam¬ 
paign  with  the  Dutch  government,  he  crossed  over  to  London, 
where  his  reception  by  the  queen  and  nation  was  of  the  most 
gratifying  description.  Her  majesty  conferred  on  him  the 
title  of  Duke  of  Marlborough  and  Marquis  of  Blandford,  and 
sent  a  message  to  the  House  of  Commons  suggesting  a  pen¬ 
sion  to  him  of  £5000  a  year,  secured  on  the  revenue  of  the 
post-office ;  but  that  house  refused  to  consent  to  the  aliena¬ 
tion  of  so  considerable  a  part  of  the  public  revenue.  He  was 
amply  compensated,  however,  for  this  disappointment  by  the 
enthusiastic  reception  he  met  with  from  all  classes  of  the  na 
tion,  who,  long  unaccustomed  to  military  success,  at  least  in 
any  cause  in  which  they  could  sympathize,  hailed  with  trans¬ 
ports  of  joy  tills  first  revival  of  triumph  in  support  of  the  Prot¬ 
estant  faith,  and  over  that  power  with  which  for  centuries 
they  had  maintained  so  constant  a  rivalry. 

The  campaign  of  1703  was  not  fruitful  of  great  events. 
Taught,  by  the  untoward  issue  of  the  preceding  one,  28. 
the  quality  of  the  general  and  army  with  whom  Sweden,  and 
he  had  to  contend,  the  French  general  cautiously  no^'cap* 
remained  on  the  defensive,  and  ably  carried  into  ture  of  Bcmn' 
execution  the  plan  of  the  French  king,  which  was  to  remain 
on  the  defensive  in  Flanders,  and  reserve  the  weight  of  his 
strokes  for  the  valley  of  the  Danube,  where  a  great  effort 
threatening  Vienna  was  to  be  made.  So  skillfully  were  the 
measures  of  Marshal  BoufHers  taken,  that  all  the  efforts  of 
Marlborough  to  force  him  to  a  general  action  proved  abortive. 
The  war  in  Flanders  was  thus  limited  to  one  of  posts  and 

G 


74 


THE  LIFE  OF 


sieges  ;  but  in  that  the  superiority  of  the  allied  arms  was  suc¬ 
cessfully  asserted,  Parliament  having  been  prevailed  on  to 
consent  to  an  augmentation  of  the  British  contingent.  But 
a  treaty  having  been  concluded  with  Sweden,  and  various  re¬ 
enforcements  having  been  received  from  the  lesser  powers, 
preparations  were  made  for  the  siege  of  Bonn,  on  the  Rhine, 
a  frontier  town  of  Flanders,  of  great  importance  from  its  com¬ 
manding  the  passage  of  that  artery  of  Germany,  and  stopping, 
while  in  the  enemy’s  hands,  all  transit  of  military  stores  or 
provisions  for  the  use  of  the  armies  in  Bavaria,  or  on  the  Up¬ 
per  Rhine.  The  batteries  opened  with  seventy  heavy  guns 
and  English  mortars  on  the  14th  of  May,  1703  ;  a  vigorous 
sortie  with  a  thousand  foot  wras  repulsed,  after  having  at  first 
gained  some  success,  on  the  following  day,  and  on  the  16th, 
two  breaches  having  been  declared  practicable,  the  garrison 
surrendered  at  discretion.  After  this  success  the  army  moved 
against  Huys,  which  was  taken,  with  its  garrison  of  900  men, 
on  the  23d  of  August. 

Marlborough  and  the  English  generals,  after  this  success, 
09.  were  decidedly  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  advisa- 
preventtch  able  at  all  hazard  to  attempt  forcing  the  French 
fromfighting,  lines,  which  were  strongly  fortified  between  Me- 
pa?gncon^m"  baigne  and  Leuwe,  and  a  strong  opinion  to  that 
the taiingof  eb'ect  was  transmitted  to  the  Hague  on  the  very 
Limbourg.  day  after  the  fall  of  Huys.*  They  alleged,  with 
reason,  that  the  allies  being  superior  in  Flanders,  and  the 
French  having  the  upper  hand  in  Germany  and  Italy,  it  was 
of  the  utmost  importance  to  follow  up  the  present  tide  of  suc¬ 
cess  in  the  only  quarter  where  it  flowed  in  their  favor,  and 
counterbalance  disasters  elsewhere  by  decisive  events  in  the 
quarter  where  it  was  most  material  to  obtain  it.  The  Dutch 
government,  however,  set  on  getthig  a  barrier  for  themselves, 
could  not  be  brought  to  agree  to  this  course,  how  great  so¬ 
ever  the  advantages  which  it  promised,  and  insisted  instead 
that  Marlborough  should  undertake  the  siege  of  Limbourg, 
*  Memorial,  24th  August,  1703. — Dispatches,  i.,  165, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


75 


which  lay  open  to  attack.  This  was  accordingly  done  ;  the 
trenches  were  commenced  in  the  middle  of  September,  and 
the  garrison  capitulated  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month  :  a 
poor  compensation  for  the  total  defeat  of  the  French  army, 
W'hich  would,  in  all  probability,  have  ensued  if  the  bolder  plan 
of  operation  he  had  so  earnestly  counseled  had  been  adopted.* 
This  terminated  the  campaign  of  1703,  which,  though  suc¬ 
cessful,  had  led  to  very  different  results  from  what  might 
have  been  anticipated  if  Marlborough’s  advice  had  been  fol¬ 
lowed,  and  an  earlier  victory  of  Ramillies  laid  open  the  whole 
Flemish  plains.  Having  dispatched  eight  battalions  to  re-en¬ 
force  the  Prince  of  Hesse,  who  had  sustained  serious  disaster 
on  the  Moselle,  he  had  an  interview  with  the  Archduke 
Charles,  whom  the  allies  had  acknowledged  as  King  of  Spain, 
and  by  whom  he  was  presented  with  a  magnificent  sword  set 
with  diamonds  ;  he  went  next  to  the  Hague,  and  from  thence 
proceeded  to  London  to  concert  measures  for  the  ensuing  cam¬ 
paign,  and  stimulate  the  British  government  to  the  efforts  ne¬ 
cessary  for  its  successful  prosecution. 

But  while  success  had  thus  attended  all  the  operations  of 
the  allies  in  Flanders,  where  the  English  contin-  3o. 

Disasters  on 

gent  acted,  and  Marlborough  had  the  command,  the  Upper 

.  ,  ,  , . .  Rhine  and  in 

affairs  had  assumed  a  very  different  aspect  m  Her-  Bavaria, 
many  and  Italy,  where  the  principal  efforts  of  Louis  had  been 
made.  The  French  were  there  superior  alike  hi  the  number 
and  quality  of  their  troops,  and,  in  Germany  at  least,  hi  the 

*  Marlborough  was  much  chagrined  at  being  interrupted  in  bis  meditated 
decisive  operations  by  the  States  General  on  this  occasion.  On  the  Gth  of 
September  he  wrote  to  them,  "Vos  Hautes  Puissances  jugeront  bien  parle 
camp  que  nous  venons  de  prendre,  qu’on  n’a  pas  voulu  se  resoudre  ik  tenter 
les  lignes.  J’a  6td  convaincu  de  plus  en  plus,  depuis  l  honneur  que  j’ai  eu 
de  vous  6crire,  par  les  avis  que  j'ai  reiju  joumellement  de  la  situation  des 
enemies,  que  cette  entreprise  n’etait  pas  seulement  practicable,  mais  mfime 
qu’on  pourrait  en  esperer  tout  le  succds  que  je  m’etais  proposd  :  eufin  l’occa- 
sion  en  est  perdue,  et  je  souhaite  de  tout  mon  cceur  qu’elle  n’ait  aucune 
faclieuse  suite,  et  qu’on  n’ait  pas  lieu  de  s’en  repentir  quand  il  sera  trop 
tard.”  —  Marlborough  aux  Etats  Generaux,  6  Septembrc,  1703.  Dis¬ 
patches,  i.,  173. 


76 


THE  LIFE  OF 


skill  with  which  they  were  commanded.  Early  in  June, 
Marshal  Tallard  assumed  the  command  of  the  French  forces 
in  Alsace,  passed  the  Rhine  at  Strasburg  on  the  16th  of  July, 
took  Prissac  on  the  7th  of  September,  and  invested  Landau  on 
the  1 6th  of  October.  The  allies,  under  the  Prince  of  Hesse, 
attempted  to  raise  the  siege,  hut  were  defeated  with  consid¬ 
erable  loss ;  and,  soon  after,  Landau  surrendered,  thus  term¬ 
mating  with  disaster  the  campaign  on  the  Upper  Rhine.  Still 
more  considerable  were  the  losses  sustained  in  Bavaria.  Mar¬ 
shal  Villars  commanded  there,  and,  at  the  head  of  the  French 
and  Bavarians,  defeated  General  Stirum,  who  headed  the  Im¬ 
perialists,  on  the  20th  of  September.  In  December,  Marshal 
Mars  in,  who  had  succeeded  Villars  in  the  command,  made 
himself  master  of  the  important  city  of  Augsburg,  and  in  Jan¬ 
uary,  1704,  the  Bavarians  got  possession  of  Passau.  Mean¬ 
while,  a  formidable  insurrection  had  broken  out  in  Hungary, 
which  so  distracted  the  cabinet  of  Vienna,  that  the  capital 
seemed  to  be  threatened  by  the  combined  forces  of  the  French 
and  Bavarians  after  the  fall  of  Passau. 

No  event  of  importance  took  place  in  Italy  during  the  cam- 
3L  •  paign,  Count  Strahremberg,  who  commanded  the 
"CTtftheem'  Imperial  forces,  having  with  great  ability  forced 
pire  from  the  Duke  de  Vendome,  who  was  at  the  head  of  a 

these  success-  ’ 

es-  superior  body  of  French  troops,  to  retire.  But  in 

Bavaria  and  on  the  Danube,  it  was  evident  that  the  allies 
were  overmatched ;  and  to  the  restoration  of  the  balance  in 
that  quarter,  the  anxious  attention  of  the  confederates  was 
turned  during  the  winter  of  1703—4.  The  dangerous  state 
of  the  emperor  and  the  empire  awakened  the  greatest  solici¬ 
tude  at  the  Hague,  as  well  as  unbounded  terror  at  Vienna, 
from  whence  the  most  urgent  representations  were  made  on 
the  necessity  of  re-enforcements  being  sent  from  Marlborough 
to  their  support.  But,  though  this  was  agreed  to  by  England 
and  Holland,  so  straitened  were  the  Dutch  finances,  that  they 
were  wholly  unable  to  form  the  necessary  magazines  to  ena¬ 
ble  the  allies  to  commence  operations.  Marlborough,  during 


MARLBOROUGH. 


77 


the  whole  of  January  and  February,  1704,  was  indefatigable 
in  liis  efldrts  to  overcome  these  difficulties  ;  and  the  prepara¬ 
tions  having  at  length  been  completed,  it  was  agreed  by  the 
States,  according  to  a  plan  of  the  campaign  laid  down  by  Marl¬ 
borough,  that  he  himself  should  proceed  into  Bavaria  with  the 
great  body  of  the  allied  army  in  Flanders,  leaving  only  a  corps 
of  observation  in  the  Low  Countries,  to  restrain  any  incursion 
which  the  French  troops  might  attempt  during  his  absence. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  which  promised  these  brilliant 
results  to  France  had  been  magnificently  conceived  „  3~-  , 

°  J  #  French  plan 

bv  the  cabhiet  of  Versailles.  The  great  genius  of  of  the  cam- 
J  .  .  paign  in  Ger- 

Louis  XIV.  in  strategy  there  shone  forth  in  full  lus-  many, 
ter.  Instead  of  confining  the  war  to  one  of  posts  and  sieges 
in  Flanders  and  Italy,  it  was  resolved  to  throw  the  bulk  of 
their  forces  at  once  into  Bavaria,  and  operate  against  Austria 
from  the  heart  of  Germany,  by  pouring  down  the  valley  of 
the  Danube.  The  advanced  post  held  there  by  the  Elector 
_  of  Bavaria  in  front,  forming  a  salient  angle,  penetrating,  as  it 
were,  into  the  Imperial  dominions,  the  menacing  aspect  of  the 
Hungarian  insurrection  in  the  rear,  promised  the  most  suc¬ 
cessful  issue  to  this  decisive  operation.  For  this  purpose,  Mar¬ 
shal  Tallard,  with  the  French  army  on  the  Upper  Rhine,  re¬ 
ceived  orders  to  cross  the  Black  Forest  and  advance  into  Swa¬ 
bia,  and  unite  with  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  which  he  accord¬ 
ingly  did  at  Donawerth,  in  the  beginning  of  July.  Marshal 
Villeroy,  with  forty  battalions  and  thirty-nine  squadrons,  was 
to  break  off  from  the  army  in  Flanders  and  support  the  ad¬ 
vance  by  a  movement  on  the  Moselle,  so  as  to  be  in  a  condi¬ 
tion  to  join  the  main  army  on  the  Danube,  of  wliich  it  would 
form,  as  it  were,  the  left  wing ;  while  Vendome,  with  the 
army  of  Italy,  was  to  penetrate  into  the  Tyrol,  and  advance 
by  Innspruck  on  Salzburg.  The  united  armies,  which  it  was 
calculated,  after  deducting  all  the  losses  of  the  campaign, 
would  muster  eighty  thousand  combatants,  was  then  to  move 
direct  by  Lintz  and  the  valley  of  the  Danube  on  Vienna,  while 
a  large  detachment  penetrated  into  Hungary  to  lend  a  hand 

G  2 


78 


THE  LIFE  OF 


to  the  already  formidable  insurrection  in  that  kingdom.  The 
plan  was  grandly  conceived  :  it  extended  from  Verona  to  Brus¬ 
sels,  and  brought  the  forces  over  that  vast  extent  to  converge 
to  the  decisive  point  in  the  valley  of  the  Danube.  The  ge¬ 
nius  of  Louis  XIV.  had  outstripped  the  march  6f  time  ;  a  war 
of  sieges  was  to  be  turned  into  one  of  strategy,  and  1704  prom¬ 
ised  the  triumphs  which  were  realized  on  the  same  ground, 
and  by  following  the  same  plan,  by  Napoleon  in  1805.* 

But  if  the  plan  of  the  campaign  was  ably  conceived  on  the 
33.  part  of  the  French  cabinet,  it  presented,  from  the 
Ue^tocoun-1  multiplicity  of  its  combinations,  serious  difficulties 
in  execution,  and  it  required,  to  insure  success,  a 
larger  force  than  was  at  their  disposal.  Attempted  with  in¬ 
adequate  forces  or  unskillful  generals,  it  presented  the  great¬ 
est  danger  to  the  invading  party,  and,  like  all  other  daring  op¬ 
erations  in  war,  staked  the  campaign  on  a  single  throw,  in 
which  decisive  success  or  total  ruin  awaited  the  unlucky  ad¬ 
venturer.  Marlborough,  by  means  of  the  secret  information 
which  he  ohtahied  from  the  French  head-quarters,  had  got  full 
intelligence  of  it,  and  its  dangers  to  the  allies,  if  it  succeeded, 
struck  him  as  much  as  the  chances  of  great  advantage  to  them 
if  ably  thwarted.  His  line  was  instantly  taken.  He  repair¬ 
ed  forthwith  to  the  Hague,  where  his  great  influence  and  en¬ 
gaging  manners,  joined  to  the  evident  peril  of  the  empire,  pro¬ 
cured  a  ready  acquiescence  in  all  his  proposals.  It  was  agreed 
that  the  English  general  was  to  advance  vigorously  against 
Villeroy  in  the  Low  Coimtries,  and  force  him  either  to  accept 
battle,  or  retire  to  the  Moselle  or  the  Rhine.  In  either  case, 
as  success  was  not  doubted,  he  was  to  cross  over  into  Germa¬ 
ny  by  the  Electorate  of  Cologne,  advance  as  rapidly  as  possi¬ 
ble  into  Bavaria,  and  either  form  a  junction  with  Prince  Eu¬ 
gene,  who  commanded  the  Imperial  army  in  that  quarter,  or, 
by  threatening  the  communications  of  the  French  army  in 
Swabia,  compel  it  to  fall  hack  to  the  Rhine.  The  great  ob¬ 
ject  was  to  save  Vienna,  and  prevent  the  advance  of  the 
*  Capefigue,  Hist,  de  Louis  XIV.,  v.,  208,  209. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


79 


French  into  Hungary,  where  a  few  of  their  regiments  might 
fan  the  sparks  of  insurrection  into  air  inextinguishable  flame. 
This  plan,  by  weakening  the  allies  in  the  Low  Countries, 
might  expose  them,  and  especially  the  Dutch,  to  disadvan¬ 
tage  in  that  quarter,  but  that  was  of  little  consequence.  The 
vital  point  was  in  the  valley  of  the  Danube  :  it  was  there  that 
the  decisive  blows  were  to  be  struck.  Marlborough,  in  resist¬ 
ing  the  French  invasion,  proceeded  on  exactly  the  same  prin¬ 
ciples,  and  showed  the  same  decision  of  mind  as  Napoleon  in 
179G,  when  he  raised  the  siege  of  Mantua  to  meet  the  Austri¬ 
an  armies  under  Wurmser  descending  from  the  Tyrol ;  or 
SuwarrofF  in  1799,  when  he  raised  that  of  Turin  to  march 
against  Macdonald  advancing  from  Southern  Italy  toward  the 
fatal  field  of  the  Trebbia. 

Marlborough  began  his  march  with  the  great  body  of  his 
lorces  on  the  8th  of  May,  and,  crossing  the  Meuse  34. 
at  Maestricht,  proceeded  with  the  utmost  expedi-  crossTnart^1 3 
tion  toward  the  Rhine  by  Bedbourg  and  Ivirpen,  mto  Germany' 
and  arrived  at  Bonn  on  the  28th  of  the  same  month.  Mean¬ 
while,  the  French  were  also  powerfully  re-enforcing  their  army 
on  the  Danube.  Villeroy,  with  the  French  forces  on  the 
Meuse,  retired  before  ljim  toward  the  Moselle,  and  eluded  all 
attempts  to  bring  him  to  battle.  Early  in  the  same  month 
strong  re-enforcements  of  French  troops  joined  the  Elector  of 
Bavaria,  while  Villeroy,  with  the  army  of  Flanders,  was  has¬ 
tening  in  the  same  direction.  Marlborough  having  obtained 
intelligence  of  these  great  additions  to  the  enemy’s  forces  in 
the  vital  quarter,  wrote  to  the  States  General  that,  unless  they 
promptly  sent  him  succor,  the  emperor  would  be  entirely  ru¬ 
ined.*  Meanwhile,  however,  relying  chiefly  on  himself,  he 
redoubled  his  activity  and  diligence.  Continuing  his  march 

*  “  Ce  matin  j’ai  appris  par  une  estafette  que  les  enuemis  avaient  joint 
l’Electeur  de  Baviere  avec  2G,000  homines,  et  que  M.  do  Villeroi  a  passe  la 
Meuse  avec  la  meilleure  partie  de  I’armoe  des  Pays  Bas,  et  qu’il  poussait 
sa  marche  en  toute  diligence  vers  la  Moselle,  de  sorte  que,  sans  un  prompt 
secours,  l’empire  court  risque  d’etre  entierement  abime.” — Marlborough 
aux  Etuis  Gin&ranx ;  Bonn,  2  Mai,  1704.  Dispatches,  i.,  274. 


80 


THE  LIFE  OF 


up  the  Rhine  by  Coblentz  and  Cpssel,  opposite  Mayence,  he 
crossed  the  Necker  near  Ladenbourg  on  the  3d  of  June. 
From  thence  he  pursued  Iris  march  without  intermission  by 
Mundelshene,  where  he  had,  on  the  10  th  of  June,  his  first 
interview  with  Prince  Eugene,  who  had  been  called  from 
Italy  to  command  the  Imperial  forces,  in  the  hope  he  might 
succeed  in  stemming  the  torrent  of  disaster  in  Germany. 
From  thence  he  advanced  by  Great  Ileppach  to  Langenau, 
and  Inst  came  in  contact  with  the  enemy  on  the  2d  of  July, 
on  the  Schullenberg,  near  Donawert.  Marlborough,  at  the 
head  of  the  advanced  guard  of  nine  thousand  men,  there  at¬ 
tacked  the  French  and  Bavarians,  twelve  thousand  strong,  hi 
their  intrenched  camp,  which  was  extremely  strong,  and,  after 
a  desperate  resistance,  aided  by  an  opportune  attack  by  the 
Prince  of  Baden,  who  commanded  the  emperor’s  forces,  car¬ 
ried  the  intrenchments,  with  the  whole  artillery  winch  they 
mounted,  and  the  loss  of  seven  thousand  men  and  thirteen 
standards  to  the  vanquished.  He  was  inclined  to  venture  upon 
this  hazardous  attempt  by  having  received  intelligence  on  the 
same  day  from  Prince  Eugene,  that  Marshal  Tallard,  at  the 
head  of  fifty  battalions  and  sixty  squadrons  of  the  best  French 
troops,  had  arrived  at  Strasburg,  and  was  usmg  the  utmost  dil¬ 
igence  to  reach  the  Bavarian  forces  through  the  defiles  of  the 
Black  Forest.  But  tins  advantage  was  not  purchased  with¬ 
out  a  severe  loss ;  the  allies  lost  one  thousand  five  hundred 
killed  and  four  thousand  wounded ;  and  Marlborough  him¬ 
self,  who  headed  the  decisive  attack,  and  was  among  the  first 
to  enter  the  trenches,  was  in  the  greatest  danger. 

This  brilliant  opening  of  the  German  campaign  was  soon 
35.  followed  by  substantial  results.  A  lew  days  after 
successes'11  Rain  surrendered  ;  Aicha  was  carried  by  assault ; 
m  Havana.  ant^  following  up  liis  career  of  success,  Marlborough 
advanced  to  within  a  league  of  Augsburg,  under  the  cannon  of 
which  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  was  placed  with  the  remnant 
of  his  forces,  hi  a  situation  too  strong  to  admit  of  its  being 
forced.  He  here  made  several  attempts  to  detach  the  elector, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


81 


who  was  now  reduced  to  the  greatest  straits,  from  the  French 
alliance  ;  but  that  prince,  relying  on  the  great  army,  forty-live 
thousand  strong,  which  Marshal  Tallard  was  bringing  up  to 
his  support  from  the  Rhine,  adhered  with  honorable  fidelity 
to  his  engagements.  Upon  this  Marlborough  took  post  near 
Friburg,  in  such  a  situation  as  to  cut  him  of!' from  all  commu¬ 
nication  with  his  dominions,  and  ravaged  the  country  with  his 
light  troops,  levying  contributions  wherever  they  went,  and 
burning  the  villages  with  savage  ferocity  as  far  as  the  gates 
of  Munich.  Thus  was  avenged  the  barbarous  desolation  of 
the  Palatinate,  thirty  years  before,  by  the  French  army  under 
the  orders  of  Marshal  Turenne.  Overcome  by  the  cries  of  his 
suffering  subjects,  the  elector  at  length  consented  to  enter  into 
a  negotiation,  which  made  some  progress ;  but  the  rapid  ap¬ 
proach  of  Marshal  Tallard  with  the  French  army  through  the 
Black  Forest  caused  him  to  break  it  off  and  hazard  all  on 
the  fortune  of  war. 

Unable  to  induce  the  elector,  by  the  barbarities  unhappily, 
at  that  time,  too  frequent  on  all  sides  in  war,  either  36. 
to  quit  his  intrenched  camp  under  the  cannon  of  lard  joins  the 

Elector  of  Ba- 

Augsburg,  or  abandon  the  French  alliance,  the  varia,whode- 
English  general  undertook  the  siege  of  Ingolstadt ;  fight, 
he  himself,  with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  covering  the  siege, 
and  Prince  Louis  of  Baden  conducting  the  operations  hi  the 
trenches.  Upon  this,  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  broke  up  from 
liis  strong  position,  and  abandoning,  with  heroic  resolution,  his 
own  country,  marched  to  Biberach,  where  he  effected  his 
junction  with  Marshal  Tallard,  who  now  tlireatened  Prince 
Eugene  with  an  immediate  attack.  No  sooner  had  he  receiv¬ 
ed  intelligence  of  this,  than  Marlborough,  on  the  10th  of  Au¬ 
gust,  sent  the  Duke  of  Wirtemburg,  with  twenty-seven  squad¬ 
rons  of  horse,  to  re-enforce  the  prince  ;  and  early  next  morning 
detached  General  Churchill,  with  twenty  battalions,  across  the 
Danube,  to  be  in  a  situation  to  support  liim  in  case  of  need. 
He  himself  immediately  after  followed,  and  joined  the  prince 
with  his  whole  army  on  the  11th.  Every  thing  now  presaged 


82 


THE  LIFE  OF 


decisive  events.  The  elector  had  boldly  quitted  Bavaria, 
leaving  his  whole  dominions  at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy,  except 
the  fortified  cities  of  Munich  and  Augsburg,  and  periled  his 
crown  upon  the  issue  of  war  at  the  French  head-quarters  ; 
while  Marlborough  and  Eugene  had  united  their  forces,  with 
a  determination  to  give  battle  in  the  heart  of  Germany,  in  the 
enemy’s  territory,  with  their  communications  exposed  to  the 
utmost  hazard,  under  circumstances  where  defeat  could  he 
attended  with  nothing  short  of  total  ruin. 

By  the  rapidity  of  his  march,  which  had  altogether  out- 

37.  stripped  the  slower  movements  of  Marshal  Villeroy, 
Vendome  is  .  . 

defeated  in  who  was  still  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Moselle, 
to  penetrate  Marlborough  had  defeated  one  important  part  of  the 
Tyrol?'*  th°  combinations  of  the  French  king.  But  if  Vendome 
had  succeeded  in  penetrating  through  the  Tyrol,  and  joining 
the  French  and  Bavarian  armies  to  the  north  of  the  Alps, 
their  united  forces  would  have  greatly  preponderated  over 
those  of  Marlborough  and  Eugene,  and  given  them  a  decisive 
superiority  for  the  whole  remainder  of  the  campaign.  On  this 
occasion,  however,  as  subsequently  in  the  wars  of  1805  and 
1809,  the  courage  and  loyalty  of  the  Tyrolese  proved  the  sal¬ 
vation  of  the  Austrian  monarchy.  These  sturdy  mountaineers 
flew  to  arms  ;  every  defile  was  disputed  ;  every  castle  required 
a  separate  siege.  Accustomed  to  the  use  of  arms  from  their 
earliest  years,  admirable  marksmen,  indefatigable  in  bearing 
fatigue,  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  intricacies  of  their  rug¬ 
ged  country7,  they  opposed  so  formidable  a  resistance  to  the  ad¬ 
vance  of  the  French  troops,  that  all  the  skill  and  perseverance 
of  Vendome  were  unable  to  overcome  them.  He  got  as  far 
as  Brixen,  but  could  not  succeed  in  forcing  the  passage  above 
that  town,  or  surmounting  the  crest  of  the  Brenner.  Thus 
Marshal  Tallard  and  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  were  left  alone 
to  make  head  against  Prince  Eugene  and  the  Duke  of  Marl¬ 
borough.* 

In  numerical  amount,  however,  they  were  decidedly  supe- 
*  Catefigue,  Louis  XIV.,  v.,  211,  212. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


83 


rior  to  the  allies.  The  French  and  Bavarian  army  38 
consisted  of  sixty  thousand  men,  of  whom  nearly  both  sides 
forty-five  thousand  were  French  troops,  the  very  best 
which  the  monarchy  could  produce,  and  they  had  tive  menta- 
sixty-one  guns.  Marlborough  and  Eugene  had  sixty-six  bat¬ 
talions  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  squadrons,  which,  with  the 
artillery,  might  be  about  fifty-six  thousand  combatants,  with 
fifty-one  guns.  The  forces  on  the  opposite  sides  were  thus 
nearly  equal  in  point  of  numerical  amount,  but  there  was  a 
wide  difference  in  their  composition.  Four  fifths  of  the  French 
army  were  national  troops,  speaking  the  same  language,  ani¬ 
mated  by  the  same  feelings,  accustomed  to  the  same  discipline, 
and  the  most  of  whom  had  been  accustomed  to  act  together. 
The  allies,  on  the  other  hand,  were  a  motley  assemblage,  like 
Hannibal’s  at  Cannae,  or  Wellington’s  at  Waterloo,  composed 
of  the  troops  of  many  different  nations,  speaking  different  lan¬ 
guages,  trained  to  different  discipline,  but  recently  assembled 
together,  and  under  the  orders  of  a  stranger  general,  one  of 
those  haughty  islanders,  little  in  general  inured  to  war,  but 
whose  cold  or  supercilious  manners  had  so  often  caused  jeal¬ 
ousies  to  arise  hr  the  best-cemented  confederacies.  English, 
Prussians,  Danes,  Wirtemburgers,  Dutch,  Hanoverians,  and 
Hessians  were  blended  in  such  nearly  equal  proportions,  that 
the  arms  of  no  one  state  could  be  said  by  its  numerical  pre¬ 
ponderance  to  be  entitled  to  the  precedence.  But  the  consum¬ 
mate  address,  splendid  talents,  and  conciliatory  maimers  of 
Marlborough,  as  well  as  the  brilliant  valor  which  the  English 
auxiliary  force  had  displayed  on  many  occasions,  had  won  for 
them  the  lead,  as  they  had  formerly  done  when  hi  no  greater 
force  among  the  confederates  of  Bichard  Coeur  de  Lion  in  the 
Holy  War.  It  was  universally  felt  that  upon  them,  as  on  the 
Tenth  Legion  of  Caesar,  or  the  Old  Guard  of  Napoleon,  the 
weight  of  the  contest  at  the  decisive  moment  would  fall. 

The  army  was  divided  into  two  corps  d'armee;  the  first 
commanded  by  the  duke  in  person,  being  by  far  the  strongest, 
destined  to  bear  the  weight  of  the  contest,  and  carry  in  front 


84 


THE  LIFE  OF 


39.  the  enemy’s  position.  These  two  corps,  though 
the  command  co-operating,  were  at  such  a  distance  from  each 
Marlborough  other,  that  they  were  much  in  the  situation  of  the 
and  Eugene.  English  and  Prussians  at  Waterloo,  or  Napoleon 
and  Ney’s  corps  at  Bautzen.  The  second,  under  Prince  Eu¬ 
gene,  which  consisted  chiefly  of  cavalry,  was  much  weaker  in 
point  of  numerical  amount,  and  was  intended  for  a  subordi¬ 
nate  attack,  to  distract  the  enemy’s  attention  from  the  princi¬ 
pal  onset  in  front  under  Marlborough.*  With  ordinary  offi¬ 
cers,  or  even  eminent  generals  of  a  second  order,  a  dangerous 
rivalry  for  the  supreme  command  would  unquestionably  have 
arisen,  and  added  to  the  many  seeds  of  division  and  causes  of 
weakness  which  already  existed  in  so  multifarious  an  array. 
But  these  great  men  were  superior  to  all  such  petty  jealousies. 
Each,  conscious  of  powers  to  do  great  things,  and  proud  of 
fame  already  acquired,  was  willing  to  yield  what  was  neces¬ 
sary  for  the  common  good  to  the  other.  They  had  no  rivalry, 
save  a  noble  emulation  who  should  do  most  for  the  common 
cause  in  which  they  were  jointly  engaged.  F rom  the  moment 
of  their  junction  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  take  the  com¬ 
mand  of  the  whole  army  day  about ;  and  so  perfectly  did  their 
views  on  all  points  coincide,  and  so  entirely  did  their  noble 
hearts  heat  hr  unison,  that  dining  eight  subsequent  campaigns 
*  The  allied  and  French  armies  stood  thus  : 


Allies. 

French. 

I.  Ria 

lit  whig, 

Eugene. 

I.  Left  wing,  Marsin. 

Batt. 

Squad.  Men. 

Batt. 

Squad. 

Men. 

Prussians  . 

.  .  ii 

15j 

French  ....  29 

50 

18,000 

Danes  .  . 

.  .  7 

0 

20,000 

Bavarians  ...  13 

37 

12,000 

Austrians  . 

.  .  0 

24 

Empire’s  . 

.  .  0 

35  J 

18 

74 

II.  Center  and  left,  Marlborough. 

II.  Right  and  center,  Tallard. 

English  .  . 

.  .  14 

14 1 

French  ....  42 

60 

30,000 

Dutch  .  . 

.  .  14 

22 

84 

147 

60,000 

Hessians  . 

.  .  7 

7 

)■  36,000 

Hanoverians 

.  .  13 

25 

Danes  .  . 

.  .  0 

22 

48 

86 

Total  .  . 

.  .  66 

160 

56,000 

Guns  .  . 

.  .  52 

Kausler,  107,  108.  Mari..,  Disp.,  i.,  402. 


lenhtrfen. 


-frill g tfU  Mill 


HOE  CJJ&TEDI 


HAR  PER  Jc  BRO' 


Engtuih.  Miles 

*ARii  <  J  .fmty  muhn  *  Marlborough  &Eroice  Eugene 

fLFrcnch.  under  Trnxtui  Majanalutrt 
ScMixrshaM  Taflard.  8c  Mar  sin  . 


avalry 


a  Infantry  JU  Artillery 


a1jv  VT  Kemble 


R  S  ,  NEW  VO  R  K  . 


MARLBOROUGH. 


85 


that  they  for  the  most  part  acted  together,  there  was  never 
the  slightest  division  between  them,  nor  any  interruption  of 
the  harmony  with  which  the  operations  of  the  allies  were 
conducted. 

The  French  position  was  hi  places  strong,  and  their  dispo¬ 
sition  for  resistance  at  each  point  where  they  were  40. 
threatened  by  attack  from  the  allied  forces,  judi-  tilTmddia 
cious ;  but  there  was  a  fatal  defect  in  the  general  ^tfusdan 
conception  of  their  plan.  Marshal  Tallard  was  on  8ers- 
the  right,  resting  on  the  Danube,  which  secured  him  from 
being  turned  in  that  quarter,  having  the  village  of  Blenheim 
in  liis  front,  which  was  strongly  garrisoned  by  twenty-six  bat¬ 
talions  and  twelve  squadrons,  all  native  French  troops.  In 
the  center  was  the  village  of  Oberglau,  which  was  occupied 
by  fourteen  battalions,  among  whom  were  three  Irish  corps  of 
celebrated  veterans.  The  communication  between  Blenheim 
and  Oberglau  was  kept  up  by  a  screen  consisting  of  eighty 
squadrons,  in  two  lines,  having  two  brigades  of  foot,  consisting 
of  seven  battalions,  in  its  center.  The  left,  opposite  Prince 
Eugene,  was  under  the  orders  of  Marshal  Marsin,  and  con¬ 
sisted  of  twenty-two  battalions  of  infantry  and  thirty-six  squad¬ 
rons,  consisting  for  the  most  part  of  Bavarians  and  Marshal 
Marsin’s  men,  posted  in  front  of  the  village  of  Lutzingen. 
Thus  the  French  consisted  of  sixty-nine  battalions  and  a  hun¬ 
dred  and  thirty-four  squadrons,  with  ldnety  guns,  and  they 
mustered  sixty  thousand  combatants,  about  five  thousand 
more  than  the  allies,  and  with  a  great  superiority  of  artillery. 
They  were  posted  in  a  line  strongly  supported  at  each  extrem¬ 
ity,  but  weak  in  the  center,  and  with  the  wings,  where  the 
great  body  of  the  infantry  was  placed,  at  such  a  distance  from 
each  other,  that  if  the  center  was  broken  through,  each  ran 
the  risk  of  being  enveloped  by  the  enemy,  without  the  other 
being  able  to  render  any  assistance.  This  danger  as  to  the 
troops  in  Blenheim,  the  flower  of  their  army,  was  much  aug¬ 
mented  by  the  circumstance  that,  if  their  center  was  forced 
where  it  was  formed  of  cavalry  only,  and  the  victors  turned 
H 


86 


THE  LIFE  OF 


sharp  round  toward  Blenheim,  the  horse  would  be  driven 
headlong  into  the  Danube,  and  the  foot  in  that  village  would 
run  the  hazard  of  being  surrounded  or  pushed  into  the  river, 
which  was  not  fordable,  even  for  horse,  in  any  part. 

But,  though  these  circumstances  would,  to  a  far-seeing  gen- 

41.  eral,  have  presaged  serious  disaster  in  the  event  of 

And  advant-  .  .  .  .  ..  r  ,  , 

ages.  defeat,  yet  the  position  was  strong  m  itseli,  and  the 

French  generals,  long  accustomed  to  victory,  had  some  excuse 

for  not  having  taken  sufficiently  into  view  the  contingencies 

likely  to  occur  in  the  event  of  defeat.  Both  the  villages  at 

the  extremity  of  their  line  had  been  strengthened,  not  only 

with  intrencliments  hastily  thrown  up  around  them,  thickly 

mounted  with  heavy  camion,  but  with  barricades  erected  at 

all  their  principal  entrances,  formed  of  overturned  carts,  and 

all  the  furniture  of  the  houses,  which  they  had  seized  upon,  as 

the  insurgents  did  at  Paris  in  1830,  for  that  purpose.  The 

army  stood  upon  a  hill  or  gentle  eminence,  the  guns  from 

which  commanded  the  viiole  plain  by  which  alone  it  could  be 

approached.  This  plain  was  low,  and  intersected  on  the  right, 

in  front  of  Blenheim,  by  a  rivulet  which  flows  down  by  a 

gentle  descent  to  the  Danube,  and  in  front  of  Oberglau  by 

another  rivulet,  which  runs  in  two  branches  till  within  a  few 

paces  of  the  Danube,  into  which  it  also  empties  itself.  These 

rivulets  had  bridges  over  them  at  the  points  where  they  flowed 

through  villages,  but  they  were  difficult  of  passage  at  other 

points  for  cavalry  and  artillery,  and,  with  the  ditches  cut  in 

the  swampy  meadows  through  which  they  flowed,  proved  no 

small  impediment  to  the  advance  of  the  allied  army. 

The  Duke  of  Marlborough,  before  the  action  began,  visited 

42.  in  person  each  important  battery,  in  order  to  ascer- 
Uie  aiul^for f  tain  the  range  of  the  guns.  The  troops  under  his 
the  attack.  command  were  drawn  up  in  four  lines  ;  the  in¬ 
fantry  being  in  front,  and  the  cavalry  behind,  in  each  line. 
This  arrangement  was  adopted  in  order  that  the  infant  ry, 
who  would  get  easiest  through  the  streams,  might  form  on 
the  other  side,  and  cover  the  formation  of  the  horse,  who 


MAELBOEOUG  II. 


67 


might  be  more  impeded.  The  fire  of  camion  soon  became 
very  animated  on  both  sides,  and  the  infantry  advanced  to 
the  edge  of  the  rivulets  with  that  cheerful  air  and  confident 
step  which  is  so  often  the  forerunner  of  success.  On  Prince 
Eugene’s  side,  however,  the  impediments  proved  serious  ;  the 
beds  of  the  rivulets  were  so  broad  that  they  required  to  he 
filled  up  with  fascines  before  they  could  be  passed  by  the  guns  ; 
and  when  they  did  get  across,  though  they  replied,  it  was 
without  much  effect  to  the  French  cannon  thundering  from 
the  heights,  winch  commanded  the  whole  field.  At  half  past 
twelve,  nevertheless,  these  difficulties  were,  by  great  efforts 
on  the  part  of  Prince  Eugene  and  his  wing,  overcome,  and  he 
sent  word  to  Marlborough  that  he  was  ready.  During  this 
interval,  divine  service  had  been  performed  at  the  head  of 
every  regiment  and  squadron  in  the  allied  army ;  Marlbor¬ 
ough  himself  had  received  the  sacrament  with  great  solemnity 
at  midnight  on  the  preceding  day.  He  was  seated  on  the 
ground,  in  the  midst  of  his  staff,  eating  a  slender  meal,  when 
Eugene’s  aid-de-camp  arrived.  “  Now,  gentlemen,  to  your 
posts,”  said  he,  with  the  cheerful  voice  which  betokened  the 
confidence  of  victory,  as  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  his  aids- 
de-camp  in  every  direction  galloped  off’  to  warn  the  troops  to 
be  ready.  Instantly  the  soldiers  every  where  stood  to  their 
aims,  and  the  signal  was  given  to  advance.  The  rivulets 
and  marshy  ground  in  front  of  Blenheim  and  Unterglau  were 
passed  by  the  first  line  without  much  difficulty,  though  the 
men  were  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery  from  the  French 
batteries ;  and  the  fum  ground  on  the  slope  being  reached, 
they  advanced  in  the  finest  order  to  the  attack,  the  cavalry 
in  front  having  now  defiled  to  a  side,  so  as  to  let  the  English 
infantry  take  the  lead. 

The  French  did  not  expect,  and  were  in  a  great  measure 
unprepared  for,  an  attack,  when  the  heads  of  the  43. 

7  Commence- 

allied  columns  were  seen  advancing  against  them,  mentofthe 
Their  generals  had  taken  up  the  idea  that  the  ene-  13th  Aug. 
my  were  about  to  retire  to  Nordlingen,  and,  as  the  morning 


88 


THE  LIFE  OF 


was  hazy,  the  skirmishers  of  Eugene  were  close  upon  thjni 
before  they  were  perceived.*  Alarm  guns  were  then  imme¬ 
diately  fired,  officers  galloped  off  in  every  direction,  and  Tal- 
lard  and  Marsin,  hastily  mounting  their  horses,  did  their  ut¬ 
most  to  put  the  troops  hi  proper  order.  But  no  plan  of  de¬ 
fense  had  previously  been  arranged,  and  the  troops  were  hast¬ 
ily  thrown  into  the  nearest  villages,  or  such  as  seemed  destined 
to  he  first  the  object  of  attack.  Seven-and-twenty  battalions 
in  all  were  crowded  into  Blenheim,  against  which  the  En¬ 
glish  column  of  grenadiers  was  seen  to  be  steadily  advancing. 
Thirty  battalions  ivere  posted  in  and  around  Oberglau  ;  and 
Lutzingen  was  also  strongly  occupied,  while  eighteen  French 
and  Bavarian  battalions  were  drawn  up  in  an  oblique  line  in 
the  woods  in  its  vicinity,  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  cavalry 
The  guns  were  judiciously  posted  along  the  front  of  the  line, 
in  situations  the  best  calculated  to  impede  the  enemy’s  ad¬ 
vance.  But  there  was  the  essential  defect  already  noticed  in 
the  position,  that  its  two  keys,  Blenheim  and  Oberglau,  where 
the  main  body  of  the  infantry  was  posted,  were  at  such  a 
distance  from  each  other,  that  neither  their  defenders  nor 
their  caimon  could  render  any  mutual  assistance ;  while  the 
long  intervening  space  was  filled  up  by  a  line  of  horse,  for  the 
most  part  unsupported  by  foot  soldiers,  and  incapable  of  re¬ 
sisting  a  vigorous  attack  from  the  united  bodies  of  infantry 
and  cavalry  which  were  posted  opposite  them  on  the  side  of 
the  enemy.f 

Marlborough’s  eagle  eye  at  once  descried  this  glaring  defect 
44.  in  the  enemy’s  distribution  of  his  forces,  and  he 
heim^hichis  prepared  to  turn  it  to  the  best  account.  Lord 
repulsed.  Cutts  commanded  the  division  of  British  which 

*  Ce  13,  au  point  du  jour  les  ennemis  ont  battu  la  genSrale  a  2  heures,  & 
3  l’assemblee.  On  les  voit  en  bataille  a  la  t6te  de  leur  camp,  et  suivant  les 
apparences  Us  marcheront  aujourd’hui.  Le  bruit  du  paj-s  est  qu’ils  vont  a 
Nordlingen.  Si  cela  est,  ils  nous  laisseront  entre  le  Danube  et  eux,  et  par 
consequent  ils  auront  de  la  peine  a  soutenir  les  ttablissemens  qu’ils  out  pris 
en  Bavre. — Marshal  Tallard  au  Roi  de  France,  13th  August,  1704.  Cam- 
pagnes  de  Tallard,  ii.,  140. 

t  Coxe,  i.,  396,  397.  Capefigue,  Histoire  ds  Louis  XIV.,  v.,  216,  217. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


89 


advanced  against  Blenheim.  General  Rowe  led  the  first  line, 
supported  hy  a  brigade  of  Hessians.  Rowe  was  within  thirty 
yards  of  the  palisades  which  the  French  had  constructed  at 
all  the  entrances  of  the  village,  when  the  enemy  delivered 
their  first  fire.  It  was  so  close  and  well  directed  that  a  great 
number  of  officers  and  men  fell  ;  but  their  comrades,  nothing 
daunted,  held  bravely  on,  and  Rowe,  moving  straight  for¬ 
ward,  struck  Iris  sword  on  the  palisades  before  he  gave  the 
word  to  fire.  His  order  was  to  force  an  entrance  with  the 
bayonet,  but  the  strength  of  the  barriers  and  the  vast  numer¬ 
ical  superiority  of  the  enemy  in  the  village  rendered  this  im¬ 
possible  ;  and  the  assailants,  unable  to  advance,  unwilling  to 
retire,  remained  striving  against  the  palisades,  endeavoring  to 
break  them  down  by  sheer  strength,  until  half  their  number 
were  struck  down.  Rowe  himself  fell  badly  wounded  at  the 
foot  of  the  pales,  and  liis  lieutenant-colonel  and  major  were 
killed  hi  endeavoring  to  carry  him  off.  At  this  critical  mo¬ 
ment  some  squadrons  of  French  gens  d’armes  charged  their 
flank,  threw  the  assailants  into  confusion,  and  took  the  colors 
of  Rowe’s  regiment,  which,  however,  were  immediately  re¬ 
gained  by  the  Hessians  who  advanced  to  its  support.  Lord 
Cutts,  however,  seeing  fresh  squadrons  of  cavalry  preparing 
to  charge,  sent  forward  to  Lumley,  who  commanded  the  near¬ 
est  allied  horse,  for  a  re-enforcement  of  cavalry  to  cover  Ins 
exposed  flank,  and  five  squadrons  were  immediately  dispatch¬ 
ed  across  the  Nebel  to  their  support.  They  charged  the  ene¬ 
my’s  horse  gallantly,  though  double  their  force,  and  drove 
them  headlong  back  ;  but  fresh  squadrons  succeeded  on  the 
part  of  the  French  ;  a  murderous  fire  in  flank  from  the  in¬ 
closures  of  Blenheim  mowed  down  great  numbers,  and  the 
whole  recoiled  in  disorder  to  the  allied  lines.* 

The  English  general,  foreseeing  that  tliis  success  would  be 
followed  up  by  the  enemy,  and  being  satisfied  that  45 
Blenheim  was  too  strongly  garrisoned  to  be  carried 
by  an  assault  of  infantry  unsupported  by  cavalry,  Uie  aUie8- 
*  Hare's  Journal.  Disp.,  i.,  402,  403.  Coxe,  i.,  400,  401. 

H  2 


90 


THE  LIFE  OF 


resolved  to  bring  his  whole  cavalry  across  the  Nebel,  and 
make  a  general  attack  upon  the  weak  part  of  the  enemy’s  line 
between  Blenheim  and  Oberglau.  Midway  between  the  two, 
on  the  center  of  a  bend  of  that  stream  toward  the  English  po¬ 
sition,  was  situated  the  village  of  Unterglau,  which,  of  course, 
was  first  reached  by  the  allies.  Marlborough  sent  forward 
Churchill  with  his  division  of  infantry  to  attack  that  post ;  but 
before  he  reached  it,  the  whole  houses  were  in  flames,  having 
been  set  on  fire  by  the  French  to  retard  the  advance  of  the 
allies.  The  brave  troops,  however,  rushed  forward  through 
the  conflagration,  and  having  gained  the  bridge,  which  was 
of  stone,  soon  began  to  deploy  on  the  other  side.  No  sooner 
did  he  see  this  than  Marlborough  gave  orders  for  the  whole 
cavalry  to  advance.  They  descended  rapidly  and  in  good  or¬ 
der  to  the  edge  of  the  stream  ;  but  the  difficulties  of  the  pas¬ 
sage  were  there  greater  than  had  been  expected,  as  they  had 
to  cross  the  rivulet  where  it  was  divided,  and  the  meadow  be¬ 
tween  the  branches  was  wet  and  very  soft,  and  the  streams 
themselves  deep  and  muddy.  However,  by  casting  in  fascines 
and  boards,  the  bottom  was  at  length  rendered  comparatively 
hard,  and  by  great  exertions  the  horses  struggled  through, 
though  exposed  all  the  while  to  a  galling  fire  from  the  heavy 
guns  posted  around  Blenheim.  They  were  still  in  disorder  on 
the  opposite  bank,  and  with  their  ranks  yet  unformed,  when 
they  were  suddenly  charged  by  the  whole  front  line  of  the 
French  cavalry,  which  bore  down  upon  them  in  compact  or¬ 
der  and  with  flying  banners.* 

Formidable  as  this  attack  was,  it  was  rendered  still  more 
46-  so  by  the  heavy  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry  which 

The  cavalry  J  #  J 

with  great  at  the  same  time  issued  from  the  inclosures  of  Blen- 

difficulty  are  .  p  ,  .. 

got  across,  heim,  and  threw  the  whole  nearest  flank  01  the  al- 

lied  horse  into  confusion.  The  Danish  and  Hanoverian  squad¬ 
rons,  however,  were  at  length  got  across  and  brought  up  by 
Marlborough  to  the  support  of  the  English  dragoons ;  and 


*  Coxe,  i.,  402,  403.  Hare’s  Journal.  Marl.  Disp.,  403,  404.  Kausler, 

110,  111. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


91 


Churchill’s  men,  intermingled  with  the  horse  near  Oberglau, 
threw  in  their  volleys  with  great  effect  upon  the  advancing 
cavalry  of  the  enemy.  It  was  only  by  their  well-timed  aid 
that  a  fatal  rout  was  prevented  before  the  horsemen  could  form 
on  the  opposite  side.  They  could  not,  however,  extend  their 
succor  far.  Near  Blenheim  the  dragoons  were  forced  back  in 
disorder  to  the  very  edge  of  the  morass  by  the  charges  of 
French  cavalry,  aided  by  the  terrible  fire  irom  the  batteries 
at  that  village  ;  and  it  was  only  by  great  exertions,  and  con¬ 
stantly  supporting  the  worsted  squadrons  by  fresh  troops  as 
they  were  successively  got  across,  that  Marlborough  succeeded 
in  preventing  an  entire  repulse  in  that  quarter.  But  while 
the  conflict  was  maintained  with  difficulty  between  Blenheim 
and  Oberglau,  a  serious  disaster  had  occurred  on  the  British 
right,  where  Prince  Holstein,  with  his  Hanoverians,  was  di¬ 
recting  the  attack  on  Oberglau,  and  the  presence  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  was  loudly  called  for  to  prevent  entire  rum  in 
that  quarter.* 

Prince  Holstein  had  no  sooner  crossed  the  stream  at  the 
head  of  eleven  battalions,  and  ere  his  men  had  47- 

Routot  Prince 

time  to  form  in  good  order  on  the  opposite  side,  Hoisteininthe 

.  7  attack  on 

than  he  was  charged  with  great  vigor  by  the  oberglau. 
French  infantry  in  Oberglau,  nine  thousand  strong,  including 
the  Irish  brigade,  who  debouched  with  loud  shouts  out  of  the 
village.  This  brave  body  of  veterans,  who  had  become  ad¬ 
mirable  troops  from  the  superinducing  of  French  discipline 
and  guidance  on  native  Irish  valor,  charged  with  such  vehe¬ 
mence,  and  threw  in  volleys  so  quick  and  well  directed,  that 
the  prince’s  men  were  utterly  routed,  he  himself  taken  prison¬ 
er,  and  the  center  of  the  allies  entirely  broken  through.  There 
was  not  a  moment  to  be  lost,  for  the  communication  with 
Prince  Eugene  and  the  right  wing  of  the  army  was  on  the 
point  of  being  cut  off.  But  Marlborough  was  at  hand  to  re¬ 
pair  the  disaster  ;  and  he  not  only  did  so,  but  converted  it  into 
an  advantage  to  his  own  side,  which  proved  decisive.  Gal- 
*  Marl.  Disp.,  i.,  403,  404.  Coxe,  i.,  404,  405.  Capefigue,  v.,  218. 


92 


THE  LIFE  OF 


loping  instantly  to  the  spot,  he  led  up  in  person  some  squad¬ 
rons  of  British  cavalry,  closely  followed  by  three  battalions 
which  had  not  been  engaged.  With  the  horse  he  charged  the 
Irish,  who,  with  the  inconsiderate  ardor  of  their  nation,  were 
pursuing  their  advantage  in  disorder,  and  quickly  threw  them 
into  confusion.  The  infantry  he  posted  so  advantageously 
that  their  fire  raked  the  column  as  it  recoiled  from  the  charge, 
and  occasioned  dreadful  slaughter.  The  Irish  were  by  this 
double  attack  driven  back  into  Oberglau,  while  some  squad¬ 
rons  of  horse,  whom  Marshal  Marsin  sent  up  to  their  relief, 
were  repelled  by  the  fire  of  a  battery  which  Marlborough 
brought  forward  from  Weilheim,  and  a  powerful  body  of  Im¬ 
perial  horse  which  he  stationed  on  its  flank.  By  this  well- 
timed  vigor,  affairs  were  entirely  re-established  in  the  center, 
and  the  communication  with  Prince  Eugene  was  completely 
recovered.* 

Having  achieved  this  great  advantage,  Marlborough  re- 
48.  turned  to  his  cavalry  between  Oberglau  and  Blen- 
Eugene°on  °f  heim,  and  found  it  all  firmly  established  on  solid 
the  right.  ground,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Nebel.  Mean¬ 
while,  Eugene  had  been  actively  engaged  on  the  extreme 
right,  where  he,  too,  had  crossed  the  Nebel,  in  front  of  Lut- 
zingen.  His  first  attack  with  the  Danes  and  Prussians  car¬ 
ried  a  battery  of  six  guns,  and  the  Imperial  horse  broke  the 
first  line  of  French  cavalry ;  but,  having  advanced  somewhat  in 
disorder  against  the  second  fine,  they  were  not  only  repulsed, 
but  driven  back  across  the  Nebel,  and  the  gams  were  retaken. 
The  victorious  infantry  were  now  isolated  in  the  midst  of  en¬ 
emies,  and  being  charged  vehemently  on  each  flank,  at  the 
same  time  that  a  heavy  fire  in  front  shook  their  line,  the 
Prussians  and  Danes  were  thrown  into  confusion,  and  with 
difficulty  regained  their  original  ground  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river.  Nothing  daunted  by  tins  reverse,  Eugene  rallied 
bis  cavalry,  and  led  them  again  to  the  charge  ;  but  though  at 

*  Hare's  Journal.  Marl.  Disp.,  i.,  404-406.  Coxe,  i.,  404,  405.  Kaus- 
ler,  110,  111. 


MARLBOIIOUG  H. 


93 


first  successful,  they  were  at  length  checked  by  the  stout  Ba¬ 
varian  horse,  bravely  headed  by  the  elector,  and  recoiled  in 
disorder.  A  third  time  Eugene  re-formed  his  horsemen,  and 
led  them  to  the  attack,  himself  heading  the  charge.  But 
this  time  the  onset  was  feeble  ;  the  men  were  daunted  by 
their  double  repulse  ;  their  line  was  speedily  broken,  and  they 
again  fled,  completely  routed,  across  the  Nebel.  In  utter 
despair,  Eugene  left  the  Prince  of  Hanover  and  Duke  of 
Wirtemberg  to  rally  the  horse,  and  galloped  off  to  put  him¬ 
self  at  the  head  of  the  infantry,  which  had  also  advanced 
with  the  cavalry.  That  brave  body  of  men,  admirably  dis¬ 
ciplined,  and  encouraged  by  the  presence  of  their  general, 
stood  their  ground  with  heroic  resolution.  But  they  were 
charged  with  desperate  hardihood  by  the  enemy.  Eugene 
himself  was  in  the  most  imminent  danger  of  being  shot  by  a 
Bavarian  dragoon,  who  was  cut  down  wliile  deliberately  tak¬ 
ing  aim  at  him  within  a  few  paces.  The  admirable  steadi¬ 
ness  of  the  Prussians,  who  on  this  occasion  gave  tokens  of 
what  they  were  to  become  under  the  great  Frederic,  pre¬ 
vented  a  total  defeat  in  this  quarter.  Immovable,  they  stood 
their  ground  amid  the  thundering  charges  of  horse,  the  front 
rank  kneeling,  and  the  rear  maintaining  a  ceaseless  rolling 
lire,  till  at  length  the  enemy,  wearied  with  fruitless  efforts, 
drew  off',  leaving  the  ground  covered  with  their  wounded  and 
dying.* 

Marlborough,  however,  had  now  gained  firm  footing  both 
with  his  infantry  and  cavalry  on  the  other  side  of  49. 
the  Nebel,  and  had  made  his  dispositions  for  a  gen-  aerc“fv“d 
oral  attack  between  Blenheim  and  Oberglau.  The  MaSHorouoh 
cavalry  were  drawn  up  in  two  lines  directly  in  front  m  the  ccnter- 
of  the  enemy  ;  the  infantry  immediately  in  their  rear,  chiefly 
to  the  left,  to  make  head  against  the  numerous  battalions 
which  occupied  Blenheim.  Tallard,  seeing  the  weakness  of 
his  line  from  want  of  infantry,  had  drawn  nine  battalions  from 

*  Mem.  de  Tallard,  ii.,  234-241.  Coxe,  i.,  407,  408.  Hake’s  Journal, 
Marl.  Disp.,  i.,  406,  407. 


94 


THE  LIFE  OF 


the  reserve,  and  posted  them  near  the  center,  between  Blen¬ 
heim  and  Oberglau,  behind  the  horse.  Marlborough  brought 
up  three  Hessian  battalions  to  front  them,  and  then,  drawing 
his  sword,  ordered  the  trumpets  to  sound  the  advance,  he  him¬ 
self  leading  them  on.  Indescribably  grand  was  the  spectacle 
which  ensued.  In  compact  order,  and  the  finest  array,  the 
allied  cavalry,  mustering  eight  thousand  sabers,  moved  up  the 
gentle  slope  hi  two  lines — at  first  slowly,  as  on  a  field  day, 
but  gradually  more  quickly,  as  they  drew  nearer,  and  the  fire 
of  the  artillery  became  more  violent.  The  French  horse,  ten 
thousand  strong,  stood  their  ground  firmly  :  the  first  and 
bravest  of  their  chivalry  were  there  :  the  banderoles  of  almost 
all  the  nobles  in  France  floated  over  their  squadrons.  So  hot 
was  the  fire  of  musketry  and  cannon  when  the  assailants  drew 
near,  that  their  advance  was  checked  :  they  retired  sixty 
paces,  and  the  battle  was  kept  up  for  a  few  minutes  only  by 
a  fire  of  artillery.  Gradually,  however,  the  fire  of  the  enemy 
slackened,  and  Marlborough,  taking  advantage  of  the  pause, 
led  his  cavalry  again  to  the  charge.  With  irresistible  vehe¬ 
mence,  the  line  dashed  forward  at  full  speed,  and  soon  the 
crest  of  the  ridge  was  passed.  The  French  horsemen  dis¬ 
charged  their  carbines  at  a  considerable  distance  with  little 
effect,  and  immediately  wheeled  about  and  fled.  The  battle 
was  gained  ;  the  allied  horse  rapidly  inundated  the  open  space 
between  the  two  villages ;  the  nine  battalions  hi  the  middle 
were  surrounded,  cut  to  pieces,  or  taken.  They  made  a  noble 
resistance,  and  the  men  were  found  lying  on  their  backs  in 
their  ranks  as  they  had  stood  in  the  field.* 

The  consequences  of  this  great  disaster  on  the  right  were 
50.  speedily  felt  along  the  whole  French  line.  Mar- 
ce^sontheUC  sin’s  cavalry,  now  entirely  uncovered  on  their 
nght-  flanks,  rapidly  fell  back  to  avoid  being  turned,  and 

rendered  the  position  of  the  infantry  in  front  of  Eugene  no 
longer  tenable.  That  skillful  general,  perceiving  the  rout  of 

*  Kausler,  109,  ill.  Coxe,  i.,  408,  409.  Hare's  Journal.  Marl.  Disp , 
i.,  400,  407. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


95 


the  enemy  on  his  left,  and  correctly  judging  that  they  could  no 
longer  maintain  their  ground,  prepared  his  troops  for  a  fourth 
charge,  and  soon  issued  forth  at  their  head.  The  impulse  of 
victory  was  now  communicated  to  the  whole  line.  After  an 
arduous  struggle  in  the  plain,  the  enemy  fell  back  at  all  points 
toward  Oberglau  and  Lutzingen.  Soon  the  flames,  which 
burst  forth  from  their  buildings,  announced  that  they  were 
about  to  be  evacuated.  At  this  sight,  loud  cheers  arose  from 
the  whole  right,  and  the  Danes  and  Prussians  rushed  forward 
with  irresistible  vigor  against  the  burning  villages.  After  an 
obstinate  conflict,  Lutzingen  was  carried,  and  the  Bavarians 
■were  driven  to  a  fresh  position  in  rear,  behind  the  streamlet 
of  the  same  name.  They  still  preserved  their  ranks,  how¬ 
ever,  and  faced  about  fiercely  on  their  pursuers  ;  but  Marsin, 
having  lost  the  pivot  of  his  left,  and  seeing  his  flank  entirely 
uncovered  by  Marlborough’s  advance,  and  the  center  driven 
back  in  disorder,  gave  orders  for  the  general  retreat  of  his 
whig.* 

Meanwhile  Tallard  was  bravely  exerting  himself,  but  in 
vain,  to  arrest  the  disorder  in  the  right  and  center.  51. 

...  Total  rout  of 

He  drew  up  the  remains  of  his  cavalry  in  battle  Taiiard,  who 

.....  „ .  .  .  ....  is  made  pris- 

array,  behind  the  tents  ot  his  camp,  in  a  single  hne  oner, 
stretching  toward  Blenheim,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  extricate 
the  infantry  posted  hi  that  village,  which  were  now  wellnigh 
cut  off.  At  the  same  time,  he  sent  pressing  requests  to  Mar- 
sin  for  assistance.  But,  ere  succor  could  arrive,  or  time  had 
even  been  gained  for  the  delivery  of  his  messages,  the  hand  of 
Fate  was  upon  him.  Marlborough,  observing  that  the  hne 
was  unsupported  in  rear,  and  uncovered  on  its  right,  gave  or¬ 
ders  for  a  general  charge  of  all  his  cavalry.  When  the  trump¬ 
et  sounded,  seven  thousand  horsemen,  flushed  with  victory, 
bore  down  with  irresistible  force  on  the  now  dispirited  and  at¬ 
tenuated  hne  of  the  enemy.  The  immense  body  of  the  French 
force  broke  without  awaiting  the  shock,  and  the  allied  caval¬ 
ry  rapidly  piercing  their  center,  they  were  divided  into  two 

'  Kausi.er,  113.  Coxe,  i.,  412.  Hare’s  Journal.  DUp.,  i  ,  407,  408. 


96 


THE  LIFE  OF 


parts,  one  of  which  fled  in  wild  disorder  toward  the  Danube, 
and  the  other  toward  Sonderheim.  Marlborough,  in  person, 
followed  the  first  with  fifty  squadrons,  while  Hompesch,  with 
thirty,  pressed  upon  the  second.  Both  pursuits  proved  entire¬ 
ly  successful.  Marlborough  drove  the  broken  mass  before  him 
headlong  to  the  Danube,  where  great  numbers  were  drowned 
in  attempting  to  cross,  and  the  remainder  were  made  prison¬ 
ers  on  the  brink.  Marshal  Tallard  himself,  with  a  small 
body  of  horse,  which  still  kept  their  ranks,  threw  himself  into 
the  village  of  Sonderheim,  on  the  margin  of  the  river,  but- be¬ 
ing  speedily  surrounded  by  the  victorious  squadrons  of  the  en¬ 
emy,  he  was  obliged  to  surrender,  and  delivered  his  sword  to 
the  Prince  of  Hesse.  Hompesch,  at  the  same  time,  vigorous¬ 
ly  pressed  on  the  broken  fugitives  wrho  had  fled  toward  Hoch- 
stedt,  and  on  the  way  surrounded  three  battalions  of  infantry, 
who  were  striving  to  escape,  and  made  them  prisoners.  Upon 
seeing  tins,  the  cavalry  entirely  broke  their  ranks,  and  fled  as 
fast  as  their  horses  could  carry  them  toward  Morselingen, 
without  attempting  any  further  resistance.* 

When  Tallard  was  taken,  Marlborough  immediately  sent 
50  his  own  carriage  to  accommodate  him,  and  dispatch- 
^vhich  the7  e(l  a  pencil  note,  written  on  the  parapet  of  a  bridge, 
escaped  de-  to  the  duchess,  to  say  the  baltle  was  gained.!  But 
function.  110  sooner  Was  this  done  than  he  set  himself  to  ren 
der  his  victory  complete,  by  turning  all  the  forces  he  could 
collect  against  the  portions  of  the  enemy’s  army  which  still 
held  their  ground.  He  first  directed  his  attention  to  the  left 
wing  of  the  enemy,  which  was  falling  back,  closely  followed 
by  Eugene’s  horse,  hi  the  direction  of  Morselingen.  Several 

*  Kausler,  112.  Coxe,  i.,  410,  411.  Mem.  de  Tallard,  ii.,  248-252.  Marl. 
Disp.,  i.,  418. 

t  This  note  is  still  preserved  at  Blenheim :  "I  have  not  time  to  say  more, 
but  beg  you  will  give  my  duty  to  the  queen,  and  let  her  know  that  her  army 
has  had  a  glorious  victory.  Monsieur  Tallard  and  two  other  generals  are  in 
my  coach,  and  I  am  following  the  rest.  The  hearer,  my  aid-de-camp.  Col¬ 
onel  Park,  will  give  her  an  account  of  what  has  passed.  1  shall  do  it  in  a 
day  or  two  by  another,  and  more  at  large. — Marlboroooh." — Coxe.  i .  413. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


9  7 

squadrons  were  added  to  Hompesch’s  division,  and  the  duke 
was  preparing  to  lead  them  on  in  person  upon  the  flank  of  the 
column,  which  Avas  defiling  along  the  skirt  of  the  wood.  In 
the  dusk  of  the  evening,  however,  and  with  the  view  obscured 
by  the  volumes  of  smoke  which  were  wafted  from  the  field, 
the  Bavarian  and  French  troops  were  mistaken  by  Marlbor¬ 
ough  and  his  staff  for  Eugene’s  men  in  pursuit,  and  the  charge, 
Avhen  on  the  point  of  being  executed,  was  therefore  counter¬ 
manded.  Thus  the  enemy  on  that  side  escaped  without  se¬ 
rious  loss.  Tliis  accidental  mistake  alone  saved  the  French 
left  from  the  utter  ruin  which  had  already  overtaken  the  cen¬ 
ter,  and  Avas  soon  to  involve  the  right  wing.* 

Marlborough  now  turned  all  his  forces  against  the  troops 
in  Blenheim,  which,  entirely  cut  off  from  the  re-  53. 
mainder  of  the  army,  and  enveloped  iu  darkness,  thetroop^in' 
AA'ere  in  a  situation  wellnigh  desperate.  To  pre-  conchisionof 
vent  the  possibility  of  their  escape,  Webb,  with  the  the  battIe- 
queen’s  regiment,  took  possession  of  a  barrier  the  enemy  lmd 
constructed  at  one  of  the  outlets  of  the  village,  to  cover  their 
retreat  toward  the  eastAvard,  and  having  posted  his  men  across 
the  street  which  led  to  the  Danube,  several  hundred  of  the 
enemy,  who  were  attempting  to  make  their  escape  that  way, 
Avere  made  prisoners.  Prince  George’s  regiment,  in  like  man¬ 
ner,  occupied  the  other  issue  toward  the  Danube,  and  all  who 
came  out  that  way  were  immediately  captured.  Others  en¬ 
deavored  to  break  out  at  other  places  ;  but  Lord  John  Hay,  at 
the  head  of  Iris  regiment  of  Scots  Greys, f  speedily  met  them 
at  the  top  of  a  rising  ground,  and,  making  them  believe  liis 
troops  were  but  the  advanced  guard  of  a  larger  force,  stopped 
them  on  that  side.  When  Churchill  saw  the  defeat  of  the 
enemy’s  horse  in  the  center  decided,  he  sent  to  request  Lord 
Cutts  to  attack  Blenheim  hi  front,  Avlfile  he  himself  assailed 

*  KaUSLER,  113.  CoXE,  i.,  412,  413. 

t  This  regiment  might  have  Blenheim  and  Waterloo,  the  two  greatest  de¬ 
feats  France  ever  experienced  in  fair  fight,  on  their  colors,  joined  to  Napo¬ 
leon's  words,  “  Ces  terribles  chevaux  gris,  comme  ils  travaillent.”  Few 
regiments  in  Enrope  would  have  so  glorious  an  emblazonry. 

T 


98 


THE  LIFE  OF 


it  in  flank.  Tliis  was  accordingly  done  :  Orkney  and  Gen¬ 
eral  Ingolsby  entering  the  village  at  the  same  time,  in  two 
different  places,  at  the  head  of  their  respective  regiments. 
But  the  French  made  so  vigorous  a  resistance,  especially  at 
the  church-yard,  that  they  were  forced  to  retire.  Marlbor¬ 
ough,  however,  now  brought  up  Iris  guns  on  all  sides,  and 
opened  a  fire  on  the  village.  Soon  several  houses  took  fire, 
and  the  flames  casting  a  red  light  over  the  sky,  enabled  the 
gunners  to  direct  their  fire  with  unerring  aim.  M.  Clerarn- 
bault,  their  commander,  had  already  fled,  and  the  troops  hav¬ 
ing  lost  all  hope,  and  being  entirely  cut  off,  at  length,  after 
vainly  endeavoring  to  obtain  a  capitulation,  surrendered  at 
discretion.  With  despair  and  indignation  the  soldiers  sub¬ 
mitted  to  their  fate ;  the  regiment  of  Navarre  burned  their 
colors  and  buried  their  arms,  that  such  trophies  might  not  re¬ 
main  to  grace  the  triumph  of  their  enemies.* 

In  tliis  battle  Marlborough’s  whig  lost  five  thousand  men, 

54-  and  Eugene’s  six  thousand,  hi  all  eleven  thousand. 

Results  of  ° 

the  batUe.  The  French  lost  thirteen  thousand  prisoners,  includ- 
ing  twelve  hundred  officers,  almost  all  taken  by  Marlbor¬ 
ough’s  wing,  besides  thirty-four  pieces  of  cannon,  twenty-five 
standards,  and  ninety  colors  ;  Eugene  took  thirteen  pieces. 
The  killed  and  wounded  amounted  to  fourteen  thousand. 
But  the  total  loss  of  the  French  and  Bavarians,  including 
those  who  deserted  during  their  calamitous  retreat  through 
the  Black  Forest,  was  not  less  than  forty  thousand  men  ;f  a 
number  greater  than  any  winch  they  sustained  till  the  still 
more  disastrous  day  of  Waterloo.  It  is  remarkable  that  by 
far  the  greatest  defeats  ever  experienced  by  the  French  on 
land,  Cressy,  Azincour,  Poitiers,  Blenheim,  Ramilhes,  Oude- 
narde,  Salamanca,  Vittoria,  Waterloo,  all  came  from  the 

*  Hare’s  Journal.  Marl.  Disp.,  i.,  408,  409.  Kausler,  112.  Coxe,  i., 
415.  Capefigue,  Hist,  de  Louis  XIV.,  v.,  218,  219. 

t  Cardonnell,  Disp.  to  Lord  Harley,  25tli  Sept.,  1740,  Disp.,  i.,  410.  By 
intercepted  letters  it  appeared  the  enemy  admitted  a  loss  of  forty  thousand 
men  before  they  reached  the  Biline. — Marlborough  to  the  Duke  of  Shrews¬ 
bury,  28th  Aug.,  1704,  Disp.,  i.,  439. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


lJ9 


arms  of  England.  At  Leipsic  they  were  not  beaten  in  a  fair 
field,  but  overthrown  by  an  overwhelming  superiority  of  force. 

It  is  quite  evident  to  what  cause  the  overwhelming  mag¬ 
nitude  of  this  defeat  of  the  French  army  was  owing.  55. 
The  strength  of  the  position  consisted  solely  in  the  defeat  off|ic 
rivulets  and  marshy  grounds  in  its  front,  and  when  trench- 
they  were  passed,  the  error  of  Marshal  Tallard’s  disposition 
of  his  troops  was  at  once  apparent.  The  infantry  was  accu¬ 
mulated  in  useless  numbers  in  the  villages.  Of  the  twenty- 
seven  battalions  in  Blenheim,  twenty  were  of  Ao  service,  and 
coidd  not  get  into  action,  while  the  long  line  of  cavalry  from 
thence  to  Oberglau  was  sustained  only  by  a  few  battalions  of 
foot,  incapable  of  making  any  effective  resistance.  This  was 
the  more  inexcusable,  as  the  French,  having  sixteen  battal¬ 
ions  of  infantry  more  than  the  allies,  should  at  no  point  have 
shown  themselves  inferior  in  foot  soldiers  to  their  opponents. 
When  the  curtain  of  horse  which  stretched  from  Blenheim  to 
Oberglau  was  broken  through  and  driven  off  the  field,  the 
thirteen  thousand  infantry  accumulated  in  the  former  of  these 
villages  could  not  escape  falling  into  the  enemy’s  hands ;  for 
they  were  pressed  between  Marlborough’s  victorious  foot  and 
horse  on  the  one  side,  and  the  unfordable  stream  of  the  Dan¬ 
ube  on  the  other.  But  Marlborough,  it  is  evident,  evinced 
the  capacity  of  a  great  general  in  the  maimer  hi  which  he 
surmounted  these  obstacles  and  took  advantage  of  these  faulty 
dispositions ;  resolutely,  in  the  first  instance,  overcoming  the 
numerous  impediments  which  opposed  the  passage  of  the  rivu¬ 
lets,  and  then  accumulating  his  horse  and  foot  for  a  grand 
attack  on  the  enemy’s  center,  which,  besides  destroying  above 
half  the  troops  assembled  there,  and  driving  thirty  squadrons 
into  the  Danube,  cut  off  and  isolated  the  powerful  body  of 
infantry  now  ruinously  crowded  together  hi  Blenheim,  and 
compelled  them  to  surrender. 

Immense  were  the  results  of  this  transcendent  victory.  The 

French  army,  lately  so  confident  in  its  numbers  5fi. 

i  J  J  i  ,  n  i  -n/r  i  Vast  results  of 

and  prowess,  retreated,  “  or  rather  lied,  as  Marl-  the  victory. 


100 


THE  LIFE  OF 


borough  says,  through  the  Black  Forest,  abandoning  the 
Elector  of  Bavaria  and  all  the  fortresses  on  the  Danube  to 
their  fate.  In  the  deepest  dejection  and  the  utmost  disorder, 
they  reached  the  Rhine,  scarce  twelve  thousand  strong,  on 
the  25th  of  August,  and  immediately  began  defiling  over  by 
the  bridge  of  Strasburg.*  How  different  from  the  triumphant 
army,  forty-five  thousand  strong,  which,  with  drums  beating 
and  colors  flying,  had  crossed  at  the  same  place  six  weeks 
before  !  Marlborough,  having  detached  part  of  his  force  t<j 
besiege  Ulm,  drew  near  with  the  bulk  of  his  army  to  the 
Rhine,  which  he  passed  near  Philipsburg  on  the  6th  of  Sep¬ 
tember,  and  soon  after  commenced  the  siege  of  Landau,  on 
the  French  side  ;  Prince  Louis,  with  twenty  thousand  men, 
forming  the  besieging  force,  and  Eugene  and  Marlborough, 
with  thirty  thousand,  the  covering  army.  Villeroi,  with  the 
French  army,  abandoned  an  intrenched  camp  which  he  had 
constructed  to  cover  the  town.  Marlborough  followed,  and 
made  every  effort  to  bring  the  French  marshal  to  battle,  but 
in  vain.  He  fell  back  first  behind  the  Lauter,  and  then  be¬ 
hind  the  Molfer,  abandoning  a  rugged  wooded  country,  one  of 

*  The  following  letter,  from  an  officer  in  the  French  army,  paints  the  con 
stemation  which  followed  the  battle  of  Blenheim  : 

"  Je  vous  dirai  que  Mercredi  13  Aout  il  s’en  dound  la  plus  sanglante  ba- 
taille  qn'on  ait  vue  de  mCnoire  d’homme,  et  dans  laquelle  nous  avons  8te 
entierement  defaits.  M.  de  Tallard  est  blesse,  et  fait  prisonnier  avec  beau- 
coup  d’autres  gcneraux ;  MM.  de  Surlaube  et  Blainville  morts ;  toute  l'in- 
fanterie  abimee  ou  faite  prisonniere ;  M.  de  Tavanes,  colonel,  le  Comte  de 
Veme,  general  de  la  cavalerie,  et  le  Marquis  de  Bellefonde  tu6s  sur  le 
place.  M.  de  Montperon,  autre  general  de  la  cavalerie,  blesse.  Nous  Con¬ 
rans  8.  perdre  haleine  depuis  deux  jours,  et  nous  ne  sommes  arrives  a  Ulm 
(rendezvous  au  debris  de  l'armee)  que  tout  8  1’heure,  y  ayant  neuf  bonnes 
heures  dela  au  champ  de  bataille.  Nous  etions  derriere  l’infanterie,  qui  a 
ete  repousse  six  fois,  et  nous  l’avions  toujours  soutenue :  elle  est  entice¬ 
ment  defaite,  tous  les  officiers  tues  ou  blesses,  hors  M.  de  Precher,  qui  se 
porte  aussibien  que  moi,  qui  ai  fait  comme  beaucoup  d’autres,  les  g§neraux 
nous  dounant  l’example.  Ce  matin  MM.  de  Courtebonne  de  Bourg,  et 
D  Huricieres  sont  echapp6s,  s’etant  sauv6s  sur  le  chemin  d'Ulm ;  enfin  toute 
l’armee  est  dans  une  consternation  terrible ;  nous  avons  perdus  nos  timbales 
et  etendards.” — Lettrc  Originate  dans  Capefigue,  Hisloire  de  Louis  XIV., 
v.,  321. 


M  AIlL  BOROUCi  II. 


101 


the  strongest  in  Euro]>e,  without  firing  a  shot.  The  camion 
of  Blenheim  still  resounded  in  his  ears.  Uhn  surrendered  on 
the  16th  of  September,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  pieces  of 
cannon  and  twelve  hundred  barrels  of  powder,  which  gave 
the  allies  a  solid  foundation  on  the  Danube,  and  effectually 
crushed  the  power  of  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  who,  isolated 
now  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies,  had  no  alternative  but  to 
abandon  his  dominions  and  seek  refuge  in  Brussels,  where  he 
arrived  in  the  end  of  September. 

Meanwhile,  as  the  siege  of  Landau  was  found  to  require 

more  time  than  had  been  anticipated,  owing  to  the  57. 

.  .  .  Capture  of 

extraordinary  difficulties  experienced  hi  getting  up  Landauand 

supplies  and  lorage  for  the  troops,  Marlborough  re-  and  conciu- 

1  TT  i  T->  v  *1  1  sionof  tin: 

paired  to  Hanover  and  Fermi  to  stimulate  the  Jrrus-  campaign, 
sian  and  Hanoverian  cabinets  to  greater  exertions  hi  the  com¬ 
mon  cause  ;  and  he  succeeded  in  malting  arrangements  for  the 
addition  of  eight  thousand  Prussian  troops  to  their  valuable 
auxiliary  force,  to  be  added  to  the  army  of  the  Imperialists  in 
Italy,  which  stood  much  hi  need  of  re-enforcement.  The 
Electress  of  Bavaria,  who  had  been  left  regent  of  that  state  in 
the  absence  of  the  elector  hi  Flanders,  had  now  no  resource 
left  but  submission ;  and  a  treaty  was  accordingly  concluded 
in  the  beginning  of  November,  by  winch  she  agreed  to  dis¬ 
band  all  her  troops.  Treves  and  Traerbach  were  taken  in 
the  end  of  December  ;  the  Hungarian  insurrection  was  sup¬ 
pressed  ;  Landau  capitulated  in  the  beginning  of  the  same 
month  ;  a  diversion  which  the  enemy  attempted  toward 
Treves  was  defeated  by  Marlborough’s  activity  and  vigilance, 
and  that  city  put  hi  a  sufficient  posture  of  defense  ;  and  the 
campaign  being  now  finished,  that  accomplished  commander 
returned  to  the  Hague  and  London  to  receive  the  honor  due 
for  his  past  services,  and  urge  their  respective  cabinets  to  the 
efforts  necessary  to  turn  them  to  good  account. 

Thus  by  the  operations  of  one  single  campaign  was  Bava¬ 
ria  crushed,  Austria  saved,  and  Germany  delivered.  58. 

Its  marvel- 

Marl  borough  s  cross  march  from  Flanders  to  the  ous  results. 

12 


102 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Danube  bad  extricated  the  Imperialists  from  a  state  of  the 
utmost  peril,  and  elevated  them  at  once  to  security,  victory, 
and  conquest.  The  decisive  blow  struck  at  Blenheim  resound¬ 
ed  through  every  part  of  Europe  :  it  at  once  destroyed  the 
vast  fabric  of  power  which  it  had  taken  Louis  XIV.,  aided 
by  the  talents  of  Turenne  and  the  genius  of  Vauban,  so  long 
to  construct.  Instead  of  proudly  descending  the  valley  of  the 
Danube,  and  threatening  Vienna,  as  Napoleon  afterward  did  in 
1805  and  1809,  the  French  were  driven  in  the  utmost  disor¬ 
der  across  the  Rhine.  The  surrender  of  Traerbach  and  Lan¬ 
dau  gave  the  allies  a  firm  footing  on  the  left  bank  of  that 
river.  The  submission  of  Bavaria  deprived  the  French  of 
that  great  outwork,  of  which  they  have  made  such  good  use 
hi  their  German  wars ;  the  Hungarian  insurrection,  disap¬ 
pointed  of  the  expected  aid  from  the  armies  of  the  Rhine, 
was  pacified.  Prussia  was  induced  by  this  great  triumph  to 
co-operate  in  a  more  efficient  manner  hi  the  common  cause ; 
the  parsimony  of  the  Dutch  gave  way  before  the  joy  of  suc¬ 
cess  ;  and  the  empire,  delivered  from  invasion,  was  preparing 
to  carry  its  victorious  arms  hito  the  heart  of  France.  Such 
achievements  require  no  comment ;  they  speak  for  themselves, 
and  deservedly  place  Marlborough  hi  the  very  highest  rank 
of' military  commanders.  The  campaigns  of  Napoleon  ex¬ 
hibit  no  more  decisive  or  important  results. 

Honors  and  emoluments  of  every  description  were  showered 
on  the  English  hero  for  tins  glorious  success.  He  was  creat¬ 
ed  a  prince  of  the  Holy  Roman  empire,*  and  a  tract  of  land 
*  The  holograph  letter  of  the  emperor,  announcing  this  honor,  said,  with 
equal  truth  and  justice,  “I  am  induced  to  assign  to  your  highness  a  place 
among  the  princes  of  the  empire,  in  order  that  it  may  universally  appear 
how  much  I  acknowledge  myself  and  the  empire  to  be  indebted  to  the  Queen 
of  Great  Britain,  who  sent  her  arms  as  far  as  Bavaria  at  a  time  when  the 
affairs  of  the  empire,  by  the  defection  of  the  Bavarians  to  the  French,  most 
needed  that  assistance  and  support.  And  to  your  grace,  likewise,  to  whose 
prudence  and  courage,  together  with  the  bravery’  of  the  forces  fighting  under 
your  command,  the  two  victories  lately  granted  by  Providence  to  the  allies 
are  principally’  attributed,  not  only  by’  the  voice  of  fame,  but  by  the  general  offi¬ 
cers  in  my  army  who  had  then-  share  in  your  labor  and  your  glory.” — The 
Emperor  Leopold  to  Marlborough,  28 th  of  August,  1704. — Disp.,  i.,  538. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


103 


in  Germany,  at  Mindelsheim,  erected  into  a  prin-  59. 

Honors  and 

cipality  in  his  favor.  His  humanity  to  the  wound-  rewards  be- 
ed,  alike  of  the  enemy’s  army  and  his  own,  and  his  Marlborough, 
courtesy  to  the  vanquished,  were  the  theme  of  universal  ad¬ 
miration.  The  coohiess  with  which  he  gave  his  orders  in  the 
hottest  of  the  fire,  and  the  admirable  presence  of  mind  with 
which  he  carried  succor  to  every  part  of  the  field  which  re¬ 
quired  it,  were  admitted  by  all  to  have  caused  the  triumph. 
His  reception  at  the  courts  of  Berlin  and  Hanover  resembled 
that  of  a  sovereign  prince  ;  the  acclamations  of  the  people,  in 
all  the  towns  through  winch  he  passed,  rent  the  air  ;  at  the 
Hague  his  influence  was  such  that  he  was  regarded  as  the 
real  stadtholder.  More  substantial  rewards  awaited  him  in 
his  own  country.  The  munificence  of  the  queen  and  the  grat¬ 
itude  of  Parliament  conferred  upon  him  the  extensive  honor 
and  manor  of  Woodstock,  long  a  royal  palace,  and  once  the 
scene  of  the  loves  of  Henry  II.  and  the  Fair  Rosamond. 
By  order  of  the  queen,  not  only  was  this  noble  estate  settled 
on  the  duke  and  his  heirs,  hut  the  royal  controller  commenc 
ed  a  magnificent  palace  for  the  duke  on  a  scale  worthy  of  his 
services  and  England's  gratitude.  From  this  origin  the  su¬ 
perb  palace  of  Blenheim  has  taken  its  rise,  which,  although 
not  built  in  the  purest  taste  or  after  the  most  approved  mod¬ 
els,  remains,  and  will  long  remain,  a  splendid  monument  of  a 
nation’s  gratitude,  and  of  the  genius  of  Vanbrugh.  But  a 
yet  more  enduring  monument  was  raised  in  the  fines  of  the 
poet,  which,  even  at  this  distance  of  time,  are  felt  to  be  de- 
sorved  : 

“  'Twas  then  great  Marlborough’s  mighty  soul  was  proved, 

That  in  the  shock  of  charging  hosts  unmoved, 

Amid  confusion,  horror,  and  despair. 

Examined  all  the  dreadful  scenes  of  war. 

In  peaceful  thought  the  field  of  death  surveyed, 

To  fainting  Bquadrons  sent  the  timely  aid; 

Inspired  repulsed  battalions  to  engage, 

And  taught  the  doubtful  battle  where  to  rage. 

So  when  an  angel,  by  divine  command, 

With  rising  tempests  shakes  a  guilty  land — 


104 


THE  I.IFE  OF 


Such  as  of  late  o’er  pale  Britannia  pass’d — 

Calm  and  serene  he  drives  the  furious  blast ; 

And  pleased  the  Almighty’s  orders  to  perform. 

Rides  in  the  whirlwind,  and  directs  the  storm.” 

Addison. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CAMPAIGNS  OF  1705  AND  1706. - BATTLE  OF  RAMILLIES  AND 

CONQUEST  OF  FLANDERS. 

Notwithstanding  the  invaluable  services  thus  rendered  by 
i.  Marlborough,  both  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany 
omhe  English  ant^  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain,  he  was  far  from 
vodng^up1  m  experiencing  from  either  potentate  that  liberal  sup- 
pUes.  port  for  the  future  prosecution  of  the  war  which 

the  inestimable  opportunity  now  placed  in  their  hands,  and 
the  formidable  power  still  at  the  disposal  of  the  enemy,  so 
loudly  required.  As  usual,  the  English  Parliament  were  ex¬ 
ceedingly  backward  in  voting  supplies  either  of  men  or  money ; 
nor  was  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  or  that  of  the  Hague  inclined 
to  be  more  liberal  in  their  exertions.  Though  the  House  of 
Commons  agreed  to  give  ,£4,670,000  for  the  service  of  the 
ensuing  year,  yet  the  land  forces  voted  were  only  forty  thou¬ 
sand  men.  The  population  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 
could  not  be  at  that  period  under  ten  millions,  while  France, 
with  about  twenty  millions,  had  above  two  hundred  thousand 
under  arms.  It  is  this  excessive  and  invariable  reluctance  of 
the  English  Parliament  ever  to  make  those  efforts  at  the  com¬ 
mencement  of  a  war,  which  are  necessary  to  turn  to  a  good 
account  the  inherent  bravery  of  its  commanders,  that  is  the 
cause  of  the  long  duration  of  our  Continental  contests,  and  of 
three  fourths  of  the  national  debt  which  now  oppresses  the 
empire,  and,  in  its  ultimate  results,  will  endanger  its  existence. 
The  national  forces  are,  by  the  cry  for  economy  and  reduction 
which  invariably  is  raised  in  peace,  reduced  to  so  low  an  ebb. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


105 


that  it  is  only  by  successive  additions,  made  in  many  different 
years,  that  they  can  be  raised  up  to  any  tiring  like  the  amount 
requisite  for  successful  operations.  In  the  mean  time,  and 
before  the  requisite  additions  can  be  made  to  the  land  and 
sea  forces,  disasters,  sometimes  serious  and  irreparable,  are 
sustained  on  both  elements.  Thus  disaster  generally  occurs 
in  the  commencement  of  every  war  ;  or  if,  by  the  genius  of 
any  extraordinary  commander,  as  by  that  of  Marlborough, 
unlooked-for  success  is  achieved  in  the  outset,  the  nation  is 
unable  to  follow  it  up  ;  the  war  languishes  for  want  of  the 
requisite  support.  The  enemy  gets  tune  to  recover  from  his 
consternation  ;  his  danger  stimulates  him  to  greater  exertions ; 
and  many  long  years  of  warfare,  deeply  checkered  with  disas¬ 
ter,  and  attended  with  enormous  expense,  are  required  to  ob¬ 
viate  the  effects  of  previous  undue  pacific  reduction. 

How  bitterly  Marlborough  felt  this  want  of  support,  on  the 
part  of  the  cabinets  both  of  London  and  Vienna,  2. 
which  prevented  him  from  following  up  the  victory  wWicl,  Marr 
of  Blenheim  with  the  decisive  operations  against  t°minedof 
France  which  he  would  otherwise  have  undoubtedly  *onf0aJgdig. 
commenced,  is  proved  by  various  parts  of  his  cor-  positlon 
respondence.  On  the  16th  of  December,  1704,  he  wrote  to 
Mr.  Secretary  Harley  :  “  I  am  sorry  to  see  nothing  has  been 
offered  yet,  nor  any  care  taken  by  Parliament  for  recruiting 
the  army.  I  mean  chiefly  the  foot.  It  is  of  that  consequence 
for  an  early  campaign,  that  without  it  tve  may  run  the  hazard 
of  losing,  in  a  great  measure,  the  fruits  of  the  last ;  and, 
therefore,  I  pray  leave  to  recommend  it  to  you  to  advise  with 
your  friends  if  any  proper  method  can  be  thought  of,  that 
may  be  laid  before  the  House  immediately,  without  waiting 
my  arrival.”*  Nor  was  the  cabinet  of  Vienna,  notwithstand¬ 
ing  the  imminent  danger  they  had  recently  run,  more  active 
in  making  the  necessary  efforts  to  repair  the  losses  of  the  cam¬ 
paign  :  “You  can  not,”  says  Marlborough,  “  say  more  to  us 
of  the  supine  negligence  of  the  court  of  Vienna,  with  refer- 

#  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Harley,  16th  Dec.,  1701.  Disp.,  i.,  556. 


106 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ence  to  your  affairs,  than  we  are  sensible  of  every  where  else ; 
and  certainly  if  the  Duke  of  Savoy’s  good  conduct  and  brav¬ 
ery  at  Verue  had  not  reduced  the  French  to  a  very  low  ebb, 
the  game  must  have  been  over  before  any  help  could  come  to 
you.”*  It  is  ever  thus,  especially  with  states  such  as  Great 
Britain,  in  which  the  democratic  element  is  so  powerful  as  to 
imprint  upon  the  measures  of  government  that  disregard  of 
the  future,  and  aversion  to  present  efforts  or  burdens,  which 
invariably  characterizes  the  mass  of  mankind.  If  Marlbor¬ 
ough  had  been  adequately  supported  and  strengthened  after 
the  decisive  blow  struck  at  Blenheim,  that  is,  if  the  govern¬ 
ments  of  Vieima  and  London,  with  that  of  the  Hague,  had 
by  a  great  and  timely  effort  doubled  his  effective  force  when 
the  French  were  broken  and  disheartened  by  defeat,  he  would 
have  marched  to  Paris  in  the  next  campaign,  and  dictated 
peace  to  the  G-rand  Monarque  in  Ins  gorgeous  halls  of  Ver¬ 
sailles.  It  was  short-sighted  economy  which  entailed  upon 
the  allied  nations  the  costs  and  burdens  of  the  next  ten  years 
of  the  War  of  the  Succession,  as  it  did  the  still  greater  costs 
and  burdens  of  the  Revolutionary  contest,  after  the  still  more 
decisive  successes  of  the  allies  hi  the  summer  of  1793,  when 
the  iron  frontier  of  the  Netherlands  had  been  entirely  broken 
through,  and  their  advanced  posts,  without  any  force  to  oppose 
them,  were  within  a  hundred  and  sixty  miles  of  Paris. 

This  parsimony  of  the  allied  governments,  and  their  invin- 
3-  „  cible  repugnance  to  the  efforts  and  sacrifices  which 

Reasons  for  . 

converting  the  could  alone  bring,  and  certainly  would  have 

war  into  one 

of  sieges,  and  brought,  the  war  to  an  early  and  glorious  issue,  is 
placing  its  seat  p  ,  .  r 

m  Flanders,  the  cause  ot  the  subsequent  conversion  oi  the  war 

into  one  of  blockades  and  sieges,  and  of  its  being  transferred 
to  Flanders,  where  its  progress  was  necessarily  slow,  and  cost 
enormous,  from  the  vast  number  of  strongholds  which  requir¬ 
ed  to  be  reduced  at  every  stage  of  the  allied  advance.  It  was 
said  at  the  time,  that  in  attacking  Flanders  in  that  quarter, 
Marlborough  took  the  bull  by  the  horns  ;  that  France  on  the 
*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Hill  at  Turin,  6th  Feb.,  1705.  Disp.,  i.,  591. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


107 


side  of  the  Rhine  was  far  more  vulnerable,  and  that  the  war 
was  fixed  in  Flanders  for  the  purpose  of  augmenting  the  profits 
of  the  generals  employed,  by  protracting  it.  Subsequent 
winters,  not  reflecting  on  the  difference  of  the  circumstances, 
have  observed  the  successful  issue  of  the  invasions  of  France 
from  Switzerland  and  the  Upper  Rhine  in  1814,  and  Flanders 
and  the  Lower  Rhine  in  1815,  and  concluded  that  a  similar 
result  would  have  attended  a  like  bold  invasion  under  Marl¬ 
borough  and  Eugene.  There  never  was  a  greater  mistake. 
The  great  object  of  the  war  was  to  wrest  Flanders  from 
France.  While  the  lilied  standard  floated  on  Brussels  and 
Antwerp,  the  United  Provinces  were  constantly  in  danger  of 
being  swallowed  up  ;  and  there  was  no  security  for  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  England,  Holland,  or  any  of  the  German  States. 
If  Marlborough  and  Eugene  had  had  two  hundred  thousand 
effective  men  at  their  disposal,  as  Wellington  and  Blucher 
had  in  1815,  or  three  hundred  thousand,  as  Schwartzenberg 
and  Blucher  had  in  1814,  they  might  doubtless  have  left  half 
their  forces  behind  them  to  blockade  the  fortresses,  and  with 
the  other  half  marched  direct  to  Paris.  But  as  they  never 
had  more  than  It  hundred  thousand  on  their  muster-rolls,  and 
could  not  at  any  time  bring  more  than  eighty  thousand  effect¬ 
ive  men  into  the  field,  tiffs  bold  and  decisive  course  was  im¬ 
possible.  The  French  army  in  their  front  was  rarely  inferior 
to  theirs,  often  superior ;  and  how  was  it  possible,  in  these 
circumstances,  to  venture  on  the  perilous  course  of  pushing  on 
into  the  heart  of  the  enemy’s  territory,  leaving  the  frontier 
fortresses  yet  unsubdued  in  their  rear  ? 

The  disastrous  issue  of  the  Blenheim  campaign  to  the 
French,  even  when  supported  by  the  friendly  arms  4 
and  all  the  fortresses  of  Bavaria,  in  the  preceding  ^‘samen'f- 
year,  had  shown  what  was  the  danger  of  such  a 
course.  The  still  more  calamitous  issue  of  the  Mos-  riuent  limes- 
cow  campaign  to  the  army  of  Napoleon  demonstrated  that 
even  the  greatest  military  talents,  and  most  enormous  accu¬ 
mulation  of  military  foroe,  affords  no  security  against  the  in- 


108 


THE  LIFE  OF 


calculable  danger  of  an  undue  advance  beyond  the  base  of 
military  operations.  The  greatest  generals  of  the  last  age, 
fruitful  beyond  all  others  in  military  talent,  have  acted  on  those 
principles  whenever  they  had  not  an  overwhelming  superiority 
of  forces  at  their  command.  Wellington  never  invaded  Spain 
till  he  was  master  of  Ciudad  Rodrigo  and  Badajos,  nor  France 
till  he  had  subdued  San  Sebastian  and  Pampeluna.  The  first 
use  which  Napoleon  made  of  his  victories  at  Montenotte  and 
Dego  was  to  compel  the  court  of  Turin  to  surrender  their  for¬ 
tresses  in  Piedmont ;  of  the  victory  of  Marengo,  to  force  the 
Imperialists  to  abandon  the  whole  strongholds  of  Lombardy 
as  far  as  the  Adige.  The  possession  of  the  single  fortress  of 
Mantua,  in  1796,  enabled  the  Austrians  to  arrest  the  course 
of  Napoleon’s  victories,  and  gain  time  to  assemble  four  differ¬ 
ent  armies  for  the  defense  of  the  monarchy.  The  case  of  half 
a  million  of  men,  flushed  by  victory,  and  led  by  able  and  ex¬ 
perienced  leaders,  assailing  a  single  state,  is  the  exception,  not 
the  rule. 

Circumstances,  therefore,  of  paramount  importance  and  ir- 
5_  resistible  force,  compelled  Marlborough  to  fix  the 
tatenTofMaiL  war  'il  Flanders,  and  convert  it  into  one  of  sieges 
keepilf"to°'etii-  an<^  blockades.  In  entering  upon  such  a  system 
er  the  alliance.  0f  llostility,  sure,  and  comparatively  free  from  risk 
but  slow  and  extremely  costly,  the  alliance  ran  the  greatest 
risk  of  being  shipwrecked  in  consequence  of  the  numerous  dis¬ 
cords,  jealousies,  and  separate  interests  which,  in  the  case  of 
almost  every  coalition  recorded  in  history,  have  proved  fatal  to 
a  great  confederacy,  if  it  does  not  obtain  decisive  success  at 
the  outset,  before  these  seeds  of  division  have  had  time  to 
come  to  maturity.  With  what  admirable  skill  and  incom¬ 
parable  address  Marlborough  kept  together  the  unwieldy  al¬ 
liance,  will  hereafter  appear.  Never  was  a  man  so  qualified 
by  nature  for  such  a  task.  He  was  courtesy  and  grace  per¬ 
sonified.  It  was  a  common  saying  at  the  time,  that  neither 
man  nor  woman  could  resist  him.  “  Of  all  the  men  I  ever 
knew,”  says  one  who  was  himself  a  perfect  master  of  the  ele- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


109 


gances  he  so  much  admired,  “  the  late  Duke  of  Marlborough 
possessed  the  graces  hi  the  highest  degree,  not  to  say  engross¬ 
ed  them.  Indeed,  he  got  the  most  by  them ;  and,  contrary 
to  the  custom  of  profound  historians,  who  always  assign  deep 
causes  for  great  events,  I  ascribe  the  better  half  of  the  Duke 
of  Marlborough’s  greatness  to  those  graces.  He  had  no  bright¬ 
ness,  nothing  shining  in  his  genius.  He  had,  most  undoubted¬ 
ly,  an  excellent  plain  understanding,  and  sound  judgment. 
But  these  qualities  alone  would  probably  have  never  raised 
liim  higher  than  they  found  him,  which  was  page  to  James 
the  Second’s  queen.  But  there  the  graces  protected  and  pro¬ 
mo  ted  him.  His  figure  was  beautiful,  but  his  manner  was  ir¬ 
resistible,  either  by  man  or  woman.  It  was  by  this  engaging, 
graceful  maimer,  that  he  was  enabled,  during  all  the  war,  to 
connect  the  various  and  jarring  powers  of  the  Grand  Alliance, 
and  to  carry  them  on  to  the  main  object  of  the  war,  notwith¬ 
standing  their  private  and  separate  views,  jealousies,  and 
wrong-headedness.  Whatever  court  he  went  to  (and  he  was 
often  obliged  to  go  to  restive  and  refractoiy  ones),  he  brought 
them  into  Iris  measures.  The  Pensionary  Heinsius,  who  had 
governed  the  United  Provinces  for  forty  years,  was  absolutely 
governed  by  him.  He  was  always  cool,  and  nobody  ever  ob¬ 
served  the  least  variation  in  his  countenance  ;  he  could  refuse 
more  gracefully  than  others  could  grant ;  and  those  who  went 
from  him  the  most  dissatisfied  as  to  the  substance  of  their  bu¬ 
siness,  were  yet  charmed  by  his  manner,  and,  as  it  were,  com¬ 
forted  by  it.”* 

The  same  circumstance  of  necessity  imprinted  a  peculiar 

character  upon  the  generalship  of  Marlborough,  o. 

r  °  r  °  Caution  which 

as  it  has  subsequently  done  on  that  of  Wellington,  the  same  cause 

,  .  imprinted  on 

and  must  ever  do  oil  the  commander  who  is  to  head  Marlborough’s 
the  forces  of  a  great  confederacy,  especially  if  pop-  duct  3 
ular  states  enter  into  its  composition.  Caution  and  prudence, 
in  such  a  situation,  are  not  only  important,  but  indispensable. 
The  jealousies  of  cabinets  are  such,  their  interests  are  in  gen- 
*  Lord  Chesterfield' s  Letters,  Lord  Mahon’s  edition,  1,  221-222. 

K 


110 


THE  LIFE  OF 


eral  so  much  at  variance,  that  nothing  can  keep  the  alliance 
together  for  any  length  of  time  hut  either  an  unbroken  career 
of  success,  or  the  presence  of  some  universally-felt  and  over¬ 
whelming  danger.  Such  is  the  impatience  of  disaster  or  tax¬ 
ation,  and  such  the  fickleness  of  disposition  in  the  people  of 
every  country,  that  they  can  never  he  brought  to  cany  on  a 
contest  for  any  considerable  length  of  time,  if  danger  is  not 
evident  from  its  cessation,  or  their  imaginations  are  not  excit¬ 
ed  by  a  constant  series  of  triumphs.  Both  these  difficulties 
existed  in  the  case  of  Marlborough,  for  he  was  the  general  of 
a  free  state,  which,  unless  in  the  excitement  of  victory,  is  con¬ 
stantly  impatient  of  taxation,  and  the  leader  of  the  forces  of 
an  affiance  which  it  required  all  his  address  and  all  the  ter¬ 
rors  of  Louis  XIY.  to  hinder  every  year  from  faffing  to  pieces, 
from  the  jealousies  and  separate  views  of  its  members.  With 
him,  therefore,  a  prudent  lhie  of  conduct  was  not  only  advisa¬ 
ble,  but  indispensable.  A  single  defeat  would  overturn  the 
ministry  in  England,  and  dissolve  the  affiance.  Unbroken 
success  was  the  condition  on  which  alone  the  contest  could  be 
maintained ;  and  the  event  proved  that  even  this  condition, 
which  he  constantly  secui-ed,  could  not,  in  the  end,  insure  its 
continuance.  And  from  this  veiy  success  arose  a  new  set  of 
dangers ;  for  it  took  away  the  stimulus  of  fear,  and  brought 
into  activity  the  usual  selfishness  of  mankind,  which  leads  ev¬ 
ery  one  to  strive  to  throw  the  burden  of  efforts  for  the  com¬ 
mon  cause  on  his  neighbor. 

A  striking  proof  of  the  action  of  these  principles  of  weak- 
7.  ness,  inherent  in  all  confederacies,  in  the  affiance 
whSh thea?”  of  winch  he  was  the  head,  occurred  in  the  very 
on'iiifi ‘conduct  next  campaign.  It  might  have  been  expected, 
uf  the  war.  that  after  the  march  into  Bavaria  had  demon¬ 
strated  the  military  genius  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  and 
the  battle  of  Blenheim  had,  in  so  decisive  a  maimer,  broken 
the  enemy’s  power,  the  principal  direction  of  military  affairs 
would  have  been  intrusted  to  that  consummate  commander, 
and  that  the  allied  cabinets,  without  presuming  to  interfere  in 


MARLBOROUGH. 


Ill 


the  management  of  the  campaigns,  would  have  turned  all  their 
efforts  to  place  at  his  disposal  forces  adequate  to  carry  into 
execution  the  mighty  designs  which  he  meditated,  and  had 
shown  himself  so  well  qualified  to  carry  into  execution.  It 
was  quite  the  reverse.  The  allied  cabinets  did  nothing — 
they  did  worse  than  nothing  :  they  interfered  only  to  do  mis- 
cliief.  Their  prhicipal  object  after  this  appeared  to  be  to 
cramp  the  efforts  of  tins  great  general,  to  overrule  his  bold 
designs,  to  tie  down  Iris  aspiring  genius.  Each  looked  only  to 
his  own  separate  objects,  and  nothing  could  make  them  see 
that  these  were  to  be  gained  only  by  promoting  the  general 
objects  of  the  alliance.  Relieved  from  the  danger  of  distant 
subjugation  by  the  victory  of  Blenheim  and  the  retreat  of  the 
French  army  across  the  Rhine,  the  German  powers  relapsed 
into  their  usual  state  of  supineness,  lukewarmness,  and  indif¬ 
ference.  No  efforts  of  Marlborough  could  induce  the  Dutch 
either  to  enlarge  their  contingent,  or  even  render  that  already 
in  the  field  fit  for  active  service.  The  English  force  was  not 
half  of  what  the  national  strength  was  capable  of  sending 
forth.  Parliament  would  not  hear  of  any  thing  like  an  ade¬ 
quate  expenditure.  Thus  the  golden  opportunity,  never  likely 
to  be  regained,  of  profiting  by  the  consternation  of  the  enemy 
after  the  battle  of  Bleidieim,  and  their  weakness  after  forty 
thousand  of  their  best  troops  had  been  lost  to  their  armies, 
was  allowed  to  pass  away,  and  the  war  permitted  to  dwin¬ 
dle  into  one  of  posts  and  sieges,  when,  by  a  vigorous  effort,  it 
might  have  been  concluded  in  the  next  campaign.* 

It  was  not  thus  with  the  French.  The  same  cause  which 

#  “  C’est  le  retard  de  toutes  les  troupes  Allemandes  qui  derange  nos  af¬ 
faires.  Jo  ne  saurais  vous  expliquer  la  situation  ou  nous  sommes  qu’en  vous 
envoyant  les  deux  lettres  ci  jointes — 1’une  que  je  viens  de  recevoir  du  Prince 
de  Bade,  ot  l'autre  la  rOponse  que  je  lui  fais.  En  verite  notre  btat  est  plus 
a  plaindre  que  vous  ne  croyez  ;  raais  je  vous  prie  que  cela  n’aille  pas  outre. 
Nous  perdons  la  plus  belle  occasion  du  monde — manque  dcs  troupes  qui  de- 
vauinl  Ht re  id  il  y  a  deja  longt.emps.  Pour  le  reste  de  l’aitillerie  Hollandaise, 
et  les  provisions  qui  peuvent  arriver  de  Mayence,  vous  les  arreterez,  s'il  vous 
plait,  pour  quelques  jours,  jusqu’ace  que  je  vou  ecrive.” — Marlborough  a  M. 
Pesters  ;  Treves,  31  Mai,  1705.  Dispatches,  ii.,  60-1. 


112 


THE  LIFE  OF 


@  had  loosened  the  efforts  of  the  confederates,  had 

Vigorous  cf-  _  . 

forte  of  the  inspired  unwonted  vigor  into  their  councils.  The 

French  gov- 

emmcnt.  Rhine  was  crossed  by  the  allies ;  the  French  ar¬ 
mies  had  been  hurled  with  disgrace  out  of  Germany  ;  the  ter¬ 
ritory  of  the  Grand  Monarque  was  threatened  both  from  the 
side  of  Alsace  and  Flanders  ;  and  a  formidable  insurrection  in 
the  Cevennes  distracted  the  force  and  threatened  the  peace  of 
the  kingdom.  But  against  all  these  evils  Louis  made  head. 
Never  had  the  superior  vigor  and  perseverance  of  a  monarchy 
over  those  of  a  confederacy  been  more  clearly  evinced.  Mar¬ 
shal  Villars  had  been  employed  in  the  close  of  the  preceding 
year  in  appeasing  the  insurrection  in  the  Cevennes,  and  Iris 
measures  were  at  once  so  vigorous  and  conciliatory,  that  be¬ 
fore  the  end  of  the  following  winter  the  disturbances  were  en¬ 
tirely  at  an  end.  In  consequence  of  this,  the  forces  employed 
in  that  quarter  became  disposable  ;  and  by  this  means,  and  the 
immense  efforts  made  by  the  government  over  the  whole  king¬ 
dom,  the  armies  on  the  frontier  were  so  considerably  augment¬ 
ed,  that  Villeroi  and  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  took  the  field  in 
the  Low  Countries  at  the  head  of  seventy-five  thousand  men, 
while  Marshal  Marsin,  on  the  Upper  Rhine,  covered  Adsaco- 
with  thirty  thousand.  Those  armies  were  much  larger  than 
any  which  the  allies  could  bring  against  them ;  for  although 
it  had  been  calculated  that  Marlborough  was  to  be  at  the 
head  of  ninety  thousand  men  on  the  Moselle  on  the  1st  of 
May,  yet,  such  had  been  the  dilatory  conduct  of  the  States 
General  and  the  German  princes,  in  the  beginning  of  June 
there  were  scarcely  thirty  thousand  men  collected  round  his 
standards  ;  and  in  Flanders  and  on  the  Upper  Rhine  the  en¬ 
emy’s  relative  superiority  was  still  greater. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  of  1705,  based  on  the  supposition 

9-  that  these  great  forces  were  to  be  at  his  disposal, 
Bold  plan  of  1 

Marlborough  concerted  between  lnm  and  Prince  Eugene,  wras  in 

for  the'inva-  the  highest  degree  bold  and  decisive.  It  was  fixed 

France.  that,  early  hi  spring,  ninety  thousand  men  should 

be  assembled  in  the  country  between  the  Moselle  and  the  Saar. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


113 


and,  after  establishing  their  magazines  and  base  of  operations  at 
Treves  and  Traerbach,  they  should  penetrate,  in  two  columns, 
into  Lorraine  ;  that  the  column  under  Marlborough  in  person 
should  advance  along  the  course  of  the  Moselle,  and  the  other, 
under  the  Margrave  of  Baden,  by  the  valley  of  the  Saar,  and 
that  Saar-Louis  should  be  invested  before  the  French  army  had 
time  to  take  the  field.  In  this  way  the  whole  fortresses  of 
Flanders  would  be  avoided,  and  the  war,  carried  into  the  ene¬ 
my’s  territory,  would  assail  France  on  the  side  where  her  iron 
barrier  was  most  easily  pierced  through.  But  the  slowness  of 
the  Dutch  and  backwardness  of  the  Germans  rendered  this 
well-conceived  plan  abortive,  and  doomed  the  English  general, 
for  the  whole  of  a  campaign  which  promised  such  important 
advantages,  to  little  else  but  difficulty,  delay,  and  vexation. 
Marlborough’s  enthusiasm,  great  as  it  was,  nearly  sank  under 
the  repeated  disappointments  which  he  experienced  at  this  junc¬ 
ture  ;  and,  guarded  as  he  was,  his  chagrin  exhaled  in  several 
bitter  complaints  in  his  confidential  correspondence.*  But, 
like  a  true  patriot  and  man  of  perseverance,  he  did  not  give 
way  to  despair  when  he  found  nearly  all  that  had  been  prom¬ 
ised  him  wanting  ;  but,  perceiving  the  greater  designs  imprac¬ 
ticable,  from  the  want  of  all  the  means  by  which  they  could 
be  carried  into  execution,  prepared  to  make  the  most  of  the 
insufficient  force  which  alone  was  at  his  disposal. 

*  Even  so  late  as  the  8th  of  June,  Marlborough  wrote,  "  J’ai  d’abord  pris 
postc  dans  ce  camp,  ou  je  me  trouve  a  portae  d’entreprendre  la  siege  de 
Saar-Louis,  si  les  troupes  qui  devaient  avoir  dte  ici  il  y  a  quelques  jours 
m’avaient  joint.  Cependant  je  n’ai  pas  jusqu’ici  un  seul  homme  qui  ne  soit 
a  la  solde  d’Angleterre  ou  de  la  Hollande.  Les  troupes  de  Bade  ne  peu- 
vent  arriver  avant  le  21  au  plutot ;  quelques-uns  des  Prussiens  sont  encore 
plus  en  arriere ;  et  pour  les  trois  mille  chevaux  que  les  princes  voisins  de¬ 
vaient  nous  fourair  pour  mener  l’artillerie  et  les  munitions,  et  sans  quoi  il 
nous  sera  impossible  d’agir,  je  n’en  ai  aucune  nouvelle,  nonobstant  toutes 
mes  instances.  J’ai  grand  peur  meme  qu’il  n’y  ait,  a  l’heure  meme  que  je 
vous  dcris  celle-ci,  des  regulations  en  chetnin  de  la  Haye  qui  detruiront  en- 
tierement  tous  nos  projets  de  ce  cote.  Cette  situation  me  donne  tant  d’in- 
quidtude  que  je  ne  saurais  me  dispenser  de  vous  prier  d’en  vouloir  part  a  sa 
majestd  Imperiale.” — Marlborough,  an  Comte  de  Wroteslau,  Elft,  8  Juin, 
1705.  Dispatches,  ii.,  85. 


K  2 


114 


THE  LIFE  OF 


At  length,  some  of  the  German  re-enforcements  having  ar- 

10.  rived,  Marlborough,  in  the  beginning  of  June, 
raemofope-  though  still  greatly  inferior  to  the  enemy,  com- 

menced  operations.  Such  was  the  terror  inspired 
the  Moselle.  ]3y  }^s  uamGj  anJ  the  tried  valor  of  the  English 
troops,  that  Villars  remained  on  the  defensive,  and  soon  re¬ 
treated.  Without  firing  a  shot,  he  evacuated  a  strong  woody 
country  which  he  occupied,  and  retired  to  a  defensive  position, 
extending  from  Haute  Sirk  on  the  right  to  the  Nevelle  on  the 
left,  and  communicating  in  the  rear  with  Luxembourg,  Tliion- 
ville,  and  Saar-Louis.  This  position  was  so  well  chosen,  that 
it  was  hopeless  to  attempt  to  force  it  without  heavy  camion  ; 
and  Marlborough’s  had  not  yet  arrived,  from  the  failure  of  the 
German  princes  to  furnish  the  draught-horses  they  had  prom¬ 
ised.  For  nine  weary  days  he  remained  in  front  of  the  French 
position,  counting  the  hours  till  the  guns  and  re-enforcements 
came  up  ;  but  such  was  the  tardiness  of  the  German  powers, 
and  the  universal  inefficiency  of  the  inferior  princes  and  po¬ 
tentates,  that  they  never  made  their  appearance.  The  En¬ 
glish  general  was  still  anxiously  awaiting  the  promised  sup¬ 
plies,  when  intelligence  arrived  from  the  right  of  so  alarming 
a  character  as  at  once  changed  the  theater  of  operations,  and 
fixed  him  for  the  remainder  of  the  campaign  in  the  plains  of 
Flanders. 

It  was  the  rapid  progress  which  Marshal  Villeroi  and  the 

11.  Elector  of  Bavaria,  at  the  head  of  seventy-five  thou- 

Successes  of* 

vnieroi  oyer  sand  men,  were  making  in  the  heart  of  the  Low 
Flanders.  Countries,  which  rendered  this  change  necessary. 
General  Overkirk  was  there  intrusted  with  the  army  intended 
to  cover  Holland  ;  but  it  was  greatly  inferior  to  the  enemy  in 
point  of  numerical  amount,  and  still  more  so  in  the  quality 
and  composition  of  the  troops  of  which  it  was  made  up. 
Aware  of  his  superiority,  and  of  the  timid  character  of  the 
government  which  was  principally  interested  in  that  army, 
Villeroi  pushed  his  advantages  to  the  utmost.  He  advanced 
boldly  upon  the  Meuse,  carried  by  assault  the  fortress  of  Huys, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


115 


and,  marching  upon  Liege,  occupied  the  town  without  much 
resistance,  and  laid  siege  to  the  citadel.  Overkirk,  cautiously 
remaining  within  his  lines  before  Maestricht,  was  unable  even 
to  keep  the  field.  The  utmost  alarm  seized  upon  the  United 
Provinces.  They  already,  in  imagination,  saw  Louis  XIV.  a 
second  time  at  the  gates  of  Amsterdam.  Courier  after  courier 
was  dispatched  to  Marlborough,  soliciting  relief  in  the  most 
urgent  terms  ;  and  it  was  hinted,  that  if  effectual  protection 
were  not  immediately  given,  Holland  would  be  under  the  ne¬ 
cessity  of  negotiating  for  a  separate  peace.  There  was  not  a 
moment  to  be  lost :  the  Dutch  were  now  as  hard  pressed  as 
the  Austrians  had  been  in  the  preceding  year,  and  in  greater 
alarm  than  the  emperor  was  before  the  battle  of  Blenheim. 
A  cross-march  like  that  into  Bavaria  could  alone  reinstate 
affairs.  Without  a  moment’s  hesitation,  Marlborough  took 
his  determination. 

On  the  17th  of  June,  without  communicating  his  designs 
to  any  one,  or  even  without  saying  a  word  of  the  12. 

...  .  .  Sudden  march 

alarming  intelligence  he  had  received,  he  ordered  ofMaribor- 

111  -1  1  . ,  .  ough  to  their 

the  whole  army  to  be  under  arms  at  midnight,  relief, 
and,  setting  out  shortly  after,  he  marched,  without  intermis¬ 
sion,  eighteen  miles  to  the  rear.  Having  thus  gained  a  march 
upon  the  enemy,  so  as  to  avoid  the  risk  of  being  pursued  or 
harassed  in  his  retreat,  he  left  General  D’Aubach,  with  eleven 
battalions  and  twelve  squadrons,  to  cover  the  important  mag¬ 
azines  at  Treves  and  Saarbruck,  and  himself,  with  the  re¬ 
mainder  of  the  army,  about  thirty  thousand  strong,  marched 
rapidly  in  the  direction  of  Maestricht.  He  was  in  hopes  of 
being  able,  like  the  Consul  Nero,  in  the  memorable  cross¬ 
march  from  Apulia  to  the  Metaurus,  in  Roman  story,  to  sur¬ 
prise  the  French  with  liis  own  army  united  to  that  of  Over¬ 
kirk  before  they  were  aware  of  his  approach ;  but  in  this  he 
was  disappointed.  Villeroi  got  notice  of  his  movement,  and, 
instantly  raising  the  siege  of  the  citadel  of  Liege,  withdrew, 
though  still  superior  in  number  to  the  united  forces  of  the 
enemy,  within  the  shelter  of  the  fines  he  had  prepared  and 


116 


THE  LIFE  OF 


fortified  with  great  care  on  the  Meuse.  Marlborough  distantly 
attacked  and  carried  Huys  on  the  11th  of  July.  But  the  sat¬ 
isfaction  derived  from  having  thus  arrested  the  progress  of  the 
enemy  in  Flanders,  and  wrested  from  him  the  only  conquest 
of  the  campaign,  soon  received  a  bitter  alloy.  Like  Frederic 
in  his  marvelous  campaigns,  and  Napoleon  in  his  later  years, 
the  successes  he  gained  in  person  were  almost  always  over¬ 
balanced  by  the  disasters  sustained  through  the  blunders  or 
treachery  of  his  lieutenants. 

Hardly  had  Huys  opened  its  gates,  when  advices  were  re- 
13.  ceived  that  D’Aubach,  instead  of  obeying  his  or- 
ofiheGorm!m  ders,  and  defending  the  magazines  at  Treves  and 
Hre l’f  of the  Saarbruck  to  the  last  extremity,  had  fled  on  the 
thef:de--ir™der  drst  appearance  of  a  weak  French  detachment,  and 
abortive.  burned  the  whole  stores  "which  it  had  cost  so  much 
time  and  money  to  collect.  This  was  a  severe  blow  to  Marl¬ 
borough,  for  it  at  once  rendered  impracticable  the  offensive 
movement  into  Lorraine,  on  "which  his  heart  was  so  set,  and 
from  which  he  had  anticipated  such  important  results.  It 
was  no  longer  possible  to  carry  the  war  into  the  enemy’s  ter¬ 
ritory,  or  turn,  by  an  irruption  into  Lorraine,  the  whole  for¬ 
tresses  of  the  enemy  in  Flanders.  The  tardiness  of  the  Ger¬ 
man  powers  in  the  first  instance,  the  terrors  of  the  Dutch,  and 
the  misconduct  of  D’Aubach  hi  the  last,  had  caused  that  ably- 
conceived  design  entirely  to  miscarry.  Great  "was  the  morti¬ 
fication  of  the  English  general  at  this  signal  disappointment 
of  his  most  warmly-cherished  hopes ;  it  even  "went  so  far  that 
he  had  thoughts  of  resigning  his  command.*  But,  instead  of 

*  “  Par  ces  contretemps  tons  nos  projets  de  ce  cote-ci  sont  evanouis,  au 
moins  pour  le  present ;  et  j’espere  que  V.  A.  me  fera  la  justice  de  croire 
que  j’ai  fait  tout  ce  qui  a  dependu  de  moi  pour  les  faire  reussir.  Si  je  pou- 
vais  avoir  l’honneur  d’entretenir  V.  A.  pour  une  seule  heure,  je  lui  dirai  bien 
des  choses,  par  ou  elle  verrait  combien  je  suis  a  plaindre.  J’avais  94  es- 
caib'ons  et  72  bataillons,  tous  a  le  solde  de  l’Angleterre  et  de  la  Hollande; 
de  sorte  que,  si  l’on  in' av ait  seconde,  nous  aurions  eu  une  des  pins  glorieuses 
campagnes  qu’on  pouvait  souhaiter.  Apres  un  tel  traitment,  V.  A.,  je  suis 
sur,  ne  m’aurait  pas  blame  si  j’avais  pris  la  resolution  de  ne  jamais  plus  sermr 
co'mme  je  ne  ferai  pas  aussi,  je  vous  assure,  apres  cette  campagne,  a  moins 


MARLBOROUGH. 


117 


abandoning  himself  to  despair,  he  set  about,  like  the  King  of 
Prussia  in  after  times,  the  preparation  of  a  stroke  which  should 
reinstate  his  affairs  by  the  terror  with  which  it  inspired  the 
enemy,  and  the  demonstration  of  inexhaustible  resources  it  af¬ 
forded  in  himself. 

The  position  taken  up  by  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  and  Mar¬ 
shal  Villeroi,  when  Marlborough’s  cross-march  14, 
forced  them  to  defensive  measures,  was  so  strong  p^efby  vn£ 
that  it  was  regarded  as  impregnable ;  and,  in  truth,  r01' 
it  was  so  to  a  front  attack.  With  its  right  resting  on  Marche 
aux  Dames  on  the  Meuse,  it  stretched  through  Leau  to  the 
strong  and  important  fortress  of  Antwerp.  This  line  was 
long,  and,  of  course,  liable  to  be  broken  through  at  various 
pomts ;  but  such  was  the  skill  with  which  every  vulnerable 
part  had  been  strengthened  and  fortified  by  the  French  en¬ 
gineers,  that  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  say  where  an  impression 
could  be  made.  Wherever  a  marsh  or  a  stream  intervened, 
the  most  skillful  use  had  been  made  of  it ;  while  forts  and  re¬ 
doubts,  plentifully  mounted  with  heavy  camion,  both  com¬ 
manded  all  the  approaches  to  the  lines,  and  formed  so  many 
points  d'apjrtii  to  the  defenders  in  case  of  disaster.  Such  a 
position,  defended  by  seventy  thousand  men,  directed  by  able 
generals,  might  well  be  deemed  impregnable.  But  Marlbor¬ 
ough,  with  an  inferior  force,  resolved  to  attempt  its  conquest. 
He  was  at  the  head  of  seventy-two  battalions  and  ninty-four 
squadrons,  mustering  thirty-six  thousand  foot  and  fourteen 
thousand  horse ;  and  with  them  he  determined  to  assail  the 
enemy  in  their  strong  position.  I11  doing  so,  however,  he  had 
difficulties  more  formidable  to  overcome  than  even  the  resist¬ 
ance  of  the  enemy  in  front ;  the  timidity  of  the  authorities  at 
the  Hague,  and  the  nervousness  under  responsibility  of  the 
generals  of  the  United  Provinces,  were  more  to  be  dreaded 
than  Villeroi’s  redoubts.  It  required  all  the  consummate  ad- 

que  de  pouvoir  prendre  des  mdsures  avec  l'empereur  sur  lesquelles  je  pour- 
r:iis  entierement  me  tier.” — Marlborough  a  Eugene,  21  Juin,  1705.  Dis- 
vatches,  ii.,  124. 


118 


THE  LIFE  OF 


dress  of  the  English  general,  aided  by  the  able  co-operation  of 
General  Overkirk,  to  obtain  liberty  from  the  Dutch  authori¬ 
ties  to  engage  hi  any  offensive  undertaking.  At  length,  how¬ 
ever,  after  infinite  difficulty,  a  council  of  war,  at  head-quar¬ 
ters,  agreed  to  support  any  measure  which  might  he  deemed 
advisable ;  and  Marlborough  instantly  set  about  putting  his 
design  in  execution. 

The  better  to  conceal  the  real  point  of  attack,  he  gave  out 
15  that  a  march  to  the  Moselle  was  to  be  immediately 
to  overreach  undertaken  ;  and,  to  give  a  color  to  the  report,  the 
the  enemy.  corpS  which  had  been  employed  in  the  siege  of  Huys 
was  not  brought  forward  to  the  front.  At  the  same  time, 
Overkirk  was  detached  to  the  allied  left  toward  Bourdine, 
and  Marlborough  followed  -with  a  considerable  force,  ostensibly 
to  support  him.  So  completely  was  Yilleroi  imposed  upon, 
that  he  drew  large  re-enforcements  from  the  center  to  his  ex¬ 
treme  right ;  and  soon  forty  thousand  men  were  grouped 
round  the  sources  of  the  Little  Gheet  on  his  extreme  right. 
By  this  means  the  middle  of  his  line  was  seriously  weakened; 
and  Marlborough  instantly  assembled,  with  every  imaginable 
precaution  to  avoid  discovery,  all  his  disposable  forces  to  at¬ 
tack  the  most  vulnerable  part  of  the  hues.  The  corps  hith¬ 
erto  stationed  on  the  Meuse  was  silently  brought  up  to  the 
front ;  Marlborough  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  own  En¬ 
glish  and  German  troops,  whom  he  had  carried  with  him  from 
the  Moselle ;  and  at  eight  at  night  on  the  17th  of  July,  the 
whole  began  to  march,  all  profoundly  ignorant  of  the  service 
on  which  they  were  to  be  engaged.  Each  trooper  was  order¬ 
ed  to  carry  a  truss  of  hay  at  his  saddle-bow,  as  if  a  long  march 
was  in  contemplation.  At  the  same  instant  on  which  the 
columns  under  Marlborough’s  orders  commenced  their  march, 
Overkirk  repassed  the  Meliaigne  on  the  left,  and,  concealed  by 
darkness,  fell  into  the  general  line  of  the  advance  of  the  allied 
troops.  No  fascines  or  gabions  had  been  brought  along  to  fill 
up  the  ditch,  for  fear  of  excithig  alarm  in  the  lines.  The 
trusses  of  hay  alone  were  trusted  to  for  that  purpose,  which 


MARLBOROUGH. 


119 


would  be  equally  effectual,  and  less  likely  to  awaken  sus¬ 
picion. 

At  four  in  the  morning,  the  heads  of  the  columns,  wholly 
unperceived,  were  in  front  of  the  French  works,  u>- 

*  ,  Entire  success 

and,  covered  by  a  thick  fo£,  traversed  the  morass,  of  the  attack 

.  .  ,  onVilleroi’s 

passed  the  (J-heet  despite  its  steep  banks,  carried  lines,  July  17. 
the  castle  of  Wange,  and,  rushing  forward  with  a  swift  pace, 
crossed  the  ditch  on  the  trusses  of  hay,  and,  in  three  massy 
columns,  scaled  the  rampart,  and  broke  into  the  enemy’s 
works.  Hitherto  entire  success  had  attended  this  admirably- 
planned  attack  ;  but  the  alarm  was  now  given  :  a  fresh  corps 
of  fifteen  thousand  men,  under  M.  D’Allegre,  hastily  assem¬ 
bled,  and  a  heavy  fire  was  opened  upon  the  allies,  now  dis¬ 
tinctly  visible  in  the  morning  light,  from  a  commanding  bat¬ 
tery.  Upon  this,  Marlborough  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
Lumley’s  English  horse,  and,  charging  vigorously,  succeeded, 
though  not  till  he  had  sustained  one  repulse,  in  breaking 
through  the  line  thus  hastily  formed.  In  this  charge  the 
duke  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life  in  a  personal  conflict 
with  a  Bavarian  officer.  The  allies  now  crowded  in  in  great 
numbers,  and  the  French,  panic-struck,  fled  on  all  sides,  aban¬ 
doning  the  whole  center  of  their  intrenchments  to  the  bold 
assailants.  Villeroi,  who  had  become  aware,  from  the  retreat 
of  Overkirk  in  his  front,  that  some  attack  was  in  contempla¬ 
tion,  but  was  ignorant  where  the  tempest  was  to  fall,  remain¬ 
ed  all  night  under  arms.  At  length,  attracted  by  the  heavy 
fire,  he  approached  the  scene  of  action  in  the  center  only  hi 
time  to  see  that  the  position  was  broken  through,  and  the  lures 
no  longer  tenable.  lie  drew  off  his  whole  troops  accordingly, 
and  took  up  a  new  position,  nearly  at  right  angles  to  the 
former,  stretching  from  Elixheim  toward  Tirlemont. 

It  was  part  of  the  design  of  the  duke  to  have  intercepted 
the  line  of  retreat  of  the  French,  and  prevented  n. 

Obstinacy  and 

them  from  reaching  the  Dvle,  to  which  they  were  backwarJneaa 

v  ■■  ,  :  ,  .  .  ,  oftheDutct 

tending;  but  such  was  the  obstmacy  and  slow-  prevents  a 
ness  of  the  Dutch  generals,  that  nothing  could  per-  toryP 


120 


T1IE  LIFE  OF 


suade  them  to  make  any  further  exertion,  and,  in  defiance  of 
the  orders  and  remonstrances  alike  of  Marlborough  and  Over¬ 
kirk,  they  pitched  their  tents,  and  refused  to  take  any  part 
in  the  pursuit.  The  consequence  was,  that  Villeroi  collected 
Iris  scattered  forces,  crossed  the  Dyle  in  haste,  and  took  up 
new  ground,  about  eighteen  miles  in  the  rear,  with  his  left 
sheltered  by  the  cannon  of  Louvain.  But,  though  the  diso¬ 
bedience  and  obstinacy  of  the  Dutch  thus  intercepted  Marl¬ 
borough  in  the  career  of  victory,  and  rendered  his  success 
much  less  complete  than  it  otherwise  would  have  been,  a 
mighty  blow  had  yet  been  struck,  reflecting  the  highest  credit 
on  the  skill  and  resolution  of  the  English  general.  The  fa¬ 
mous  lines,  on  which  the  French  had  been  laboring  for  months, 
had  been  broken  through  and  carried,  during  a  nocturnal  con¬ 
flict  of  a  few  hours  ;  they  had  lost  all  their  redoubts,  and  the 
cannon  with  which  they  were  armed ;  M.  D’Allegre,  with 
twelve  hundred  prisoners,  had  been  taken ;  and  the  army 
which  lately  besieged  Liege  and  threatened  Maestricht  was 
now  driven  hack,  defeated  and  discouraged,  to  seek  refuge 
under  the  cannon  of  Louvain. 

Overkirk,  who  had  so  ably  co-operated  with  Marlborough 
d  t  h?depu  *n  gl°ri°us  victory,  had  the  magnanimity  as 
ties  continue  well  as  candor,  in  his  dispatch  to  the  States  Gen- 

their  opposi¬ 
tion.  eral,  to  ascribe  the  success  which  had  been  gamed 

entirely  to  the  skill  and  courage  of  the  English  general.* 
But  the  Dutch  generals,  who  had  interrupted  his  career  of 
success,  had  the  malignity  to  charge  the  consequences  of  their 
misconduct  on  his  head,  and  even  carried  their  effrontery  so 
far  as  to  accuse  him  of  supineness  in  not  following  up  his  suc¬ 
cess,  and  cutting  off  the  enemy’s  retreat  to  the  Dyle,  when  it 
was  themselves  who  had  refused  to  obey  his  orders  to  do  so. 
Rains  of  extraordinary  severity  fell  from  the  19th  to  the  23d 
of  July,  which  rendered  all  offensive  operations  impracticable, 

*  “It  is  a  justice  I  owe  to  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  to  state,  that  the 
honor  of  the  enterprise,  executed  with  so  much  skill  and  courage,  is  entirely 
due  to  him.” — Overkirk  to  States  General,  19th  of  July,  1705.  Coxe,  ii. ,  151 


MARLBOROUGH. 


121 


and  gave  Villeroi  time,  of  which  he  ably  availed  himself,  to 
strengthen  his  position  behind  the  Dyle  to  such  a  degree  as 
to  render  it  no  longer  assailable  with  any  prospect  of  success. 
The  precious  moment,  when  the  enemy  might  have  been 
driven  from  it  in  the  first  tumult  of  success,  had  been  lost. 

The  subsequent  success  in  the  Flemish  campaign  by  no 
means  corresponded  to  its  brilliant  Commencement.  19. 
The  jealousy  of  the  Dutch  ruined  every  thing.  Xe^Xe- 
This  gave  rise  to  recriminations  and  jealousies,  Sonsof fee*' 
which  rendered  it  impracticable  even  for  the  great  campaigTI- 
abilities  and  consummate  address  of  Marlborough  to  effect  any 
tiling  of  importance  with  the  heterogeneous  array,  with  the 
nominal  command  of  which  he  was  invested.  The  English 
general  dispatched  his  adjutant-general,  Baron  Hompesch,  to 
represent  tortile  States  General  the  impossibility  of  going  on 
longer  with  such  a  divided  responsibility  ;  but,  though  they 
listened  to  his  representations,  nothing  could  induce  them  to 
put  their  troops  under  the  direct  orders  of  the  commander-in¬ 
chief.  They  still  had  “  field  deputies,”  as  they  were  called, 
who  were  invested  with  the  entire  direction  of  the  Dutch 
troops  ;  and  as  they  were  civilians,  wholly  unacquainted  with 
military  affairs,  they  had  recourse  on  every  occasion  to  the 
very  fractious  generals  who  already  had  done  so  much  mis¬ 
chief  to  the  common  cause.  In  vain  Marlborough  repeatedly 
endeavored,  as  he  himself  said,  “  to  cheat  them  into  victory,” 
by  getting  their  consent  to  measures  of  which  they  did  not 
see  the  bearing,  calculated  to  achieve  that  object.  Their 
timid,  jealous  spirit  interposed  on  every  occasion  to  mar  im¬ 
portant  operations,  and  the  corps  they  commanded  was  too 
considerable  to  admit  of  these  operations  being  undertaken 
without  their  co-operation.  After  nine  days’  watching  the 
enemy  across  the  Dyle,  Marlborough  proposed  to  cross  the 
river  near  Louvain,  and  attack  the  enemy  ;  the  Dutch  deputies 
interposed  their  negative,  to  Marlborough’s  infinite  mortifica¬ 
tion,  as,  in  his  own  words,  “  it  spoiled  the  whole  campaign.”* 

*  “On  Wednesday,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  we  should  pass  tho 

L 


122 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Worn  out  with  these  long  delays,  Marlborough  at  length 
20.  resolved,  at  all  hazards,  to  pass  the  river,  trust- 
treacherously  that  the  Dutch,  when  they  saw  the  conflict 
desert  him.  once  ser|ous}y  engaged,  would  not  desert  him. 
But  hi  this  he  was  mistaken.  The  deputies  of  the  United 
Provinces  not  only  failed  to  execute  the  part  assigned  them  hi 
the  combined  enterprise,  but  sent  information  of  his  designs  to 
the  enemy.  The  consequence  was,  Villeroi  was  on  his  guard. 
All  the  duke’s  demonstrations  could  not  draw  his  attention 
from  his  left,  where  the  real  attack  was  intended ;  but,  nev¬ 
ertheless,  he  pushed  on  the  English  and  Germans  under  Ins 
orders,  who  forced  the  passage  in  the  most  gallant  style.  But 
when  the  duke  ordered  the  Dutch  generals  to  support  the  at¬ 
tack  of  the  Duke  of  Wirtemberg,  who  had  crossed  the  river, 
and  established  himself  in  force  on  the  opposite  bank,  they  re¬ 
fused  to  move  their  men.  The  consequence  was,  that  this  at¬ 
tack,  as  well  planned  and  likely  to  succeed  as  the  famous  forcing 
of  the  lines  a  fortnight  before,  proved  abortive  ;  and  Marlbor¬ 
ough,  burning  with  indignation,  was  obbged  to  recall  his  troops 
when  on  the  high  road  to  victory,  and  when  the  river  had 
been  crossed  without  the  loss  of  a  hundred  men.  So  general 
was  the  indignation  at  this  shameful  return  on  the  part  of  the 
Dutch  generals  to  Marlborough  for  all  the  services  he  had 
rendered  their  country,  that  it  drew  forth  the  strongest  ex¬ 
pressions  from  one  of  his  ablest  but  most  determined  oppo¬ 
nents,  Lord  Bolingbroke,  who  wrote  to  him  at  this  juncture  : 
“  It  was  very  melancholy  to  find  the  malice  of  Slangenberg, 

Dyle,  but  that  afternoon  there  fell  so  much  rain  as  rendered  it  impracticable , 
but  the  fair  weather  this  morning  made  me  determine  to  attempt  it.  Upon 
this  the  deputies  held  a  council  with  all  the  generals  of  Overkirk’s  army, 
who  have  unanimously  retracted  their  opinions,  and  declared  the  passage  of 
the  river  too  dangerous,  which  resolution,  in  my  opinion,  will  ruin  the  u-hole 
campaign.  They  have,  at  the  same  time,  proposed  to  me  to  attack  the 
French  on  their  left ;  but  I  know  they  will  let  that  fall  also,  as  soon  as  they 
see  the  ground.  It  is  very  mortifying  to  meet  more  obstruction  from  friends 
than  from  enemies ;  but  that  is  now  the  case  with  me ;  yet  I  dare  not  show 
my  resentment  for  fear  of  alarming  tire  Dutch.” — Marlborough  to  Godot- 
phin,  29th  of  July,  1705,  Coxe,  ii.,  158. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


123 


the  fears  of  Dopf,  and  the  ignorance  of  the  deputies,  to  men¬ 
tion  no  more,  prevail  so  to  disappoint  your  grace,  to  their 
prejudice  as  well  as  ours.  We  hope  the  Dutch  have  agreed 
to  what  your  grace  desires  of  them,  -without  which  the  war 
becomes  a  jest  to  our  enemies,  and  can  end  in  nothing  but  an 
ill  peace ,  which  is  certain  ruin  to  us.”* 

Still  the  English  general  was  not  discouraged.  His  public 
spirit  and  patriotism  prevailed  over  his  just  pri-  21. 
vate  resentment.  Finding  it  impossible  to  prevail  operations  on 

.  „  ,  ,  .  ,  .  the  field  of  Wa- 

011  the  Dutch  deputies,  who,  m  every  sense,  were  terioo. 
so  many  viceroys  over  him,  to  agree  to  any  attempt  to  force 
the  passage  of  the  Dyle,  he  resolved  to  turn  it.  For  this  pur¬ 
pose,  the  armv  was  put  in  motion  on  the  14th  of  Au- 
1  lie-  r  .  14th  August, 

gust ;  and,  defiling  to  the  left,  he  directed  it  in  three 

columns  toward  the  sources  of  the  Dyle.  The  march  was 
rapid,  as  the  duke  had  information  that  strong  re-enforcements, 
detached  from  the  army  at  Alsace,  would  join  Villeroi  on  the 
18th.  The  troops  soon  came  to  ground  subsequently  immor¬ 
talized  in  English  story.  On  the  lGth  they  reached  Genappe, 
where,  on  the  17th  of  June,  1815,  the  Life-guards  under  Lord 
Anglesea  defeated  the  French  lancers  ;  on  the  day  following, 
the  enemy  retired  into  the  forest  of  Soignies,  still  covering 
Brussels,  and  the  allied  head-quarters  were  moved  to  Braine 
la  Leude.  On  the  17th  of  August,  a  skirmish  took  place  on 
the  plain  in  front  of  Waterloo  ;  and  the  alarm  being  given, 
the  duke  hastened  to  the  spot,  and  rode  over  the  field  where 
Wellington  and  Napoleon  contended  a  hundred  and  ten  years 
afterward.  The  French,  upon  this,  retired  into  the  forest  of 
Soignies,  and  rested  at  Waterloo  for  the  night. 

The  slightest  glance  at  the  map  must  he  sufficient  to  show 

that,  by  this  cross-march  to  Genappe  and  Water-  22. 

J  7 x  Immense  ad- 

loo,  Marlborough  had  gained  an  immense  advan-  vantage  thus 

gained  by 

tage  over  the  enemy.  lie  had  interposed  between  Marlborough, 
them  and  France.  He  had  relinquished  for  the  ed  the  French, 
time,  it  is  true,  his  own  base  of  operations,  and  was  out  of 
*  Bolingbroke  to  Marlborough,  August  18,  1705.  Coxe,  ii.,  160. 


124 


THE  LIFE  OF 


communication  with  his  magazines  ;  hut  he  had  provided  for 
this  by  taking  six  days’  provisions  for  the  army  with  him  ;  and 
he  could  now  force  the  French  either  to  fight  or  to  abandon 
Brussels,  and  retire  toward  Antwerp,  the  allies  being  between 
them  and  France.  Still  clinging  to  their  fortified  fines  on  the 
Dyle,  and  desirous  of  covering  Brussels,  they  had  only  occu¬ 
pied  the  wood  of  Soignies  with  their  right  wing,  while  the 
allies  occupied  all  the  open  country  from  Genappe  to  Frisch- 
ermont  and  Braine  la  Leude,  with  their  advanced  posts  push¬ 
ed  up  to  La  Haye  Sainte  and  Mont  St.  Jean.  The  allies  now 
occupied  the  ground  afterward  covered  by  Napoleon’s  army; 
the  forest  of  Soignies  and  approaches  to  Brussels  were  guard¬ 
ed  by  the  French.  Incalculable  were  the  results  of  a  victory 
gamed  in  such  a  position  :  it  was  by  success  gained  over  an 
army  of  half  the  size  that  Napoleon  established  his  power  in 
so  surprising  a  maimer  at  Marengo.  Impressed  with  such 
ideas,  Marlborough,  on  the  18th  of  August,  anxiously  recon- 
noitered  the  ground,  and,  finding  the  front  practicable  for  the 
passage  of  troops,  moved  up  his  men  in  three  columns  to  the 
attack.  The  artillery  was  sent  to  Wavre  ;  the  allied  columns 
traversed  at  right  angles  the  fine  of  march  by  which  Blucher 
advanced  to  the  support  of  Wellington  on  the  18th  of  June, 
1815. 

Had  Marlborough’s  orders  been  executed,  it  is  probable  he 
23.  would  have  gained  a  victory  which,  from  the  rel- 
prepares'to^at-  ative  position  of  the  two  armies,  could  not  but 
Scwateriro0nch  have  been  decisive  ;  and  possibly  the  18th  of  Au- 
isth  August,  gust,  1705,  might  have  become  as  celebrated  in 
history  as  the  18th  of  June,  1815.  Overkirk,  to  whom  he 
showed  the  ground  at  Over-Ische  which  he  had  destined  for 
the  scene  of  attack,  perfectly  concurred  in  the  expedience  of 
it,  and  orders  were  given  to  bring  the  artillery  forward  to 
conmience  a  cannonade.  By  the  malice  or  negligence  of 
Slangenberg,  who  had  again  violated  his  express  instructions, 
and  permitted  the  baggage  to  intermingle  with  the  artillery 
train,  the  guns  had  not  arrived,  and  some  hours  were  lost  be- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


125 


fore  they  could  be  pushed  up.  At  length,  hut  not  till  noon, 
the  guns  were  brought  forward,  and  the  troops  being  in  line, 
Marlborough  rode  along  the  front  to  give  his  last  orders.  The 
English  and  Germans  were  in  the  highest  spirits,  anticipating 
certain  victory  from  the  relative  position  of  the  armies ;  the 
French  fighting  with  their  faces  to  Paris,  the  allies  with  theirs 
to  Brussels. 

But  again  the  Dutch  deputies  and  generals  interposed,  al¬ 
leging  that  the  enemy  was  too  strongly  posted  to  ,24- 

n  °  .  J  o  j  l  But  is  again 

he  attacked  with  any  prospect  of  success.  “  Gen-  thwarted  by 

,,  -1  ,,T  n  ,  ,  •  ,  r  the  Dutch 

tlemen,  said  Marlborough  to  the  circle  of  gener-  deputies, 
als  which  surrounded  him,  “  I  have  recomioitered  the  ground, 
and  made  dispositions  for  an  attack.  I  am  convinced  that 
conscientiously,  and  as  men  of  honor,  we  can  not  now  retire 
without  an  action.  Should  we  neglect  this  opportunity,  we 
must  be  responsible  before  God  and  man.  You  see  the  confu¬ 
sion  which  pervades  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  and  their  em¬ 
barrassment  at  our  maneuvers.  I  leave  you  to  judge  whether 
we  should  attack  to-day,  or  wait  till  to-morrow.  It  is  indeed 
late  ;  hut  you  must  consider  that,  by  throwing  up  intrench 
ments  during  the  night,  the  enemy  will  render  their  position 
far  more  difficult  to  force.”  11  Murder  and  massacre,”  replied 
Slangenberg.  Marlborough,  upon  this,  ofiered  him  two  En¬ 
glish  for  every  Dutch  battalion ;  hut  this,  too,  the  Dutchman 
refused,  on  the  plea  that  he  did  not  understand  English.  Upon 
tins  the  duke  ofiered  to  give  him  German  regiments  ;  hut  even 
tins  was  declined,  upon  the  pretense  that  the  attack  would  be 
too  hazardous.  Marlborough,  upon  this,  turned  to  the  depu¬ 
ties  and  said,  “  I  disdain,  to  send  troops  to  dangers  which  I 
will  not  myself  encounter.  I  will  lead  them  where  the  peril 
is  most  imminent.  I  adjure  you,  gentlemen  !  for  the  love  of 
God  and  your  country,  do  not  let  us  neglect  so  favorable  an  op¬ 
portunity.”  But  it  was  all  in  vain ;  and  instead  of  acting, 
the  Dutch  deputies  and  generals  spent  three  hours  in  debat¬ 
ing,  until  night  came  on,  and  it  was  too  late  to  attempt  any 
thing.  Such  was  Marlborough’s  chagrin  at  this  disappoint- 

L  2 


126 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ment,  that  he  said,  on  retiring  from  the  field,  1: 1  am  at  this 
moment  ten  years,  older  than  I  was  four  days  ago.” 

Next  day,  as  Marlborough  had  foreseen,  the  enemy  had 
2s-  strengthened  their  position  with  field-works,  so  that 

Marlborough  _  x 

is  obLi^ed  to  it  was  utterly  hopeless  to  attempt  getting  the  Dutch 
vantages.  to  agree  to  an  attack  which  had  now  become  haz¬ 
ardous,  though  it  was  not  so  the  evening  before.  The  case 
was  now  irremediable.  The  six  days’  bread  which  had  been 
provided  was  on  the  point  of  being  exhausted,  and  a  protract¬ 
ed  campaign  without  communication  with  the  magazines  was 
impracticable.  With  a  heavy'  heart,  therefore,  the  English 
general  remeasured  his  steps  to  the  ground  he  had  left  in  front 
of  the  Dyle,  and  gave  orders  for  destroying  the  lines  of  Leau, 
which  he  had  carried  with  so  much  ability.  His  vexation 
uras  increased  afterward  by  finding  that  the  consternation  of 
the  French  had  been  such  on  the  18th  of  August,  when  he 
was  so  urgent  to  attack  them,  that  they  intended  only  to  have 
made  a  show7  of  resistance,  to  gain  time  for  their  baggage  and 
heavy7  guns  being  removed  to  Brussels.  To  all  appearance, 
Marlborough,  if  he  had  not  been  so  shamefully  thwarted, 
would  have  signalized  the  forest  of  Soignies  by  a  victory  as  de¬ 
cisive  as  that  of  Blenheim,  and  realized  the  triumphant  en¬ 
trance  into  Brussels  which  Napoleon  anticipated  from  his  at¬ 
tack  on  Wellington  on  the  same  ground  a  hundred  and  ten 
years  afterward. 

Nothing  further,  of  any  moment,  wras  done  in  this  cam- 
c  pf’  i  t  Pai^’  excePt  capturing  Leau,  and  leveling  the  en- 
of  the  Dutch  emy’s  lines  on  the  Gheet.  Marlborough  wrote  a 
borough.  formal  letter  to  the  States,  m  which  he  regTetted 
the  opportunity  wrhich  had  been  lost,  which  General  Overkirk 
bad  coincided  with  him  in  thinking  promised  a  great  and  glo¬ 
rious  victory  ;  and  he  added,  “  My  heart  is  so  full  that  I  can 
aot  forbear  representing  to  your  high  mightinesses  on  this  oc¬ 
casion  that  I  find  my  authority  here  to  be  much  less  than 
when  I  had  the  honor  to  command  your  troops  in  Germany.”* 
*  Marlborough  to  the  States,  Wavre,  19th  of  August,  1705.  Disp.,  ii.,  224. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


127 


The  counter-memorial  which  the  Dutch  generals  transmitted 
at  the  same  time  contains  a  curious  picture  of  their  idea  of 
the  subordination  and  direction  of  an  army,  and  furnishes  a 
key  to  the  jealousy  which  had  proved  so  fatal  to  the  common 
cause.  They  complained  that  the  Duke  of  Marlborough, 
“  without  holding  a  council  of  war,  made  two  or  three  march¬ 
es  for  the  execution  of  some  design  formed  by  his  grace  ;  and 
we  can  not  conceal  from  your  high  mightinesses  that  all  the 
generals  of  our  army  think  it  very  strange  that  they  should 
not  have  the  least  notice  of  the  said  marches."*'  It  has  been 
already  mentioned  that  Marlborough,  like  every  other  good 
general,  kept  his  designs  to  himself,  from  the  impossibility  of 
otherwise  keeping  them  from  the  enemy ;  and  that  he  had 
the  additional  motive  for  this  reserve,  in  the  case  of  the  Dutch 
deputies  and  generals,  of  being  desirous  to  “  cheat  them  into 
victory.” 

Chagrined  by  disappointment,  and  fully  convinced,  as  Wel¬ 
lington  was  after  his  campaign  with  Cuesta  and  27. 

°  .  1  Vexation  and 

the  Spaniards  at  Talavera,  that  it  was  in  vain  to  magnanimous 
attempt  any  thing  further  in  the  face  of  such  im-  Marlborough, 
pediments  thrown  in  his  way  by  the  allies,  Marlborough  re¬ 
tired,  in  the  beginning  of  September,  to  Tirlemont,  the  min¬ 
eral  waters  of  which  had  been  recommended  to  him  ;  and,  in 
the  end  of  October,  the  troops  on  both  sides  went  into  winter 
quarters.  His  vexation  at  the  conduct  of  the  Dutch  at  this 
time  was  strongly  expressed  in  private  letters  to  his  intimate 
friends  ;f  but,  though  he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  during 

*  Dutch  Generals'  Mem.  Coxe,  ii.,  174. 

t  “Several  prisoners  whom  we  have  taken,  as  well  as  the  deserters,  as¬ 
sure  us  that  they  should  have  made  no  other  defense  but  such  as  might 
have  given  them  time  to  draw  off  their  army  to  Brussels,  where  their  bag¬ 
gage  was  already  gone.  By  this  you  may  imagine  how  I  am  vexed,  seeing 
very  plainly  I  am  joined  with  people  who  will  never  do  any  thing.” — Marl¬ 
borough  to  Godolphin,  August  24,  1705. 

“M.  Overkirk  et  moi  avons  d’abord  et6  reconnaitre  les  postes  cfue  nous 
voulious  attaquer,  et  l’arm6e  etant  rang<se  en  battaille  sur  le  midi,  nous 
avions  tout  d’esperer,  avec  la  benediction  du  ciel,  vu  notre  snperiorite,  et  la 
bont£  des  troupes,  une  heureuse  journee ;  mais  MM.  les  deputes  de  J’etat 


128 


THE  LIFE  OF 


the  suspension  of  operations  in  the  field,  both  by  memorials  to 
his  own  government,  and  representations  to  the  Dutch  rulers, 
to  get  the  direction  of  the  army  put  upon  a  better  footing,  yet 
he  had  magnanimity  and  patriotism  enough  to  sacrifice  his 
private  feelings  to  the  public  good.  Instead  of  attempting, 
therefore,  to  inflame  the  resentment  of  the  English  cabinet  at 
the  conduct  of  the  Dutch  generals,  he  strove  only  to  moderate 
it ;  and  prevailed  on  them  to  suspend  the  sending  of  a  formal 
remonstrance,  which  they  had  prepared,  to  the  States  General, 
till  the  effect  of  his  own  private  representations  in  that  quar¬ 
ter  was  first  ascertained.  The  result  proved  that  he  had 
judged  wisely,  and  his  disinterested  conduct  met  with  its  de¬ 
served  reward.  The  patriotic  party,  both  in  England  and  at 
the  Hague,  was  strongly  roused  in  his  favor ;  the  factious  ac¬ 
cusations  of  the  English  Tories,  like  those  of  the  Whigs  a 
century  after  against  Wellington,  were  silenced  ;  the  States 
General  were  compelled  by  the  public  indignation  to  with¬ 
draw  from  their  commands  the  generals  who  had  thwarted 
his  measures  ;  and,  without  endangering  the  union  of  the  two 
powers,  the  factious,  selfish  men  who  had  periled  the  object 
of  their  alliance,  were  forever  deprived  of  the  means  of  doing 
mischief. 

But  while  the  danger  was  thus  abated  in  one  quarter,  it 
2g  only  became  more  serious  in  another.  The  Dutch 
ae'cabinet°f  had  been  protected,  and  hindered  from  breaking  off 
and  theGer-  ^rom  the  affiance,  only  by  endangering  the  fidelity 
manpowers.  0f  the  Austrians ;  and  it  had  now  become  indis¬ 
pensable,  at  all  hazards,  to  do  something  to  appease  their  jeal¬ 
ousies.  The  Imperial  cabinet,  in  addition  to  the  war  in  Italy, 

ay  ant  voulu  consulter  leurs  g6neraux,  et  les  trouvant  de  differentes  senti¬ 
ments  d'avee  M.  Overkirk  et  moi,  ils  n'ont  pas  voulu  passer  outre.  De  sorte 
que  tout  notre  dessein,  apres  1* avoir  m6n6  jusque  la,  a  6ckoue,  et  nous  avons 
rebrousse  ohemin  pom-  aller  commencer  la  demolition  des  Lignes,  et  prendre 
Leau.  Vous  pouvez  bien  croire.  Monsieur,  que  je  suis  au  desespoir  d’etre 
oblige  d’essuyer  encore  ce  contretemps ;  mais  je  vois  bien  qu'il  ne  faut  pas 
plus  souger  a  agir  offensivement  avec  ces  messieurs,  puisqu’  ils  ne  veulent 
rien  risquer  quand  mSme  ils  ont  tout  l'avantage  de  leur  c6te.” — Marlborough 
au  Comte  dc  Wartcnberg,  Wavre,  20  Aovt,  1705.  Dispatcher,  ii.,  226. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


129 


on  the  Upper  Rhine,  and  in  the  Low  Countries,  had  become 
involved  hi  serious  hostilities  in  Hungary ;  and  they  felt  the 
difficulty,  or  rather  impossibility,  of  maintaining  the  contest 
at  once  in  so  many  different  quarters.  The  cross-march  of 
Marlborough  from  the  Moselle  to  Flanders,  however  loudly 
called  for  by  the  danger  and  necessities  of  the  States,  had  been 
viewed  with  a  jealous  eye  by  the  emperor,  as  tending  to  lead 
the  war  away  from  the  side  of  Lorraine,  with  which  the 
German  interests  were  wound  up  ;  and  his  demands  were 
loud  and  frequent,  now  that  the  interests  of  the  Dutch  were 
sufficiently  provided  for,  that  the  duke  should  return  with  the 
English  contingent  to  this,  the  proper  theater  of  offensive  op¬ 
erations.  But  Marlborough’s  experience  had  taught  him  that 
as  little  reliance  was  to  be  placed  on  the  co-operation  of  the 
Margrave  of  Baden,  and  the  lesser  German  powers,  as  on  that 
of  the  Dutch  ;  and  he  felt  that  it  was  altogether  in  vain  to 
attempt  another  campaign,  either  in  Germany  or  Flanders, 
unless  some  more  effectual  measures  were  taken  to  appease 
the  jealousies,  and  secure  the  co-operation  of  this  discordant 
alliance,  than  had  hitherto  been  adopted.  With  this  view, 
after  having  arranged  matters  to  his  satisfaction  at  the  Hague, 
and  after  Slangenberg  had  been  removed  from  the  command, 
he  repaired  to  Vienna  in  November,  and  thence  soon  after  to 
Berlin. 

Marlborough’s  extraordinary  address  and  powers  of  persua¬ 
sion  did  not  desert  him  on  this  critical  occasion.  29. 

.  Extraordina- 

Never  wras  more  strongly  exemplified  the  truth  of  ry  success  of 

Ail  r  131  11  11  1  Marlborough 

Chesterfield  s  remark,  that  manner  hail  as  much  in  appeasing 

.  .  .  them  at  Vi- 

weight  as  matter  in  procuring  him  success,  and  enna. 
that  he  ivas  elevated  to  greatness  as  much  on  the  wdngs  of  the 
Graces  as  by  the  strength  of  Minerva.  Great  as  were  the 
difficulties  which  attended  the  holding  together  the  grand  al¬ 
liance,  they  all  yielded  to  the  magic  of  his  name  and  the  fasci¬ 
nation  of  his  manner.  At  Bernsberg  he  succeeded  in  obtaining 
from  the  elector  a  promise  for  the  increase  of  his  contingent, 
and  leave  for  sending  it  into  Italy,  where  its  co-operation  was 


130 


THE  LIFE  OF 


required ;  at  Frankfort  lie  overcame,  by  persuasion  and  ad 
dress,  the  difficulties  of  the  Margrave  of  Baden  ;  and  at  Vienna 
he  was  magnificently  received,  and  soon  acquired  unbounded 
credit  with  the  emperor.  Besides  being  raised  to  the  rank  of 
a  prince  of  the  empire,  w'ith  the  most  flattering  assurances  of 
esteem,  he  was  feted  by  the  nobles,  who  vied  with  each  other 
in  demonstrations  of  respect  to  the  illustrious  conqueror  of 
Blenheim.  During  Iris  short  sojourn  of  a  fortnight  there,  he 
succeeded  in  allaying  the  suspicions  and  quieting  the  appre¬ 
hensions  of  the  emperor,  which  no  other  man  could  have  done ; 
and,  having  arranged  the  plan  of  the  next  campaign,  and  rais¬ 
ed,  on  his  own  credit,  a  loan  from  the  bankers,  for  the  Imperial 
court,  of  100,000  crowns,  as  well  as  the  promise  of  another  of 
,£250,000,  which  he  afterward  obtained  in  London,  he  set 
out  for  Berlin,  where  his  presence  was  not  less  necessary  to 
stimulate  the  exertions  and  appease  the  complaints  of  the  King 
of  Prussia. 

He  arrived  there  on  the  30th  of  November,  and  on  the 
30.  same  evening  had  an  audience  of  the  king,  to  whose 
Hn  and  Han-  strange  and  capricious  temper  he  so  completely  ac¬ 
commodated  himself,  that  he  allayed  all  his  discon¬ 
tents,  and  brought  him  over  completely  to  his  views.  He  pre¬ 
vailed  on  him  to  renew  the  treaty  for  the  furnishing  of  eight 
thousand  men  to  aid  the  common  cause,  and  to  repair  the 
chasms  in  their  ranks  produced  by  the  campaign,  as  w'ell  as 
to  revoke  the  orders  which  had  been  issued  for  the  return  of 
the  troops  from  Italy,  where  their  removal  would  have  proved 
of  essential  detriment.  This  concession,  in  the  words  of  the 
prime  minister  who  announced  it,  was  granted  “  as  a  mark 
of  respect  to  the  queen,  and  of  particular  friendship  to  the 
duke.”  From  Berlin  he  proceeded,  loaded  with  honors  and 
presents,  to  Hanover,  where  jealousies  of  a  different  kind,  but 
not  less  dangerous,  had  arisen  in  consequence  of  the  appre¬ 
hensions  there  entertained  that  the  Whigs  were  endeavoring 
to  thwart  the  eventual  succession  of  the  house  of  Hanover  to 
the  throne  of  England.  Here  also  Marlborough’s  addross 


MARLBOROUGH. 


131 


succeeded  in  overcoming  all  difficulties ;  and,  after  a  sojourn 
of  only  a  few  days,  he  departed  in  the  highest  favor  both  with 
the  elector  and  his  mother.  From  thence  he  hastened  to  the 
Hague,  where  he  remained  a  fortnight,  and  succeeded  in  a 
great  degree  in  removing  those  difficulties,  and  smoothing 
down  those  jealousies,  which  had  proved  so  injurious  to  the 
common  cause  in  the  preceding  campaign.  He  prevailed  on 
the  Dutch  to  reject  the  separate  offers  of  accommodation 
which  had  been  made  them  by  the  French  government.  Hav¬ 
ing  thus  put  all  things  on  as  favorable  a  footing  as  could  be 
hoped  for  on  the  Continent,  he  embarked  for  England  in  the 
beginning  of  January,  1706,  having  overcome  greater  diffi¬ 
culties  and  obtained  greater  advantages  in  the  course  of  this 
whiter  campaign,  and  with  divided  allies,  than  he  ever  did 
during  a  summer  campaign  with  the  enemy. 

Every  one,  however  cursorily  he  may  he  acquainted  with 
Wellington’s  campaigns,  must  be  struck  with  the  3L 
great  similarity  between  the  difficulties  which  thus  betw<*3nhis 
beset  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  in  the  earlier  pe-  tfon^VthX 
riods  of  his  career,  and  those  which  at  a  subsequent  ^bTseariy0" 
period  so  long  hampered  the  genius  and  thwarted  c;mlPaisns- 
the  efforts  of  England’s  greatest  general.  Slangenberg’s  jeal¬ 
ousy  was  an  exact  counterpart  of  that  of  Cuesta  at  Talavera  ; 
the  timidity  of  the  Dutch  authorities  was  precisely  similar  to 
that  of  the  Portuguese  regency ;  the  difficulty  of  appeasing 
the  jealousy  of  Austria  and  Prussia,  identical  with  that  which 
so  often  compelled  Wellington  to  hurry  from  the  field  to  Lis¬ 
bon  and  Cadiz.  Such  is  the  selfishness  of  human  nature,  that 
it  seems  impossible  to  get  men,  actuated  by  different  interests, 
to  concur  in  any  measures  for  the  general  good  but  under  the 
pressure  of  immediate  danger  so  threatening  as  to  be  obvious 
to  every  understanding,  or  by  the  influence  of  ability  and  ad¬ 
dress  of  the  very  highest  order.  It  is  this  which  in  every  age 
has  caused  the  weakness  of  the  best-cemented  confederacies, 
and  so  often  enabled  single  powers,  not  possessing  a  fourth 
part  of  their  material  resources,  to  triumph  over  them ;  and 


132 


THE  LIFE  OF 


it  is  in  the  power  of  overcoming  these  difficulties  and  jealous¬ 
ies  that  one  of  the  most  important  qualities  of  the  general  of 
an  alliance  is  to  he  found. 


Marlborough  sailed  for  the  Continent,  to  take  the  command 
32.  of  the  armies  in  the  Low  Countries,  on  the  20th 

Universal 

backward-  of  April,  170G.  His  desi<m  was  to  have  transfer- 

ness  oi  the  #  c 

allies  in  the  red  the  seat  of  war  into  Italy,  as  affairs  had  be- 

commence-  ...  J 

incnt  of  1706.  come  so  unpronusmg  m  that  quarter  as  to  be  well- 
nigh  desperate.  The  Imperialists  had  been  surprised  by  the 
French  general  Vendome,  in  their  quarters  near  Como,  and 


driven  into  the  mountains  behind  that  town  with  the  loss  of 
three  thousand  men,  so  that  all  hold  of  the  plain  of  Lombar¬ 
dy  was  lost.  The  Duke  of  Savoy  was  even  threatened  with 
a  siege  in  his  capital  of  Turin.  The  Margrave  of  Baden  was 
displaying  his  usual  factious  and  impracticable  disposition  on 
the  Upper  Rhine  :  it  seemed,  in  Marlborough’s  words,  “  as 
if  he  had  no  other  object  in  view  but  to  cover  his  own  capital 
and  residence.”  In  Flanders,  the  habitual  procrastination 
and  tardiness  of  the  Dutch  had  so  thrown  back  the  prepara¬ 
tions,  that  it  was  impossible  to  begin  the  campaign  so  early 
as  he  had  intended  ;  and  the  jealousies  of  the  cabinets  of  Ber¬ 
lin  and  Copenhagen  had  again  revived  to  such  a  degree,  that 
no  aid  was  to  be  expected  either  from  the  Prussian  or  Danish 
contingents.  It  was  chiefly  to  get  beyond  the  reach  of  such 
troublesome  and  inconstant  neighbors  that  Marlborough  was 
so  desirous  of  transferring  the  seat  of  war  to  Italy.  But  all 
his  efforts  to  induce  the  States  General  to  allow  any  part  of 
their  troops  to  be  employed  to  the  south  of  the  Alps  were  un¬ 
availing  ;  nor,  indeed,  could  it  reasonably  have  been  expected 
that  they  would  consent  to  hazard  their  forces  in  an  expedi¬ 
tion  to  so  distant  a  quarter,  not  immediately  connected  with 
their  interests.  The  resentment  of  the  Elector  of  Hanover  at 
the  conduct  of  Queen  Anne  had  become  so  excessive,  that  he 
positively  refused  to  let  his  contingent  march.  The  Danes 
and  Hessians  excused  themselves  on  various  pretenses  from 
moving  their  troops  to  the  south  ;  and  the  emperor,  instead 


A.  It.  JOHNSTON,  F.KG-.S 


Iwmmm  I » 

us  English..  DxiicDi.  &  Danish.  Allies 


B  A  T  T  L  E 

oy 

K  A  MILLIE  S 


2  3  May, 1706. 


tA  R  PE  R  &  BRO 


t=m3  C  avajarv  T  lrfaxircry  IH  AriDl  it  v 


}jflrjn  Grp 


iSe&l" 

Pt- S-a  t 


Jim  drah 


.rnnJrnjioeiJ 


ce  ADxe; 


S  TAXES 

Mitrtfn-v  Steps  lYzY. ect  each. 


JOOO 


looo 


Tsnglissh.MIl« 


R  S  >  NEW  YORK 


JIAKLBOKOUGH. 


133 


of  contributing  any  thing  to  the  war  hi  Flanders,  was  urgent 
that  succor  should  he  sent  to  him,  and  that  the  English  gen¬ 
eral  should  hi  person  take  the  command  on  the  Moselle. 
Marlborough  was  thus  reduced  to  the  English  troops,  and 
iliose  in  the  pay  of  Holland;  but  they  amounted  to  nearly 
sixty  thousand  men ;  and,  on  the  1 9th  of  May,  he  set  out 
from  the  Hague  to  take  the  command  of  this  force,  which  lay 
in  front  of  the  old  French  frontier  on  the  River  Dyle.  Mar¬ 
shal  Villeroi  had  there  collected  sixty-two  thousand  men  ;  so 
that  the  two  armies,  in  point  of  numerical  strength,  were  very 
nearly  equal. 

The  English  general  had  established  a  secret  correspond¬ 
ence  with  one  Pasquini,  an  inhabitant  of  Namur,  33. 
through  whose  agency,  and  that  of  some  other  cit-  0ppositesides 
izens  of  the  town  who  were  inclined  to  the  Impe-  inI  landers- 
rial  interest,  he  hoped  to  be  able  to  make  himself  master  of 
that  important  fortress.  To  facilitate  that  attempt,  and  have 
troops  at  hand  ready  to  take  advantage  of  any  opening  that 
might  be  afforded  them  in  that  quarter,  he  moved  toward 
Tirlemont,  directing  his  march  by  the  sources  of  the  Little 
Gheet.  Determined  to  cover  Namur,  and  knowing  that  the 
Hanoverians  and  Hessians  were  absent,  Villeroi  marched  out 
of  his  lines  in  order  to  stop  the  advance  of  the  aides,  and  gave 
battle  in  the  open  field.  On  the  20th  of  May,  the  English 
and  Dutch  forces  effected  then-  junction  at  Bitsia  ;  and  on  the 
day  following  the  Danish  contingent  arrived,  Marlborough 
having,  by  great  exertions,  persuaded  them  to  come  up  from 
the  Rhine,  upon  receiving  a  guarantee  for  their  pay  from  the 
Dutch  government.  Tins  raised  Ins  force  to  seventy-three 
battalions  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  squadrons.  The 
French  had  seventy-four  battalions  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  squadrons.  But  they  had  a  much  greater  ad¬ 
vantage  in  the  homogeneous  quality  of  their  troops,  who  were 
all  of  one  country,  while  the  forces  of  the  confederates  were 
drawn  from  three  different  nations,  speaking  different  lan¬ 
guages,  and  many  of  whom  had  never  acted  in  the  field  to- 

M 


134 


THE  LIFE  OF 


gether.  Cadogan,  with  six  hundred  horse,  formed  the  van¬ 
guard  of  Marlborough’s  army  ;  and  at  daybreak  on  the  22d, 
lie  discovered  the  enemy’s  army  grouped  in  dense  masses  hi 
the  strong  camp  of  Mont  St.  Andre.  As  their  position  stretch¬ 
ed  directly  across  the  allied  line  of  march,  a  battle  was  una 
voidable  ;  and  Marlborough  was  no  sooner  informed  of  it,  than 
witli  a  joyous  heart  he  prepared  for  the  conflict.* 

The  ground  occupied  by  the  enemy,  and  which  has  become 
34.  so  famous  by  the  battle  of  Ramillies  which  follow- 

Position  of  . 

the  French  ed,  was  on  the  summit  of  an  elevated  plateau  form- 
22d  of  May.  ing  the  highest  ground  in  Brabant,  immediately 
above  the  two  sources  of  the  Little  Gheet.  The  elevated 
ground  above  is  varied  by  gentle  undulations,  interspersed 
with  garden  grounds,  and  dotted  with  coppice  woods.  From 
it  the  two  Gheets,  the  Mehaigne  and  the  Dyle,  take  their  rise, 
and  flow  in  different  directions,  so  that  it  is  the  highest  sur¬ 
face  in  the  whole  country.  The  descents  from  the  summit 
of  the  plateau  to  the  Great  Gheet  are  steep  and  abrupt ;  but 
the  other  rivers  rise  in  marshes  and  mosses,  which  are  very 
wet,  and  in  some  places  impassable.  Marlborough  was  well 
aware  of  the  strength  of  the  position  on  the  summit  of  this 
eminence,  and  he  had  used  all  the  dispatch  in  his  power  to 
reach  it  before  the  enemy  ;  hut  Yilleroi  had  less  ground  to  go 
over,  and  had  his  troops  in  battle  array  on  the  summit  before 
the  English  appeared  in  sight.  The  position  occupied  by  the 
French  ran  along  the  front  of  a  curve  facing  inward,  and 
overhanging  the  sources  of  the  Little  Gheet.  The  troops 
were  posted  on  the  crest  of  the  ridge  above  the  marshes,  hav¬ 
ing  the  village  of  Autre  Eglise  in  front  of  the  extreme  left, 
and  the  villages  of  Ofl’uz  and  Ramillies  opposite  their  center. 
The  extreme  right  occupied  the  high  grounds  which  overhang 


* 


The  composition  and  strength  of  the  two  armies  was  as  follows : 


Allies. 

Battalions 
Squadrons 
Guns  .  . 


73  ) 
123  i 
120. 


60,000. 


French. 
Battalions 
Squadrons 
Guns  .  . 


.  74 

.  128 
.  130. 


|  62, 


000. 


Kausler,  765. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


135 


the  Mehaigne,  along  the  course  of  which,  at  a  short  distance, 
and  nearly  parallel  to  its  banks,  runs  the  old  chaussee,  wliich, 
after  the  lapse  of  more  than  a  thousand  years,  still  retains  the 
name  of  Queen  Brunehault.  The  right  wing  occupied  the  in¬ 
termediate  space,  and  rested  on  the  Mehaigne,  while  the  vil¬ 
lage  of  Tavieres,  on  the  banks  of  that  river,  was  garrisoned 
by  a  large  body  of  foot  soldiers.  The  infantry  were  drawn  up 
in  two  lines,  the  villages  in  their  front  being  strongly  occupied 
by  separate  detachments  of. foot.  In  Ramillies  alone  twenty 
battalions  were  posted.  The  great  bulk  of  the  horse  was  also 
arranged  in  two  lines  on  the  right,  across  the  chaussee  of 
Brunehault,  along  which  part  of  the  allied  columns  was  ex¬ 
pected  to  advance.  On  the  highest  point  of  the  ridge  thus 
occupied  by  the  French,  but  immediately  behind  their  ex¬ 
treme  right  and  the  mass  of  their  cavalry,  and  in  a  position 
commanding  the  whole  field  of  battle,  the  tomb  or  barrow  of 
the  ancient  German  hero  Ottomond  was  situated.  This  po¬ 
sition,  it  was  evident,  would  become  the  subject  of  a  desperate 
strife  between  the  contending  parties  hi  the  approaching 
conflict.* 

Marlborough  no  sooner  came  in  sight  of  the  enemy’s  position 
than  he  formed  his  own  plan  of  attack.  His  troops  35. 
were  divided  into  ten  columns,  the  cavalry  being  maneuvenfbe- 
in  two  lines  on  each  wing,  the  infantry  in  six  col-  in^pianofat 
uirms  in  the  center.  He  at  once  saw  that  the  tack' 

French  right,  surmounted  by  the  lofty  plateau  on  which  the 
tomb  of  Ottomond  was  placed,  was  the  key  of  their  position, 
and  against  that  he  resolved  to  direct  the  weight  of  his  onset ; 
but,  the  better  to  conceal  Ins  real  design,  he  determined  to 
make  a  vehement  false  attack  on  the  village  of  Autre  Eglise 
and  their  left.  The  nature  of  the  ground  occupied  by  the 
allies  and  the  enemy  respectively,  favored  this  design  ;  for  the 
French  were  posted  round  the  circumference  of  a  segment  of 
a  circle,  while  the  allies  occupied  the  center  and  chord,  so  that 
they  could  move  with  greater  rapidity  than  their  opponents 
*  Kauslek,  765,  766.  Coxe,  ii.,  339,  340. 


13G 


THE  LIFE  OF 


from  one  part  of  the  field  to  another.  Marlborough’s  strata¬ 
gem  was  entirely  successful.  He  formed,  hi  the  first  instance, 
with  some  ostentation,  a  weighty  column  of  attack  opposite  to 
the  French  left,  which  menaced  the  village  of  Autre  Eglise. 
No  sooner  did  Villeroi  perceive  this,  than  he  drew  a  consider¬ 
able  body  of  infantry  from  liis  center  behind  Ofluz,  and  march 
ed  them  with  the  utmost  expedition  to  re-enforce  the  threat¬ 
ened  point  on  his  left.  When  Marlborough  saw  this  cross¬ 
movement  fairly  commenced,  he  skillfully  availed  himself  of  a 
rising  ground  on  which  the  front  of  liis  column  of  attack  on 
the  right  was  placed,  by  directing  the  second  fine  and  the  col¬ 
umns  which  supported  it,  just  as  the  front  had  reached  the 
edge  of  the  plateau,  where  they  obstructed  the  view  of  those 
behind  them,  to  halt  in  a  hollow,  where  they  could  not  be 
seen,  and  immediately  after,  still  concealed  from  the  enemy’s 
sight,  to  defile  rapidly  to  the  left  till  they  came  into  the  rear 
of  the  left  center.  The  Danish  horse,  twenty  squadrons  strong, 
under  the  Duke  of  Wirtemberg,  were  at  the  same  time  placed 
in  a  third  line,  behind  the  cavalry  of  the  left  wing,  so  as  to 
bring  the  weight  of  his  horse  as  well  as  foot  into  that  quarter.*' 
At  half  past  twelve  the  cannonade  began  on  both  sides,  and 

3G.  that  of  the  French  played  heavily  on  the  columns 
Commence-  . 

ment  of  the  of  the  confederates  advancing  to  the  attack.  The 
skillful  feint  allied  right  wing,  directed  against  Autre  Eglise, 
ougk.  steadily  advanced  up  the  slopes  from  the  banks  of 
the  Little  Gheet  to  the  edge  of  the  plateau,  where  they  halt¬ 
ed,  deployed  into  fine,  and  opened  their  fire  in  such  a  position 
as  to  conceal  entirely  the  transfer  of  the  infantry  and  cavalry 
in  their  rear  to  the  allied  left.  No  sooner  had  those  columns 
in  support  reached  it,  than  the  attack  began  in  real  earnest, 
and  with  a  preponderating  force  in  that  direction.  Colonel 
Wertonville,  with  four  Dutch  battalions,  advanced  against 
Tavieres,  while  twelve  battalions  in  columns  of  companies, 
supported  by  a  strong  reserve,  began  the  attack  on  Ramillies 
in  the  left  center.  The  vehemence  of  this  assault  soon  con- 
*  CoXE,  ii.,  342-344,  345.  KaUSLER,  766. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


137 


vinced  Villeroi  that  the  real  attack  of  the  allies  was  in  that 
quarter  ;  hut  he  had  no  reserve  of  foot  to  support  the  troops  in 
the  villages,  every  disposable  man  having  been  sent  oft’  to  the 
left  in  the  direction  of  Autre  Eglise.  In  this  dilemma,  he 
hastily  ordered  fourteen  squadrons  of  horse  to  dismount,  and, 
supported  by  two  Swiss  battalions,  moved  them  up  to  the  sup¬ 
port  of  the  troops  in  Tavieres.  Before  they  could  arrive, 
however,  the  Dutch  battalions  had  with  great  gallantry  car¬ 
ried  that  village  ;  and  Marlborough,  directing  the  Danish 
horse,  under  the  brave  Duke  of  Wirtemberg,  against  the  flank 
of  the  dismounted  dragoons,  as  they  were  in  column  and 
marching  up,  the  Swiss  were  speedily  cut  to  pieces,  and  hurled 
back  in  confusion  on  the  French  horse,  who  were  advancing 
to  their  support.* 

Following  up  liis  success,  Overkirk  next  charged  the  first 
fine  of  advancing  French  cavalry  with  the  first 
line  of  the  allied  horse,  and  such  was  the  vigor  of  overkirkfand 
his  onset,  that  the  enemy  were  broken  and  thrown  “""ofMaribOT- 
back.  But  the  second  line  of  French  and  Bava-  haftenin^'to 
rian  horse  soon  came  up,  and  assailing  Overkirk’s  1113  reliet- 
men  when  they  were  disordered  by  success,  and  little  expect¬ 
ing  another  struggle,  overthrew  them  without  difficulty,  drove 
them  back  in  great  confusion,  and  almost  entirely  restored  the 
battle  in  that  quarter.  The  chances  were,  that  the  victorious 
French  horse,  having  cleared  the  open  ground  of  their  oppo¬ 
nents,  would  wheel  about  and  attack  in  rear  the  twelve  bat¬ 
talions  who  were  warmly  engaged  with  the  attack  on  Ramil- 
lies.  Marlborough  instantly  saw  the  danger,  and,  putting 
himself  at  the  head  of  seventeen  squadrons  at  hand,  led  them 
on  himself  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  victorious  horse,  while, 
at  the  same  time,  he  sent  orders  for  every  disposable  saber  to 
come  up  from  his  right  with  the  utmost  expedition.  Twenty 
squadrons  were  there  in  reserve ;  they  instantly  wheeled  threes 
about,  and  galloped  off'  to  the  support  of  their  leader.  The 
moment  was  critical,  and  nothing  but  the  admirable  intrepidity 
*  Kausler,  346.  COXE,  ii.,  343-347. 

M  2 


138 


THE  LIFE  OF 


and  presence  of  mind  of  the  English  general  could  have  re¬ 
trieved  the  allied  affairs.  As  he  was  leading  on  this  reserve 
with  his  wonted  gallantry,  and  under  a  dreadful  fire  from  the 
French  batteries  on  the  heights  behind  Ramillies,  he  was  rec¬ 
ognized  by  some  French  troopers,  with  whom  he  had  formerly 
served  in  the  time  of  Charles  II.,  who  made  a  sudden  rush  at 
him.  They  had  wellnigh  made  him  prisoner,  for  they  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  surrounding  him  before  his  men  could  come  up  to 
the  rescue  ;  but  he  extricated  himself  from  the  throng  of  as¬ 
sailants  by  fighting  his  way  out,  like  the  knights  of  old,  sword 
in  hand.  He  next  tried  to  leap  a  ditch,  but  his  horse  fell  in 
the  attempt ;  and,  when  mounting  another  horse  given  him 
by  his  aid-de-camp  Captain  Molesworth,  Colonel  Bingfield, 
his  equerry,  who  held  the  stirrup,  had  his  head  carried  off  by 
a  cannon  ball.  The  imminent  danger  of  their  beloved  gen¬ 
eral,  however,  revived  the  spirit  of  the  troops.  The  dreadful 
severity  of  the  cannonade  had,  during  the  scuffle,  thrown  them 
into  disorder  ;  but,  re-forming  with  great  celerity,  they  again 
returned  with  desperate  resolution  to  the  charge.* 

In  this  emergency,  when  nothing  was  as  yet  decided,  the 
38.  twenty  fresh  squadrons  which  Marlborough  had  so 

The  twenty 

squadrons  or-  opportunely  called  up  from  the  allied  right  were 
the  right  re-  seen  galloping  at  full  speed,  but  still  in  regular 
6aT 1  1  lt  order,  on  the  plain  behind  this  desperate  conflict. 
Halting  directly  in  rear  of  the  spot  where  the  horse  on  both 
sides  were  so  vehemently  engaged,  they  wheeled  into  line,  and 
advanced  in  close  order  and  admirable  array  to  the  support 
of  the  duke.  Encouraged  by  this  powerful  re-enforcement, 
the  whole  allied  cavalry  re-formed,  and  swept  forward  in 
three  lines,  with  loud  shouts,  to  the  attack  of  the  now  intim¬ 
idated  and  disheartened  French,  who  no  longer  withstood  the 
onset,  but,  turning  their  horses’  heads,  fled  with  precipitation. 
The  low  grounds  between  Ramillies  and  the  old  chaussee 
were  quickly  passed,  and  the  victorious  horse,  pressing  up  the 
slope  on  the  opposite  side,  ere  long  reached  the  summit  of  the 
*  Coxe,  ii.,  347.  Kausler,  766,  767. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


139 


plateau.  The  tomb  of  Ottomond,  the  highest  point,  and  vis¬ 
ible  from  the  whole  held  of  battle,  was  soon  resplendent  with 
sabers  and  cuirasses,  amid  a  throng  of  horse  ;  and  deafening 
shouts,  heard  over  the  whole  extent  of  both  armies,  announced 
that  the  crowning  point  and  key  of  the  whole  position  had 
been  gained.* 

But  Yilleroi  was  an  able  and  determined  general,  and  his 
soldiers  fought  with  the  inherent  bravery  of  the  39. 
French  nation.  The  contest,  thus  virtually  de-  fortsto'rfltore 
cided,  was  not  yet  over.  A  fierce  fight  was  raging  which  are  un- 
around  Rarnillies,  where  the  garrison  of  twenty  succcssful- 
French  battalions  opposed  a  stout  resistance  to  Schultz’s  gren¬ 
adiers.  By  degrees,  however,  the  latter  gained  ground  ;  two 
Swiss  battalions,  which  had  long  and  resolutely  held  their 
ground,  were  at  length  forced  back  into  the  village,  and  some 
of  the  nearest  houses  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  allies.  Upon 
this  the  whole  rushed  forward,  and  drove  the  enemy  in  a  mass 
out  toward  the  high  grounds  in  the  rear.  The  Marquis 
MafTei,  however,  rallied  two  regiments  of  Cologne  guards,  in 
a  hollow  way  leading  up  from  the  village  to  the  plateau,  and 
opposed  so  vigorous  a  resistance,  that  he  not  only  checked  the 
pursuit,  but  regained  part  of  the  village  ;  but  Marlborough, 
whose  eye  was  every  where,  no  sooner  saw  this  than  he  order¬ 
ed  up  twenty  battalions  which  had  been  stationed  in  reserve 
behind  the  center,  and  speedily  cleared  the  village.  MafTei, 
with  his  gallant  troops,  being  charged  in  flank  by  the  victori¬ 
ous  horse  at  the  very  time  that  he  was  driven  out  of  the  village 
by  the  infantry,  was  made  prisoner,  and  almost  all  his  men 
were  taken  or  destroyed.! 

The  victory  was  now  decided  on  the  British  left  and  cen¬ 
ter,  where  alone  the  real  attack  had  been  made ;  40. 

The  enemy, 

but  so  vehement  had  been  the  onset,  so  desperate  though 

i  i  i  thrown  into 

the  passage  oi  arms  which  had  taken  place,  that,  disorder,  en- 
though  the  battle  had  lasted  little  more  than  three  iy. 

h  Kausler,  767,  768.  COXE,  ii.,  348. 

t  Coxe,  ii.,  348.  Kausler,  767,  768.  Maffei,  Memoirs,  347. 


140 


THE  LIFE  OF 


hours,  the  victors  were  nearly  in  as  great  disorder  as  the  van¬ 
quished.  Horse,  foot,  and  artillery  were  every  where  blended 
together  in  confusion,  more  especially  between  Ramillies  and 
the  Mehaigne,  and  thence  up  to  the  tomb  of  Ottomond,  in 
consequence  of  the  various  charges  of  all  arms  which  had  so 
rapidly  succeeded  each  other  on  the  same  narrow  space. 
Marlborough,  seeing  this,  and  before  attempting  any  thing 
more,  halted  his  troops  on  the  ground  where  they  stood,  which, 
in  the  left  and  center,  had  been  occupied  by  the  enemy  at  the 
commencement  of  the  action.  Villeroi  skillfully  availed  him¬ 
self  of  this  breathing-time  to  endeavor  to  re-form  his  broken 
troops,  and  to  take  up  a  new  line  from  Geest-a-Gerompont,  on 
his  right,  through  Ofluz  to  Autre  Eglise,  still  held  hy  its  orig¬ 
inal  garrison,  on  his  left.  But  in  making  the  retrograde  move¬ 
ment  so  as  to  get  his  men  into  this  oblique  position,  he  was 
even  more  impeded  and  thrown  into  disorder  by  the  baggage- 
wagons  and  dismounted  guns  on  the  heights,  than  the  allies 
had  been  on  the  plain  below. 

On  observing  this,  Marlborough  resolved  to  give  the  enemy 
41.  no  time  to  rally,  but  again  sounding  the  charge,  or- 
vanceoiuhe  dered  infantry  and  cavalry  to  advance.  A  strong 
completes'11  column  passed  the  morass  in  which  the  Little  Gheet 
the  victory.  takes  its  rise,  directing  their  steps  toward  OfFuz  ;  but 
the  enemy,  panic-struck,  as  at  Waterloo,  by  the  general  ad¬ 
vance  of  the  victors,  gave  way  on  all  sides.  Ofluz  was  aban¬ 
doned  without  a  shot  being  fired,  the  cavalry  pursued  the  fu¬ 
gitives  with  headlong  fury,  and  the  plateau  of  Mont  St.  An¬ 
dre  was  soon  covered  with  the  flying  enemy.  The  troops  hi 
observation  on  the  right,  seeing  the  victory  gamed  on  the  left 
and  center,  of  their  own  accord  joined  in  the  pursuit,  and  soon 
made  themselves  masters  of  Autre  Eglise  and  the  heights  be¬ 
hind  it.  The  Spanish  and  Bavarian  Horse-guards  made  a 
gallant  attempt  to  stem  the  flood  of  disaster,  but  without  at¬ 
taining  their  object.  This  only  led  to  their  own  destruction. 
General  Wood  and  Colonel  Wyndham,  at  the  head  of  the  En¬ 
glish  Horse-guards,  charged  them,  and  they  were  immediately 


MARLBOROUGH. 


141 


cut  to  pieces.  The  rout  now  became  universal,  and  all  resist¬ 
ance  ceased.  In  frightful  confusion,  a  disorganized  mass  of 
horse  and  foot,  abandoning  their  guns,  streamed  over  the  pla¬ 
teau,  poured  headlong,  on  the  other  side,  down  the  banks  of 
the  Great  Gheet,  and  fled  toward  Louvain,  which  they  reach¬ 
ed  in  the  most  dreadful  disorder  at  two  o’clock  in  the  morning. 
The  British  horse,  under  Lord  Orkney,  did  not  draw  bridle 
from  the  pursuit  till  they  reached  the  neighborhood  of  that  for¬ 
tress,  having,  besides  fighting  the  battle,  ridden  full  five-and- 
twenty  miles  that  day.  Marlborough  halted  for  the  night, 
and  established  head-quarters  at  Mildert,  thirteen  miles  from 
the  field  of  battle,  and  five  from  Louvain.* 

The  trophies  of  the  battle  of  Ramillies  were  immense  ;  but 
they  were  even  exceeded  by  its  results.  The  loss  42. 
of  the  French  m  killed  and  wounded  was  seven  French  and 
thousand  men,  and,  in  addition  to  that,  six  thou-  the  battle, 
sand  prisoners  were  taken.  With  the  desertions  which  took 
place  after  the  battle,  they  were  weakened  by  frilly  fifteen 
thousand  men.  They  lost  fifty-two  guns,  their  whole  bag¬ 
gage  and  pontoon  train,  all  their  caissons,  and  eighty  stand¬ 
ards  wrested  from  them  in  lair  fight.  Among  the  prisoners 
were  the  Princes  de  Soubise  and  Rohan,  and  a  son  of  Mar¬ 
shal  Tallard.  The  victors  lost  one  thousand  and  sixty-six  kill¬ 
ed,  and  two  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty-seven  wounded, 
in  all,  three  thousand  six  hundred  and  thirty-three.  The 
great  and  unusual  proportion  of  the  killed  to  the  wounded 
shows  how  desperate  the  fighting  had  been,  and  how  much 
of  it,  as.in  ancient  warfare,  had  been  in  hand-to-hand  contest. 
Overkirk  nobly  supported  the  duke  in  this  action,  and  not 
only  repeatedly  charged  at  the  head  of  his  horse,  but  contin¬ 
ued  on  horseback  in  the  pursuit  till  one  in  the  morning,  when 
he  narrowly  escaped  death  from  a  Bavarian  officer  he  had 
made  prisoner,  and  to  whom  he  had  given  back  his  sword,  say¬ 
ing,  ‘  You  are  a  gentleman,  and  may  keep  it.”  The  base 
wretch  no  sooner  got  it  into  his  hand  than  he  made  a  lounge 
*  Coxe,  ii„  348,  349.  Mem.  de  Marquis  Maff'ei,  349,350.  Kausler,  768. 


1 42 


THE  LIFE  OF 


at  the  Dutch  general,  hut  fortunately  missed  his  blow,  and 
was  immediately  cut  down  for  his  treachery  by  Overkirk’s 
orderly.* 

The  immediate  result  of  this  splendid  victory  was  the  ac- 

43-  quisition  of  nearly  all  Austrian  Flanders.  Brus- 
Ana  its  great 

results.  “  sels,  Louvain,  Mechlin,  Alort,  Luise,  and  nearly  all 
the  great  towns  of  Brabant,  opened  their  gates  immediately 
after  it.  Ghent  and  Bruges  speedily  followed  the  example  ; 
and  Daun  and  Oudenarde  soon  declared  for  the  Austrian 
cause.  Of  all  the  towns  in  Flanders,  Antwerp,  Ostend,  Nieu- 
port,  and  Dunkirk  alone  held  out  for  the  French  ;  and  to  their 
reduction  the  duke  immediately  turned  Iris  attention.  The 
public  transports  in  Holland  knew  no  hounds ;  they  much 
exceeded  what  had  been  felt  for  the  victory  of  Blenheim,  for 
that  only  saved  Germany,  hut  this  delivered  themselves.  The 
wretched  jealousy  which  had  so  long  thwarted  the  duke,  as  it 
does  every  other  really  great  man,  was  fairly  overpowered  in 
“  the  electric  shock  of  a  nation’s  gratitude.”  In  England,  the 
rejoicings  were  equally  enthusiastic,  and  a  solemn  thanksgiv¬ 
ing  at  St.  Paul’s,  which  the  queen  attended  in  person,  gave  a 
willing  vent  to  the  general  thankfulness.  “  Faction  and  the  . 
French,”  as  Bolinghroke  expressed  it,f  were  all  that  Marlbor¬ 
ough  had  to  fear,  and  he  had  fairly  conquered  both.  Above 
all,  the  magnitude  of  his  renown  rid  him  for  a  time,  at  least, 
of  those  vexatious  councils  of  war  which  had  so  often  thwart¬ 
ed  his  best-laid  plans.  But  the  snake,  though  scotched,  was 
not  killed,  and  hut  replenished  its  venom  and  prepared  future 
stings  even  during  the  roar  of  triumphant  cannon  and  the 
festive  blaze  of  rejoicing  cities.  J 

*  Kausler,  769.  Coxe,  ii.,  350-353. 

t  “This  vast  addition  of  renown  which  your  grace  has  acquired,  and  the 
wonderful  preservation  of  your  life,  are  subjects  upon  which  I  can  never  ex¬ 
press  a  thousandth  part  of  what  I  feel.  France  and  faction  are  the  only  en¬ 
emies  England  has  to  fear,  and  your  grace  will  conquer  both  ;  at  least,  while 
you  beat  the  French,  you  give  a  strength  to  the  government  which  the  oth¬ 
er  dares  not  contend  with.” — Bolinghroke  to  Marlborough,  May  28,  1706. 
Coxe,  ii.,  358. 

1  “  I  shall  attend  the  queen  at  the  thanksgiving  on  Thursday  next :  I  as- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


M3 


The  French,  after  this  terrible  defeat,  retired  in  the  deep¬ 
est  dejection  toward  French  Flanders,  leaving  gar-  44. 

.  .  .  Retreat  of  the 

risons  in  the  principal  fortresses  which  still  held  French  from^ 

out  for  them.  Marlborough  made  his  triumphant  universal  joy 

i  no  r  at  *ts  libera- 

entry  into  .Brussels  in  great  pomp  on  the  2oth  oi  tion. 

May,  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  inhabitants.  The  Three 
Estates  of  Brabant,  assembled  there,  acknowledged  Charles 
III.  for  their  sovereign,  and  received,  in  return,  a  guaran¬ 
tee  from  the  English  government  and  the  States  General 
that  the  joyeuse  entree,  the  Magna  Charta  of  Flanders, 
should  be  faithfully  observed.  “  Every  where,”  says  Marl¬ 
borough,  “  the  joy  was  great  at  being  delivered  from  the  inso¬ 
lence  and  exactions  of  the  French.”  The  victory  of  Ramil- 
lies  produced  no  less  effect  on  the  northern  courts,  whose  jeal¬ 
ousies  and  lukewarmness  had  hitherto  proved  so  pernicious  to 
the  common  cause.  The  King  of  Prussia,  who  had  hitherto 
kept  aloof,  and  suspended  the  march  of  his  troops,  now,  on 
the  mediation  of  Marlborough,  became  reconciled  to  the  em¬ 
peror  and  the  States  General ;  and  the  Elector  of  Hanover, 
forgetting  his  apprehensions  about  the  English  succession,  was 
among  the  foremost  to  offer  his  congratulations,  and  make  a 
tender  of  his  forces  to  the  now  triumphant  cause.  It  is  sel¬ 
dom  that  the  prosperous  want  friends.  , 

The  Dutch,  upon  the  submission  of  Brabant,  were  anxious 
to  levy  contributions  on  it  as  a  conquered  country,  45 
for  the  purpose  of  relieving  themselves  of  part  of  wfgjJ-^n  ot°ua 
the  expenses  of  the  war  ;  and  Godolphin,  actuated  ^proterUn- 
by  the  same  short-sighted  views,  was  eager  to  re-  lhe  I'lenm‘4s 
plenish  the  English  exchequer  from  the  same  slon- 
source  ;  but  Marlborough,  like  Wellington  in  after  days,  had 
magnanimity  and  wisdom  enough  to  see  the  folly,  as  well  as 
injustice,  of  thus  alienating  infant  allies  at  the  moment  of 


sure  you  I  shall  do  it,  from  every  vein  within  me,  having  scarce  any  thing  else 
to  support  either  my  head  or  heart.  The  animosity  and  inveteracy  one  has 
to  struggle  against  is  unimaginable ,  not  to  mention  the  difficulty  of  obtaining 
things  to  be  done  that  are  reasonable,  or  of  satisfying  people  with  reason 
when  they  are  done.” — Godolphin  to  Marlborough,  May  24,  1706. 


144 


THE  LIFE  OF 


their  conversion,  and  he  combated  the  project  so  successfully 
that  it  was  abandoned.*  At  the  same  time,  he  preserved 
the  strictest  discipline  on  the  part  of  his  troops,  and  took  every 
imaginable  precaution  to  secure  the  affections  and  allay  the 
apprehensions  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  provinces.  The 
good  effects  of  this  wise  and  conciliatory  policy  were  soon  ap¬ 
parent.  Without  firing  a  shot,  the  allies  gained  greater  ad¬ 
vantages  during  the  remainder  of  the  campaign  than  they 
could  have  done  by  a  series  of  bloody  sieges,  and  the  sacrifice 
of  thirty  thousand  men.  Nor  was  it  less  advantageous  to  the 
English  general  than  to  the  common  cause ;  for  it  delivered 
him,  for  that  season  at  least,  from  the  thraldom  of  a  council 
of  war,  the  invariable  resource  of  a  weak,  as  it  is  the  aversion 
of  a  lofty  mind-f 

The  Estates  of  Brabant,  assembled  at  Brussels,  sent  in- 
46.  junctions  to  the  governor  of  Antwerp,  Ghent,  and 

Capitulation  of  ..... 

Ghent,  Bruges,  all  the  other  fortresses  within  their  territories,  to 
Oudenariie.  declare  for  Charles  III.,  and  admit  their  troops. 
The  effect  of  this,  in  connection  with  the  well-known  disci¬ 
pline  preserved  by  the  allied  army,  and  the  protection  from 
contributions,  was  very  decided.  No  sooner  were  the  orders 
received  at  Antwerp,  than  a  schism  broke  out  between  the 
French  regiments  in  the  garrison  and  the  Walloon  Guards. 
The  latter  declared  for  Charles  III.  ;  and  the  approach  of 
Marlborough’s  army,  and  the  intelligence  of  the  submission  of 
the  other  cities  of  Brabant,  brought  matters  to  a  crisis.  Aftei 
some  altercation,  it  was  agreed  that  the  French  troops  should 
march  out  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  be  escorted  to  Bou- 
chain,  -within  the  frontier  of  their  own  country.  Accordingly, 

*  Duke  of  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Harley,  June  14,  1706. 

t  "The  consequences  of  this  battle  are  likely  to  be  greater  than  that  of 
Blenheim ;  for  we  have  now  the  whole  summer  before  us,  and,  with  the 
blessing  of  God,  I  will  make  the  best  use  of  it.  For  as  I  have  had  no  coun¬ 
cil  of  uar  before  this  battle,  so  I  hope  to  have  none  during  the  whole  cam¬ 
paign  ;  and  I  think  we  may  make  such  work  of  it  as  may  give  the  queen 
the  glory  of  making  a  safe  and  honorable  peace,  for  the  blessing  of  God  is 
certainly  with  us." — Marlborough  to  Lord  Godolphin,  May  27,  1706.  Coxb, 
ii.,  365. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


145 


on  the  6th  of  June,  this  magnificent  fortress,  which  it  had 
cost  the  Prince  of  Parma  so  vast  an  expenditure  of  blood  and 
treasure  to  reduce,  and  which  Napoleon  said  was  itself  worth 
a  kingdom,  was  gained  without  firing  a  shot.  Oudenarde, 
which  had  been  in  vain  besieged  in  the  last  war  by  William 
III.,  at  the  head  of  sixty  thousand  men,  immediately  followed 
the  same  example  ;  and  Ghent  and  Bruges,  besides,  speedily 
opened  their  gates.  Flanders,  bristling  with  fortresses,  the 
possession  of  which  in  the  early  part  of  the  war  had  been  of 
such  signal  service  to  the  French,  was,  with  the  exception  of 
Ostend,  Dunkirk,  and  two  or  three  smaller  places,  entirely 
gained  by  the  consternation  produced  by  this  single  battle. 
Well  might  Marlborough  say,  “  The  consequences  of  our  vic¬ 
tory  are  almost  incredible.  A  whole  country,  with  so  many 
strong  places,  delivered  up  without  the  least  resistance,  shows, 
not  only  the  great  loss  they  must  have  sustained,  but  likewise 
the  terror  and  consternation  they  are  in.”* 

At  this  period,  Marlborough  hoped  the  war  would  be 
speedily  brought  to  a  close,  and  that  a  glorious  47. 
peace  would  reward  his  own  and  his  country’s  ef-  ho^Xfor”!" 3 
forts.  His  thoughts  constantly  reverted,  as  his  speudy  Peace- 
private  correspondence  shows,  to  home,  quiet,  and  domestic 
happiness.  To  the  duchess  he  wrote  at  this  period,  “You 
are  very  kind  in  desiring  I  would  not  expose  myself.  Be  as¬ 
sured,  I  love  you  so  well,  and  am  so  desirous  of  ending  my 
days  quietly  with  you,  that  I  shall  not  venture  myself  but 
when  it  is  absolutely  necessary  ;  and  I  am  sure  you  are  so 
kind  to  me,  and  wish  so  well  to  the  common  cause,  that  you 
had  rather  see  me  dead  than  not  do  my  duty.  I  am  per¬ 
suaded  that  tins  campaign  will  bring  in  a  good  peace  ;  and  I 
beg  of  you  to  do  all  that  you  can,  that  the  house  of  Wood- 
stock  may  be  carried  up  as  much  as  possible,  that  I  may  have 
the  prospect  of  living  in  it.”f  But  these  anticipations  were 
not  to  be  realized  ;  and  before  he  sank  mto  old  age,  the  hero 

*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Harley,  3d  June,  1706.  Marl.  Disp.,  ii., 
554.  t  Marlborough  to  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  May  31,  1706. 

N 


146 


THE  LIFE  OF 


was  destined  to  drain  to  the  dregs  the  cup  of  envy,  jealousy, 
and  ingratitude. 

His  first  step  of  importance,  after  consolidating  these  im- 

4g.  portant  conquests,  and  preventing  the  cupidity  of  the 
capfureof  Hutch  from  forcing  contributions  on  the  inhabitants, 
Ostend.  which  would  only  have  endangered  his  conquests  be¬ 
fore  they  were  well  secured,  was  to  undertake  the  siege  of  Os- 
tend,  the  most  considerable  place  in  Flanders  which  still  held 
out  for  the  French  interest.  This  place,  celebrated  for  its 
great  strength  and  the  long  siege  of  three  years  which  it  had 
stood  against  the  Spanish  under  Spinola,  was  expected  to  make 
a  very  protracted  resistance  ;  hut  such  was  the  terror  now  in¬ 
spired  by  Marlborough’s  name,  that  it  was  reduced  much 
sooner  than  had  been  anticipated.  Eveiy  preparation  had 
been  made  for  a  vigorous  defense.  A  fleet  of  nine  ships  of 
the  line  lay  off  the  harbor,  and  a  formidable  besieging  train 
was  brought  up  from  Antwerp  and  Brussels.  Trenches  Avere 
opened  on  the  28th  of  June  ;  the  counterscarp  was  blown  in 
on  the  6th  of  July  ;  and  the  day  following,  the  besieged,  after 
a  fruitless  sally,  capitulated,  and  the  Flemish  part  of  the  gar¬ 
rison  entered  the  service  of  the  allies.  The  garrison  Avas  five 
thousand  strong  when  it  surrendered  ;  two  ships  of  the  line 
were  taken  in  the  harbor  ;  and  the  total  loss  of  the  besiegers 
Avas  only  five  hundred  men. 

Menin  was  next  besieged ;  hut  it  made  a  more  protracted 
49-  resistance.  Its  great  strength  consisted  in  the  means 

Commence-  . 

mcnt  of  the  which  the  governor  of  the  fortress  possessed  of  flood- 

siege  of  Me-  .  ^ 

nin,  and  its  mg  at  will  the  fiat  and  extensive  plains  in  which  it 
ties.  is  situated.  Its  fortifications  had  always  been  reck¬ 

oned  among  one  of  V auban’s  masterpieces  ;  the  garrison  was 
ample ;  and  the  governor,  who  Avas  a  man  of  resolution,  was 
encouraged  to  make  a  vigorous  resistance  by  assurances  of 
succor  made  to  him  by  the  French  government.  In  short, 
Louis  XIV.  had  made  the  greatest  efforts  to  repair  the  con¬ 
sequences  of  the  disaster  at  llamillies.  Marshal  Marsin  had 
been  detached  from  the  Rhine  with  eighteen  battalions  and 


MARLBOROUGH. 


147 


fourteen  squadrons  ;  and,  in  addition  to  that,  thirty  battalions 
and  forty  squadrons  were  marching  from  Alsace.  These  great 
re-enforcements,  with  the  addition  of  nine  battalions  which 
were  in  the  lines  on  the  Dyle  when  the  battle  of  Ramillies 
was  fought,  would,  when  all  assembled,  have  raised  the  French 
army  to  one  hundred  and  ten  battalions  and  one  hundred  and 
forty  squadrons,  or  above  ninety  thousand  men ;  whereas  Marl¬ 
borough,  after  employing  thirty-two  battalions  in  the  siege, 
could  only  spare  for  the  covering  army  about  seventy-two  bat¬ 
talions  and  eighty  squadrons.  The  numerical  superiority, 
therefore,  was  very  great  on  the  side  of  the  enemy,  especially 
when  the  allies  were  divided  by  the  necessity  of  carrying  on 
the  siege  ;  and  Villeroi,  who  had  lost  the  confidence  of  his 
men,  had  been  replaced  by  one  of  the  best  generals  in  the 
French  service,  the  Duke  de  Vendome,  already  illustrious  by 
his  recent  victory  over  the  Imperialists  in  Italy.  He  openly 
avowed  his  intention  to  raise  the  siege,  and,  as  if  with  that 
view,  he  approached  the  covering  army  closely.  But  Marl¬ 
borough  persevered  in  his  design  ;  for,  to  use  his  own  words, 
“  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  says,  he  is  promised  a  hundred  and 
ten  battalions,  and  they  are  certainly  stronger  in  horse  than 
we.  But,  even  if  they  had  greater  numbers,  I  neither  think 
it  is  their  interest  nor  their  inclination  to  venture  a  battle,  for 
our  men  are  in  heart,  and  theirs  are  cowed.”* 

Considerable  difficulties  were  experienced  in  the  first  in¬ 
stance  hr  bringing  forward  the  siege  equipage,  in  50. 
consequence  of  the  inundations  which  the  governor  carried  byS 
had  let  loose  ;  but  a  drought  having  set  in  in  the  sauIt’  Aug'  22‘ 
beginning  of  August,  before  the  blockade  began,  these  obsta¬ 
cles  were  soon  overcome,  and  on  the  9th  of  August  the  besieg¬ 
ers’  fire  opened,  while  Marlborough  took  post  at  Helchin  to 
cover  the  siege.  On  the  18th,  the  fire  of  the  breaching  bat¬ 
teries  had  been  so  effectual,  that  it  was  deemed  practicable  to 
make  an  assault  on  the  covered  way  ;  and  as  a  determined  re- 

*  Marlborough  to  Secretary  Harley,  Helchiu,  9th  of  August,  1706.  Disp., 
iii.,  69. 


148 


THE  LIFE  OF 


sistance  was  anticipated,  the  duke  repaired  to  the  spot  to  su¬ 
perintend  the  attack.  At  seven  in  the  evening,  the  signal 
was  given  by  the  explosion  of  two  mines,  and  the  troops,  with 
the  English  hi  front,  rushed  to  the  assault.  They  soon  cut 
down  the  palisades,  and,  throwing  their  grenades  before  them, 
ere  long  got  into  the  covered  way ;  hut  they  were  there  ex¬ 
posed  to  a  dreadful  fire  from  two  ravelins  which  enfiladed  it. 
For  two  hours  they  bore  it  without  flinching,  laboring  hard  to 
erect  barricades  so  as  to  get  under  cover ;  hut  this  was  not 
accomplished  before  fourteen  hundred  of  the  brave  assailants 
had  been  struck  down.  The  success,  though  so  dearly  pur¬ 
chased,  was  decisive.  The  establishment  of  the  besiegers  hi 
this  important  lodgment,  in  the  heart,  as  it  were,  of  their 
works,  so  distressed  the  enemy,  that  on  the  22d  they  hoisted 
the  white  flag,  and  capitulated  on  the  following  day,  though 
still  four  thousand  three  hundred  strong.  The  reduction  of 
this  strong  and  celebrated  fortress  gave  the  most  unbounded 
satisfaction  to  the  allies,  as  it  not  only  materially  strengthen¬ 
ed  the  harrier  against  F ranee,  but,  having  taken  place  in  pres¬ 
ence  of  the  Duke  de  Vendome  and  his  powerful  army,  drawn 
together  with  such  diligence  to  raise  the  siege,  it  afforded  the 
strongest  proof  of  the  superiority  the  allies  had  now  acquired 
over  their  enemy  in  the  field.* 

Upon  the  fall  of  Menin,  Vendome  collected  his  troops,  and 
took  up  a  position  behind  the  Lys  and  the  Dyle,  in 
order  to  cover  Lille,  against  which  he  supposed  the  foJiofDcn- 
intentions  of  Marlborough  were  next  to  be  directed.  September 
But  the  duke  had  another  object  hi  view,  for  he  im-  5- 
mediately  sat  down  before  Dendermonde,  still  keeping  post 
with  Iris  covering  army  at  Helchin,  so  as  to  bar  the  access  to 
that  fortress.  Being  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Scheldt,  it 
wras  so  completely  within  the  power  of  the  governor  to  hinder 
the  approaches  of  the  besiegers,  by  letting  out  the  waters,  that 
the  King  of  France  said,  on  hearing  they  had  commenced  its 

'  Marlborough  to  Duke  of  Savoy ,  Helchin,  25th  of  August,  1706.  Marl. 
Disp.,  iii.,  1 01, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


149 


siege,  “  They  must  have  an  army  of  ducks  to  take  it.”  An 
extraordinary  drought  at  this  period,  however,  which  lasted 
seven  weeks,  had  so  lowered  the  Scheldt  and  canals,  that  the 
approaches  were  pushed  with  great  celerity,  and  on  the  5tb 
of  September  the  garrison  surrendered  at  discretion.  Marl¬ 
borough  wrote  to  Godolphin  on  this  occasion,  “  The  taking  of 
Dendermonde,  making  the  garrison  prisoners  of  war,  was  more 
than  could  have  been  expected  ;  but  I  saw  they  were  in  a 
consternation.  That  place  could  never  have  been  taken  but 
by  the  hand  of  God,  which  gave  us  seven  weeks  without  rain. 
The  rain  began  the  day  after  we  had  taken  possession,  and 
continued  without  intermission  for  the  three  next  days.”* 
Ath  was  the  next  object  of  attack.  This  small  but  strong 
fortress  was  of  great  importance,  as  lying  on  the  di-  50 
rect  road  from  Mons  to  Brussels  by  Halle  ;  and,  in  whfchcon- 
consequence  of  that  circumstance,  it  was  rendered  a  campai^f 
fortress  of  the  first  order,  when  the  barrier  of  strong-  0ctober  *■ 
holds,  insanely  demolished  by  Joseph  II.  before  the  war  of  the 
Revolution,  was  restored  by  the  allies,  under  the  direction  of 
Wellington,  after  its  termination.  Marlborough  intrusted  the 
direction  of  the  attack  to  Overkirk,  while  he  himself  occupied, 
with  the  covering  army,  the  position  of  Leuze.  Vendome’s 
army  was  so  much  discouraged  that  he  did  not  venture  to  dis¬ 
turb  the  operations  of  Marlborough,  but,  retiring  behind  the 
Scheldt,  between  Conde  and  Montagne,  contented  himself 
with  throwing  strong  garrisons  into  Mons  and  Charleroi,  winch 
he  apprehended  would  be  the  next  objects  of  attack.  The 
operations  of  the  besiegers  against  Ath  were  pushed  with  great 
vigor  till  the  4th  of  October,  when  the  garrison,  eight  hundred 
strong,  all  that  remained  out  of  two  thousand  who  maimed 
the  works  when  the  siege  began,  surrendered  as  prisoners  of 
war.  Marlborough  was  very  urgent  after  this  success  to  un¬ 
dertake  the  siege  of  Mons,  winch  would  have  completed  the 
conquest  of  Brabant  and  Flanders  ;  but  ho  could  not  persuade 

*  Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  September  4,  1706.  Coxe,  iii.,  10. 

N  2 


150 


THE  LIFE  OF 


the  Dutch  authorities  to  furnish  him  with  the  requisite  stores.* 
After  a  parade  of  his  army  in  the  open  field  near  Cambron, 
in  the  hope  of  drawing  Vendome,  who  boasted  of  having  one 
hundred  and  forty  battalions  and  one  hundred  and  eighty 
squadrons  at  his  command,  to  a  battle,  in  which  he  was  dis¬ 
appointed,  Marlborough  resigned  the  command  to  Overkirk, 
put  the  army  into  winter  quarters,  and  hastened  to  Brussels, 
to  commence  the  arduous  duty  of  endeavoring  to  compose  the 
jealousies  and  secure  the  union  of  the  discordant  powers  of  the 
alliance.! 

Marlborough  was  received  hi  the  most  splendid  manner,  and 
53.  with  unbounded  demonstrations  of  joy,  at  Brussels, 
ception  of C*  not  only  by  the  inconstant  populace,  but  by  the  dep- 
ntTirussuisf*  uties  of  the  Three  Estates  of  Brabant,  which  were 
suiw^f  the6  assembled  there  in  regular  and  permanent  sover- 
campaign.  eignty.  Well  might  they  lavish  their  demonstra¬ 
tions  of  respect  and  gratitude  on  the  English  general ;  for 
never,  in  modem  times,  had  more  important  or  glorious  events 
signalized  a  successful  campaign.  In  five  months  the  power 
of  France  had  been  so  completely  broken,  and  the  towering 
temper  of  its  inhabitants  so  lowered,  that  their  best  general, 
at  the  head  of  above  a  hundred  thousand  men,  did  not  venture 
to  measure  swords  with  the  allies,  who  were  only  about  two 
thirds  of  their  numerical  strength  in  the  field.  By  the  effects 
of  a  single  victory,  the  whole  of  Brabant  and  Flanders,  stud- 

*  "  If  the  DQtch  can  furnish  ammunition  for  the  siege  of  Mous,  we  shall  un¬ 
dertake  it ;  for  if  the  weather  continues  fair,  we  shall  have  it  much  cheaper 
this  year  than  the  next,  when  they  have  had  time  to  recruit  their  army. 
The  taking  of  that  town  would  be  a  very  great  advantage  to  us  for  the  open¬ 
ing  of  next  campaign,  which  we  must  make  if  we  would  bring  France  to 
such  a  peace  as  will  give  us  quiet  hereafter.” — Marlborough  to  Godolphin, 
October  14,  1706.  Coxe,  iii.,  14. 

t  “  M.  de  Vendome  tells  his  officers  he  has  one  hundred  and  forty  battal¬ 
ions  and  one  hundred  and  eighty  squadrons,  and  that,  if  my  Lord  Marlbor¬ 
ough  gives  him  au  opportunity,  he  will  pay  him  a  visit  before  this  campaign 
ends.  I  believe  he  has  neither  will  nor  power  to  do  it.  which  we  shall  see 
quickly,  for  we  are  now  camped  in  so  open  a  couutry  that  if  he  marches  to 
us  we  can  not  refuse  fighting.” — Marlborough  to  Lord  Godolphin,  October 
14,  1706.  Ibid. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


151 


ded  with  the  strongest  fortresses  in  Europe,  each  of  which,  in 
former  wars,  had  required  months — some,  years — for  their  re¬ 
duction,  had  been  gained  to  the  allied  arms.  Between  those 
taken  on  the  field  of  Ramillies,  and  subsequently  in  the  be¬ 
sieged  fortresses,  above  twenty  thousand  men  had  been  made 
prisoners,  and  twice  that  number  lost  to  the  enemy  by  the 
sword,  sickness,  and  desertion.  France  now  made  head 
against  the  allies  in  Flanders  only  by  drawing  together  her 
forces  from  all  other  quarters,  and  starving  the  war  in  Italy 
and  on  the  Rhine,  besides  straining  every  nerve  in  the  inte¬ 
rior.  This  state  of  frenzied  exertion  could  not  last.  Already 
the  effects  of  Marlborough’s  triumph  at  the  commencement  of 
the  campaign  had  appeared,  in  the  total  defeat  of  the  French 
in  their  lines  before  Turin,  by  Prince  Eugene,  on  the  18th  of 
September,  and  their  expulsion  from  Italy.  It  was  the  re¬ 
enforcements  procured  for  him,  and  withheld  from  his  oppo¬ 
nents,  by  Marlborough,  which  obtained  for  the  prince  tliis  glo¬ 
rious  victory,  at  which  the  English  general,  with  the  gener¬ 
osity  of  true  greatness,  rejoiced  even  more  sincerely  than  he 
had  done  in  any  triumphs  of  his  own  ;*  while  Eugene,  with 
equal  greatness  of  mind,  was  the  first  to  ascribe  his  success 
mainly  to  the  succors  sent  him  by  the  Duke  of  Marlborough. t 
But  all  are  not  Marlboroughs  or  Eugenes  :  the  really  great 
alone  can  witness  success  without  envy,  or  achieve  it  without 
selfishness.  In  the  base  herd  of  ignoble  men  who  profited  by 

*  “  I  have  now  received  confirmation  of  the  success  in  Italy  from  the  Duke 
of  Savoy  and  Prince  Eugene,  and  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  express  the  joy 
it  has  given  me;  for  I  not  only  esteem,  but  really  love,  that  prince.  This 
glorious  action  must  bring  France  so  low,  that  if  our  friends  can  be  per¬ 
suaded  to  carry  on  the  war  one  year  longer  with  vigor,  we  could  not  fail, 
with  God's  blessing,  to  have  such  a  peace  as  would  give  us  quiet  in  our 
days.  But  the  Dutch  are  at  this  time  unaccountable.” — Marlborough  to  the 
Duchess,  Sept.  26,  1706.  Coxe,  iii.,  20,  21. 

t  “  Your  highness,  I  am  sure,  will  rejoice  at  the  signal  advantage  which 
the  arms  of  his  Imperial  majesty  and  the  allies  have  gained.  You  have 
had  so  great  a  hand  in  it,  by  the  succors  you  have  procured,  that  you  must 
permit  me  to  thank  you  again.” — Eugene  to  Marlborough,  20th  Sept.,  1706. 
Coxe,  iii.,  20. 


152 


THE  LIFE  OF 


the  efforts  of  these  great  leaders,  the  malignant 
passions  were  rapidly  gaining  strength  by  the  very 
magnitude  of  the  triumphs.  The  removal  of  dan¬ 
ger  was  producing  its  usual  effect  of  reviving  jeal¬ 
ousy  among  the  allies.  Conquest  was  spreading  its 
invariable  discord  by  inciting  cupidity  in  the  distribution  of  its 
fruits.  These  divisions  had  appeared  soon  after  the  battle  of 
Ramillies,  when  the  Emperor  Joseph,  as  a  natural  mark  of 
gratitude  to  the  general  who  had  delivered  his  people  from 
their  oppressors,  as  well  as  from  a  regard  to  Iris  own  interests, 
appointed  Marlborough  to  the  general  command  as  viceroy  of 
the  Netherlands.  The  English  general  was  highly  gratified 
by  this  mark  of  confidence  and  gratitude ;  and  the  appoint¬ 
ment  was  cordially  approved  of  by  Queen  Anne  and  the  En¬ 
glish  cabinet,  who  without  hesitation  authorized  Marlborough 
to  accept  the  proffered  dignity.  But  the  Dutch,  who  had  al¬ 
ready  begun  to  conceive  projects  of  ambition  by  an  accession 
of  territory  to  themselves  on  the  side  of  Flanders,  evinced  such 
dislike  to  this  appointment,  as  tending  to  throw  the  adminis¬ 
tration  of  the  Netherlands  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  En¬ 
glish  and  Austrians,  that  Marlborough  had  the  magnanimity 
to  solicit  permission  to  decline  an  honor  which  threatened  to 
breed  disunion  in  the  alliance.*  This  conduct  was  as  disin¬ 
terested  as  it  was  patriotic  ;  for  the  emoluments  of  the  govern¬ 
ment,  thus  refused  from  a  desire  for  the  public  good,  were  no 
less  than  sixty  thousand  pounds  a  year. 

*  “  This  appointment  by  the  emperor  has  given  some  uneasiness  in  Hol¬ 
land,  by  thinking  that  the  emperor  has  a  mind  to  put  the  power  in  this 
country  into  the  queen’s  hands,  in  order  that  they  may  have  nothing  to  do 
with  it.  If  I  should  find  the  same  thing  by  the  pensionary,  and  that  nothing 
can  cure  tins  jealousy  but  my  desiring  to  be  excused  from  accepting  this 
commission,  I  hope  the  queen  will  allow  of  it ;  for  the  advantage  and  honor 
I  have  by  this  commission  is  very  insignificant  in  comparison  of  the  fatal 
consequences  that  might  he  if  it  should  cause  a  jealousy  between  the  two  na¬ 
tions.  And  though  the  appointments  of  this  government  are  sixty  thousand 
pounds  a  year,  I  shall  with  pleasure  excuse  myself,  since  I  am  convinced 
it  is  for  her  service,  if  the  States  should  not  make  it  their  request,  winch 
they  are  very  far  from  doing.” — Marlborough  to  Godolpliin,  July  1  and  8, 
1706.  Coxe,  iii.,  391-393. 


54. 

Splendid  and 
disinterested 
conduct  of 
Marlborough 
in  refusing 
the  govern¬ 
ment  of  the 
Netherlands. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


153 


Although,  however,  Marlborough  thus  renounced  this  splen¬ 
did  appointment,  the  court  of  Vienna  were  not  55. 

Jealousies  of 

equally  tractable.  It  evinced  the  utmost  jealousy  the  Dutch,  and 
........  continued  dis- 

at  the  no  longer  disguised  desire  ol  the  Dutch  to  interestedness 

°  .  tii  .  .  ofMarlbor- 

gain  an  accession  ot  territory,  and  the  barrier  ol  ough. 
which  they  were  so  passionately  desirous,  at  the  expense  of  the 
Austrian  Netherlands.  The  project  also  got  wind,  and  the 
Catholic  inhabitants  of  Brabant,  whom  difference  of  religion 
and  old-established  national  rivalry  had  long  alienated  from 
the  Dutch,  were  so  much  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  being 
transferred  to  their  hated  Protestant  neighbors,  that  the  pro¬ 
posal  at  once  cooled  their  ardor  in  the  cause  of  the  alliance, 
and  went  far  to  sow  the  seeds  of  irrepressible  dissension  among 
them.  The  emperor,  therefore,  again  pressed  the  appointment 
on  Marlborough ;  hut,  from  the  same  lofty  motives,  he  con¬ 
tinued  to  decline,  professing  a  willingness,  at  the  same  time, 
to  give  the  emperor  privately  every  assistance  in  his  power  in 
the  exercise  of  the  new  government,  so  that  the  emperor  was 
obliged  to  give  a  reluctant  consent.  Notwithstanding  this 
refusal,  the  jealousy  of  the  Dutch  was  such,  that  on  the  re¬ 
vival  of  a  report  that  the  appointment  had  been  actually  con¬ 
ferred  on  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  they  were  thrown  into 
such  a  ferment,  that  in  the  public  congress  the  pensionary 
could  not  avoid  exclaiming  in  the  presence  of  the  English  em¬ 
bassador,  “  Mon  Dieu  !  est-il  possible  qu’on  voudrait  faire  ce 
pas  sans  notre  participation  ?”* 

The  French  government  were  soon  informed  of  this  jealousy, 
and  of  the  open  desire  of  the  Dutch  for  an  acces-  56. 

.  .  .  ,  ,  Opening  of  a 

sion  of  territory  oil  the  side  of  Flanders,  at  the  ex-  separate  se- 
pense  of  Austria:  and  they  took  advantage  of  it,  tion between 

,  .  .  .  the  Dutch 

early  m  the  summer  ol  1706,  to  open  a  secret  ne-  and  French, 
gotiation  with  the  States  General  for  the  conclusion  of  a  sep¬ 
arate  peace  with  that  republic.  The  basis  of  this  accommo¬ 
dation  was  to  be  a  renunciation  by  the  Duke  of  Anjou  of  his 

*  Mr.  Stepney  to  Duke  of  Marlborough,  Hague,  Jan.  4,  1707.  Coxe, 
ii.,  407. 


154 


THE  LIFE  OF 


claim  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  upon  receiving  an  equivalent  in 
Italy  :  he  offered  to  recognize  Anne  as  Queen  of  England,  and 
professed  the  utmost  readiness  to  secure  for  the  Dutch,  at  the 
expense  of  Austria,  that  barrier  in  the  Netherlands  to  which 
he  conceived  them  to  be  so  wrell  entitled.  These  proposals 
elated  the  Dutch  government  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  be¬ 
gan  to  take  a  high  hand,  and  assume  a  dictatorial  tone  at  the 
Hague  ;  and  it  was  the  secret  belief  that  they  would,  if  mat¬ 
ters  came  to  extremities,  be  supported  by  France  in  this  ex¬ 
orbitant  demand  for  a  slice  of  Austria,  that  made  them  resist 
so  strenuously  the  government  of  the  Low  Countries  being 
placed  in  such  firm  and  vigorous  hands  as  those  of  Marlbor¬ 
ough.  Matters  had  therefore  come  to  such  a  pass  in  October 
and  November,  1706,  that  Godolphin  regarded  the  state  of 
affairs  as  desperate,  and  thought  that  the  alliance  was  on  the 
pomt  of  being  dissolved.*  Thus  was  Marlborough’s  usual 
winter  campaign  with  the  confederates  rendered  more  difficult 
on  tlxis  than  it  had  been  on  any  preceding  occasion  ;  for  he 
had  now  to  contend  with  the  consequences  of  his  own  success, 
allay  the  jealousies  and  stifle  the  cupidity  which  had  sprung 
up  in  the  prospect  of  that  magnificent  spoil  which  he  himself 
had  laid  at  the  feet  of  the  allies. 

But  in  this  dangerous  crisis,  Marlborough’s  great  diplomatic 
57.  ability,  consummate  address,  and  thorough  devo- 
address  ob?*1 8  tiou  to  the  common  good,  stood  him  in  as  good 
aU>f ncaJii'-7  stead  as  his  military  talents  had  done  him  in  the 
preceding  campaign  with  Villeroi  and  Vendome. 
In  the  beginning  of  November  he  repaired  to  the  Hague, 
and  though  he  found  the  Dutch,  in  the  first  instance,  so  extrav¬ 
agant  in  their  ideas  of  the  barrier  they  were  to  obtain  that 
he  despaired  of  effecting  any  settlement  of  the  differences  be- 

*  “  Lord  Somers  has  shown  me  a  long  letter  which  he  has  had  from  the 
pensionary,  very  intent  upon  settling  the  harrier.  The  inclinations  of  the 
Dutch  are  so  violent  and  plain,  that  I  am  of  opinion  nothing  will  he  able  to 
prevent  their  taking  effect  but  our  being  as  plain  with  them  upon  the  same 
subject,  and  threatening  to  publish  to  the  whole  world  the  terms  for  which 
they  solicit.” — Lord  Godolphin  to  Marlborough,  Oct.  24, 1706.  Coxe,  iii.,74. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


155 


tween  them  ana  the  emperor,*  yet  he  at  length  succeeded, 
though  with  very  great  difficulty,  in  appeasing,  for  the  time, 
the  jealousies  between  them  and  the  cabinet  of  Vienna,  and 
also  in  obtaining  a  public  renewal  of  the  alliance  for  the  pros¬ 
ecution  of  the  war.  The  publication  of  this  treaty  diffused 
the  utmost  satisfaction  among  the  ministers  of  the  allied  pow¬ 
ers  assembled  at  the  Hague ;  and  this  was  further  increased 
by  the  breaking  off,  at  the  same  time,  of  a  negotiation  which 
had  been  pending  for  some  months  between  Marlborough  and 
the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  for  a  separate  treaty  with  that  prince, 
who  had  become  disgusted  with  the  French  alliance.  But 
all  Marlborough’s  efforts  failed  to  accomplish  any  adjustment 
of  the  disputed  matter  of  the  barrier,  on  which  the  Dutch 
were  so  obstinately  set ;  and,  finding  them  equally  unreason¬ 
able  and  intractable  on  that  subject,  he  deemed  himself  fortu¬ 
nate  when  he  obtained  the  adjourning  of  the  question,  by  the 
consent  of  all  concerned,  till  the  conclusion  of  a  general  peace. 

After  the  adjustment  of  this  delicate  and  perilous  negotia¬ 
tion,  Marlborough  returned  to  England,  where  he  58. 

_  °  #  His  return  to 

was  received  with  transports  of  exultation  by  all  England,  and 

i  splendid  recep- 

classes.  He  was  conducted  in  one  of  the  royal  tion  there, 
carriages,  amid  a  splendid  procession  of  all  the  nobility  of  the 
kingdom,  to  Temple  Bar,  where  he  was  received  by  the  city 
authorities,  who  feasted  him  in  the  most  magnificent  manner 
at  Vintners’  Hall.  Thanks  were  voted  to  him  by  both  houses 
of  Parliament ;  and  when  he  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of 
Peers,  the  lord-keeper  addressed  him  in  these  just  and  appro¬ 
priate  terms  :  “  What  your  grace  has  performed  in  this  last 

*  “  My  inclinations  will  lead  me  to  stay  as  little  as  possible  at  the  Hague, 
though  the  pensionary  tells  me  I  must  stay  to  finish  the  succession  treaty 
and  their  bander,  which,  should  I  stay  the  whole  winter,  I  am  very  confident 
would  not  be  brought  to  perfection  ;  for  they  are  of  so  many  minds,  and  are 
all  so  very  extravagant  about  their  barrier,  that  I  despair  of  doing  any  thing 
good  till  they  are  more  reasonable,  which  they  will  not  be  till  they  see  that 
they  have  it  not  in  their  power  to  dispose  of  the  whole  Low  Countries  at 
their  will  and  pleasure,  in  which  the  French  flatter  them.” — Marlborough 
to  Godolphin,  Oct.  29,  1706.  Coxe,  iii.,  79. 


156 


THE  LIFE  OF 


campaign  has  far  exceeded  all  hopes,  even  of  such  as  were 
most  affectionate  and  partial  to  their  country’s  interest  and 
glory.  The  advantages  you  have  gained  against  the  enemy 
are  of  such  a  nature,  so  conspicuous  in  themselves,  so  un¬ 
doubtedly  owing  to  your  courage  and  conduct,  so  sensibly  and 
universally  beneficial  to  the  whole  confederacy,  that  to  at¬ 
tempt  to  adorn  them  with  the  coloring  of  words  would  he  vain 
and  inexcusable.  Therefore  I  decline  it,  the  rather  because 
I  should  certainly  offend  that  great  modesty  which  alone  can 
and  does  add  luster  to  your  actions,  and  which  in  your  grace’s 
example  has  successfully  withstood  as  great  trials  as  that  vir¬ 
tue  has  met  with  in  any  instance  whatsoever.”  The  House 
of  Commons  passed  a  similar  resolution ;  and  the  better  to 
testify  the  national  gratitude,  an  annuity  of  .£5000  a  year, 
charged  upon  the  Post-office,  was  settled  upon  the  duke  and 
duchess,  and  their  descendants  male  or  female  ;  and  his  duke¬ 
dom,  which  stood  limited  to  heirs-male,  was  extended  also  to 
lieirs-female,  “  in  order,”  as  it  was  finely  expressed,  “  that 
England  might  never  be  without  a  title  which  might  recall 
the  remembrance  of  so  much  glory.” 

So  much  glory,  however,  produced  its  usual  effect  in  engen- 
jeaiousy  dering  jealousy  in  little  minds.  The  Whigs  had 

against  him  grown  envious  of  that  illustrious  pillar  of  their 

arises  among  .  A 

both  the  party  ;  they  were  tired  of  hearing  him  called  the 

Whigs  and  a 

Tories,  but  just.  Both  Godolphin  and  Marlborough  became 
court.eVaUa  at  the  objects  of  excessive  jealousy  to  their  own  party  ; 
and  this,  combined  with  the  rancor  of  the  Tories,  who  could 
never  forgive  his  desertion  of  his  early  patron  the  Duke  of 
York,  had  welhiigh  proved  fatal  to  liim  when  at  the  very  zen¬ 
ith  of  his  usefulness  and  popularity.  Intrigue  was  rife  at  St. 
James’s.  Parties  were  strangely  intermixed  and  disjointed. 
Some  of  the  moderate  Tories  were  in  power  ;  many  ambitious 
Whigs  were  out  of  it.  Neither  party  stood  on  great  public 
principles :  a  sure  sign  of  instability  in  the  national  councils, 
and  tending  to  the  ultimate  neglect  of  the  national  interests. 
Harley’s  intrigues  had  become  serious,  and  the  prime  minister, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


157 


Godolphin,  had  threatened  to  resign.  In  this  alarming  junc¬ 
ture  of  domestic  affairs,  the  presence  of  Marlborough  produced 
its  usual  pacifying  and  benign  influence.  In  a  long  interview 
which  he  had  with  the  queen  on  Iris  first  private  audience,  he 
settled  all  differences  ;  Godolphin  was  persuaded  to  withdraw 
liis  resignation ;  the  cabinet  was  reconstructed  on  a  new  and 
harmonious  basis  ;  Harley  and  Bolingbroke  were  the  only 
Tories  of  any  note  who  remained  in  power  ;  and  these  new 
perils  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war  and  the  cause  of  Euro¬ 
pean  independence  were  removed. 

Marlborough’s  services  to  England,  and  the  interests  of 
European  freedom  in  this  campaign,  recall  one  60. 

r  .  .  .  Great  error 

mournful  feeling  to  the  British  annalist.  All  that  in  the  subse- 
he  had  won  for  his  country — all  that  Wellington,  of  England7 
with  still  greater  difficulty,  and  amid  yet  brighter  glories,  re¬ 
gained  for  it,  has  been  lost.  It  has  been  lost,  too,  not  by  the 
enemies  of  the  nation,  but  by  itself;  not  by  an  opposite  fac¬ 
tion,  but  by  the  very  party  over  whom  his  own  great  exploits 
had  shed  such  imperishable  luster  ;  not  amid  national  humil¬ 
iation,  hut  at  the  height  of  national  glory ;  not  in  faithfully 
defending,  hut  in  basely  partitioning  an  ally.  Antwerp,  the 
first  fruits  of  Ramillies — Antwerp,  the  last  reward  of  Water¬ 
loo — Antwerp,  to  hold  which  against  England  Napoleon  lost 
his  crown,  has  been  abandoned  to  France.*  An  English 
fleet  has  combined  with  a  French  army  to  tear  from  Iloff  and 
the  barrier  of  Dutch  independence,  and  the  key  to  the  Low 
Countries.  The  barrier  so  passionately  sought  by  the  Dutch 
has  been  wrested  from  them,  and  wrested  from  them  by  Brit¬ 
ish  hands ;  a  revolutionary  power  has  been  placed  on  the 
throne  of  Belgium,  the  theater  of  Ramillies  and  Malplaquet, 
of  Oudenarde  and  Waterloo.  Flanders,  instead  of  the  out¬ 
work  of  Europe  against  France,  has  become  the  outwork  of 
France  agaurst  Europe.  The  tricolor  flag  waves  in  sight  of 
Bergen-op-Zoom  ;  within  a  month  after  the  first  European 

*  “  If  I  could  have  made  up  my  mind  to  give  up  Antwerp,  I  might  have 
concluded  peace  at  ChatiUon.” — Napoleon  in  Las  Cases. 

o 


158 


THE  LIFE  OF 


war,  the  whole  coast  from  Bayonne  to  the  Texel  will  be  ar¬ 
rayed  against  Britain  !  Such  is  the  way  in  which  empires 
are  ruined  by  the  blindness  of  faction.  It  is  in  moments  of 
domestic  convulsion  that  irrevocable  and  fatal  mistakes  in 
policy  are  committed  by  nations,  for  it  is  then  that  the  na¬ 
tional  are  absorbed  in  the  social  passions,  and  durable  public 
interests  forgotten  in  passing  party  contentions. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CAMPAIGNS  OF  1707  AND  1708. - BATTLE  OF  OUDENAK.DE,  CAP¬ 

TURE  OF  LILLE,  AND  RECOVERY  OF  GHENT. 

The  campaign  of  1707  opened  under  auspices  veiy  different 
i.  to  the  allies  from  any  which  had  preceded  it : 
^xperiencedr3  Blenheim  had  saved  Germany,  Ramillies  had  de- 
the  preceding  bvered  Brabant.  The  power  of  the  Grand  Mo- 
campaign.  narque  no  longer  made  Europe  tremble.  The 

immense  advantage  which  he  had  gained  in  the  outset  of  the 
contest,  by  the  declaration  of  the  governor  of  Flanders  for  the 
cause  of  the  Bourbons,  and  the  consequent  transference  of  the 
Flemish  fortresses  into  his  hands,  had  been  lost.  It  was  more 
than  lost — it  had  been  won  to  the  enemy.  Brussels,  Ant¬ 
werp,  Menin,  Ath,  Ostend,  Ghent,  Dendermonde,  Louvain, 
now  acknowledged  the  Archduke  Charles  for  their  sovereign  ; 
the  states  of  Brabant  had  sent  in  their  adhesion  to  the  Grand 
Alliance.  Italy  had  been  lost  as  rapidly  as  it  had  been  won  ; 
the  stroke  of  Marlborough  at  Ramillies  had  been  re-echoed  at 
Turin  ;  and  Eugene  had  expelled  the  French  arms  from  Pied¬ 
mont  as  effectually  as  Marlborough  had  from  Flanders.  Re¬ 
duced  on  all  sides  to  his  own  resources,  wakened  from  his 
dream  of  foreign  conquests,  Louis  XIV.  now  sought  only  to 
defend  his  own  frontier ;  and  the  arms  which  had  formerly 
reached  the  gates  of  Amsterdam,  and  recently  carried  terror 
into  the  center  of  Germany,  were  now  reduced  to  a  painful 
lefensive  on  Ihe  Scheldt  and  the  Rhine. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


159 


These  great  advantages  would,  in  all  probability,  notwith¬ 
standing  the  usual  supineness  and  divisions  of  the  2. 

.  .  ‘  .  Appearance  of 

allied  powers,  have  insured  them  the  most  signal  Charles  xii. 

.  ,  .  of  Sweden  in 

success  m  the  next  campaign,  had  not  their  atten-  Germany. 

tion  been,  early  in  spring,  arrested,  and  their  efforts  paralyzed, 
by  a  new  and  formidable  actor  on  the  theater  of  affairs.  This 
was  no  less  a  man  than  Charles  XII.,  king  of  Sweden, 
who,  after  having  defeated  the  coalition  of  the  northern  sover¬ 
eigns  formed  for  his  destruction,  dictated  peace  to  Denmark 
at  Copenhagen,  dethroned  the  King  of  Poland,  and  wellnigh 
overturned  the  empire  of  Russia,  had  now  planted  his  vic¬ 
torious  standards  in  the  center  of  Germany,  and  at  the  head 
of  an  army  fifty  thousand  strong,  and  hitherto  invincible,  had 
stationed  himself  at  Dresden.  There  he  had  become  the  ar¬ 
biter  of  Europe,  and  in  a  position  to  threaten  the  destruction 
of  either  of  the  parties  engaged  in  the  contest  on  the  Rhine 
against  whom  he  chose  to  direct  his  hostility. 

This  extraordinary  man  approached  closer  than  any  war¬ 
rior  of  modern  times  to  the  great  men  of  antiquity.  3 
More  nearly  than  even  Napoleon,  he  realized  the  charac,ei'- 
heroes  of  Plutarch.  A  Stoic  hi  pacific,  he  was  a  Caesar  in 
military  life.  He  had  all  their  virtues,  and  a  considerable 
share  of  their  barbarism.  Achilles  did  not  surpass  him  hi  the 
thirst  for  warlike  renown,  nor  Hannibal  in  the  perseverance 
of  Ids  character  and  the  fruitfulness  of  his  resources ;  like 
Alexander,  he  would  have  wept  because  a  world  did  not  re¬ 
main  to  conquer.  Almost  unconquerable  by  fatigue,  resolute 
hi  determination,  and  a  lion  in  heart,  he  knew  no  fear  but 
that  of  his  glory  being  tarnished.  Endowed  by  nature  with 
a  dauntless  soul,  a  constitution  of  iron,  he  was  capable  of  un¬ 
dergoing  a  greater  amount  of  exertion  than  any  of  his  soldiers. 
At  the  siege  of  Stralsund,  when  some  of  his  officers  were  sink¬ 
ing  under  the  exhaustion  of  protracted  watching,  he  desired 
them  to  retire  to  rest,  and  himself  took  their  place.  Out¬ 
stripping  his  followers  in  speed,  at  one  time  he  rode  across 
Germany,  almost  alone,  in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time , 


160 


THE  LIFE  OF 


at  another,  he  defended  himself  for  days  together,  at  the  head 
of  a  handful  of  attendants,  in  a  barricaded  house,  against 
twenty  thousand  Turks.  Wrapped  up  in  the  passion  for 
fame,  he  was  insensible  to  the  inferior  desires  which  usually 
rouse  or  mislead  mankind.  Wine  had  no  attractions,  women 
no  seductions  for  him  :  he  was  indifferent  to  personal  comforts 
or  accommodations  ;  his  fare  was  as  simple,  his  dress  as  plain, 
his  lodging  as  rude,  as  those  of  the  meanest  of  his  followers. 
To  one  end  alone  his  attention  was  exclusively  directed,  on 
one  acquisition  alone  his  heart  was  set.  Glory,  military  glory, 
was  the  ceaseless  object  of  his  ambition ;  all  lesser  desires 
were  concentrated  in  this  ruling  passion  ;  for  this  he  lived,  for 
this  he  died. 

"A  frame  of  adamant,  a  soul  of  fire, 

No  dangers  fright  him,  and  no  dangers  tire ; 

O’er  love,  o’er  fear,  extends  his  wide  domain, 

Unconquer'd  lord  of  pleasure  and  of  pain  ; 

No  joys  to  him  pacific  scepters  yield, 

War  sounds  the  trump,  he  rushes  to  the  field ; 

Behold  surrounding  kings  their  pow’rs  combine, 

And  one  capitulate,  and  one  resign  ; 

Peace  courts  his  hand,  but  spreads  her  charms  in  vain ; 

‘  Think  nothing  gain’d,’  he  cries,  ‘  till  naught  remain  : 

On  Moscow's  walls  till  Gothic  standards  fly, 

And  all  be  mine  beneath  the  polar  sky.’  ”* 

That  his  military  abilities  were  of  the  very  highest  order, 
*■  mav  be  iudged  of  by  the  fact  that,  with  the  re- 

Great  military  J  J  °  J 

abilities.  sources  of  the  poor  monarchy  of  Sweden,  at  that 
period  containing  less  than  two  millions  of  inhabitants,  he 
long  arrested  the  efforts  of  a  coalition  composed  of  Russia, 
Denmark,  and  Poland,  headed  by  the  vast  capacity  and  per¬ 
severing  energy  of  Peter  the  Great,  and  backed  by  not  less 
than  forty  millions  of  subjects  under  its  various  sovereigns. 
Nor  let  it  be  said  that  these  nations  were  rude  in  the  military 
art,  and  unfit  to  contend  in  the  field  with  the  descendants  of 
the  followers  of  Gustavus  Adolphus.  The  Danes  are  the 
near  neighbors  and  old  enemies  of  the  Swedes ;  their  equals 
*  Johnson’s  Vanity  of  Human  Wishes. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


161 


in  population,  discipline,  and  warlike  resources.  Thirty  years 
had  not  elapsed  since  the  Poles  had  delivered  Europe  from 
Mussulman  bondage  by  the  glorious  victory  of  Vienna,  gained 
under  John  Sobieski,  over  two  hundred  thousand  Turks. 
Europe  has  since  had  too  much  reason  to  know  what  are  the 
military  resources  of  Russia,  against  which  all  the  power  of 
Western  Europe,  in  recent  times,  has  been  so  signally  shat¬ 
tered  ;  and  though  the  soldiers  of  Peter  the  Great  were  very 
different,  in  point  of  discipline,  from  those  that  repelled  the 
legions  of  Napoleon,  yet  their  native  courage  was  the  same, 
and  they  were  directed  by  an  energy  and  perseverance,  on  the 
part  of  the  Czar,  which  never  has  been  exceeded  in  warlike 
annals.  What,  then,  must  have  been  the  capacity  of  the 
sovereign  who,  with  the  resources  of  a  monarchy  not  equaling 
those  of  Scotland  at  this  time,  could  gain  such  extraordinary 
success  over  so  powerful  a  coalition,  from  the  mere  force  of 
military  ability,  indefatigable  energy,  and  heroic  determina¬ 
tion  ! 

Charles,  however,  had  many  faults.  He  was  proud,  over¬ 
bearing,  and  self-willed.  Like  all  men  of  powerful  5 
original  genius,  he  was  confident  in  his  own  opin-  ruMin'oea  imd 
ion,  and  took  counsel  from  none  ;  but,  unfortunate-  cruelt>T- 
ly,  he  often  forgot  also  to  take  counsel  from  himself.  lie  did 
not  always  weigh  the  objections  against  Iris  designs  with  suffi¬ 
cient  calmness  to  give  them  fair  play,  or  allow  his  heroic  fol¬ 
lowers  a  practical  opportunity  of  crowning  his  enterprises  with 
success.  He  had  so  often  succeeded  against  desperate,  and 
apparently  hopeless  odds,  that  he  thought  himself  invincible, 
and  rushed  headlong  into  the  most  dreadful  perils,  with  no 
other  preparation  to  ward  them  off  but  his  own  calmness  in 
danger,  his  inexhaustible  fecundity  of  resources,  and  the  un¬ 
daunted  courage,  as  well  as  patience  of  fatigue  and  privation, 
with  which  he  had  inspired  liis  followers.  It  is  surprising, 
however,  how  often  he  was  extricated  from  his  difficulties  by 
such  means.  Even  in  his  last  expedition  against  Russia, 
which  terminated  in  the  disaster  of  Pultowa,  he  would,  to  all 
O  2 


162 


THE  LIFE  OF 


appearance,  have  been  successful,  had  the  Tartar  chief,  Ma- 
zeppa,  proved  faithful  to  his  engagement.  Like  Hannibal, 
his  heroic  qualities  had  inspired  a  multifarious  army — collu- 
vies  omnium  gentium — with  one  homogeneous  spirit,  and 
rendered  them  subject  to  his  discipline,  faithful  to  his  stand¬ 
ard,  obedient  to  his  will.  But  in  some  particulars  Iris  private 
character  was  still  more  exceptionable,  for  it  was  stained  by 
the  vices  as  well  as  adorned  with  the  virtues  of  the  savage 
character.  Though  not  habitually  cruel,  he  was  stem,  vin¬ 
dictive,  and  implacable ;  and  his  government  was  sullied  by 
acts  of  atrocious  barbarity  at  which  humanity  shudders,  and 
which  must  ever  leave  an  indelible  blot  on  his  memory. 

Louis  XIV.,  in  his  distress,  was  naturally  anxious  to  gain 
Eff  ^  f  the  support  of  an  ally  so  powerful  as  the  Swedish 
Louis  xiv.  monarch,  who  was  now  at  Dresden  at  the  head  of 
to  his  side,  fifty-three  thousand  veteran  soldiers,  ready  to  fall 
on  the  rear  of  Marlborough’s  army,  then  threatening  the  de¬ 
fensive  barrier  of  France  in  the  Low  Countries.  Every  ef¬ 
fort,  accordingly,  was  made  to  gain  Charles  over  to  the  French 
interest.  The  ancient  alliance  of  France  with  Sweden,  their 
mutual  cause  of  complaint  against  the  emperor,  the  glories  of 
Gustavus  Adolphus  and  the  thirty  years’  war,  in  which  their 
armies  had  fought  side  by  side,  were  held  forth  to  dazzle  his 
imagination  or  convince  his  judgment.  The  Swedish  mon¬ 
arch  appeared  ready  to  yield  to  these  efforts.  He  brought 
forward  various  real  or  imaginary  grounds  of  complaint  against 
the  German  powers  for  infractions  of  the  constitution  of  the 
empire,  of  which  he  put  himself  forth  as  the  guarantee,  in  the 
capacity  of  heir  to  the  crown  and  fame  of  Gustavus  Adolphus, 
and  for  sundry  insults  alleged  to  have  been  offered  to  the  Swed¬ 
ish  crown  or  subjects.  These  various  subjects  of  complaint 
were  sedulously  inflamed  by  the  French  agents ;  and  the 
weight  of  their  arguments  was  not  a  little  increased  by  the 
knowledge  of  the  fact  that  they  were  authorized  to  offer  Count 
Piper,  the  prime  minister  of  Charles,  300,000  livres  (=£12,000) 
to  quicken  his  movements  in  favor  of  the  cabinet  of  Versailles, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


163 


besides  bribes  in  proportion  to  the  subordinate  ministers  of  the 
court  of  Sweden.* 

Marlborough  very  naturally  felt  extremely  uneasy  at  this 
negotiation,  which  he  soon  discovered  by  secret  hi-  i- 

.  Measures  of 

formation,  as  well  as  from  the  undisguised  reluct-  Marlborough 

.to  counteract 

ance  of  the  German  powers  to  furnish  the  contm-  his  efforts, 
gents  which  they  were  bound  to  supply  for  the  ensuing  cam¬ 
paign.  Indeed,  it  could  hardly  be  expected  that  the  Northern 
powers  in  Germany  should  send  their  chief  disposable  forces 
to  swell  Marlborough’s  army  beyond  the  Rhine,  when  so 
warlike  a  monarch,  at  the  head  of  fifty  thousand  men,  was  hi 
the  center  of  the  empire,  with  his  intentions  as  yet  undeclared, 
and  exposed  to  the  influence  of  every  imaginable  seduction. 
General  Grumbkow,  an  adroit  and  intelligent  diplomatist,  who 
had  been  sent  by  the  King  of  Prussia  on  a  mission  to  the  al¬ 
lied  head-quarters,  was  accordingly  dispatched  to  Dresden,  to 
endeavor  to  ascertain  the  real  intentions  of  the  Swedish  mon¬ 
arch.  He  was  not  long  of  discovering  that  Charles  had  as¬ 
sumed  an  angry  tone  toward  the  confederates  only  in  order  tc 
extract  favorable  terms  of  accommodation  from  them,  and 
that  Muscovy  was  the  real  object  on  which  the  king’s  heart 
was  set.  The  dispatches  which  the  general  transmitted  to 
Marlborough  convey  a  curious  and  highly-interesting  picture 
of  Charles  and  the  Swedish  court  and  army  at  this  important 
juncture.!  The  negotiation  went  on  for  some  time  with  va- 

*  Coxe,  iii.,  156.  Instructions  pour  le  Sieur  Recoux.  Cardonell  Pa¬ 
pers,  137-149. 

t  “Coant  Piper  said,  ‘  We  made  war  on  Poland  only  to  subsist ;  our  de¬ 
sign  in  Saxony  is  only  to  terminate  the  war;  but  for  the  Muscovite  he  shall 
pay  les  pots  cassees,  and  we  will  treat  the  Czar  in  a  manner  which  posteri¬ 
ty  will  hardly  believe.’  I  secretly  wished  that  already  he  was  in  the  heart 
of  Muscovy.  After  dinner  he  conveyed  me  to  head-quarters,  and  intro¬ 
duced  me  to  his  majesty.  He  asked  me  whence  X  came,  and  where  I  had 
served.  I  replied,  and  mentioned  my  good  fortune  in  having  served  three 
campaigns  under  your  highness.  He  questioned  me  much,  particularly  con¬ 
cerning  your  highness  and  the  English  troops;  and  you  may  readily  believe 
that  I  delineated  my  hero  in  the  most  lively  and  natural  colors.  Among 
other  particulars,  he  asked  me  if  your  highness  yourself  led  the  troops  to  the 
charge.  I  replied,  that  as  all  the  troops  were  animated  with  the  same  ar- 


164 


THE  LIFE  OF 


rying  success ;  but  at  length  matters  were  brought  to  a  -crisis 
by  the  King  of  Sweden  declaring  that  he  would  treat  with 
none  but  Marlborough  in  person. 

Phis  immediately  led  to  the  English  general  repairing  to 
,,.8-  ,  the  court  of  Charles  XII.  at  Dresden.  He  left  the 

v  lsit  of  Marl- 

borough  to  Hague  on  the  20th  of  April  accordingly,  and  after 

diaries  at 

Dresden.  visiting  Hanover  on  the  way,  where,  as  usual,  there 
were  some  jealousies  to  appease,  arrived  at  the  Swedish  camp 
of  Alt-Ranstadt  on  the  28th.  The  duke  drove  immediately 
to  the  head-quarters  of  Count  Piper,  from  whom  he  received 
the  most  flattering  assurances  of  the  gratification  which  the 
Swedish  monarch  had  felt  at  his  arrival.  He  was  shortly  aft¬ 
er  introduced  to  the  monarch,  to  whom  he  delivered  a  letter 
from  the  Queen  of  England,  and  at  the  same  time  addressed 
him  in  the  following  flattering  terms :  “I  present  to  your  maj¬ 
esty  a  letter,  not  from  the  Chancery,  but  from  the  heart,  of 
the  queen  my  mistress,  and  -written  with  her  own  hand.  Had 
not  her  sex  prevented  it,  she  would  have  crossed  the  sea  to  see 
a  prince  admired  by  the  whole  universe.  I  am  in  this  particu¬ 
lar  more  happy  than  the  queen,  and  I  wish  I  could  serve  some 
campaigns  under  so  great  a  general  as  your  majesty,  that  I 
might  learn  what  I  yet  want  to  know  in  the  art  of  war.”* 

dor  for  fighting,  that  was  not  necessary;  but  that  you  were  every  where, 
and  always  in  the  hottest  of  the  action,  and  gave  your  orders  with  that  cool¬ 
ness  which  excites  general  admiration.  I  then  related  to  him  that  you  had 
been  thrown  from  your  horse,  the  death  of  your  aid-de-camp  Borafield,  and 
many  other  things.  He  took  great  pleasure  in  this  recital,  and  made  me  re¬ 
peat  the  same  thing  twice.  I  also  said  that  your  highness  always  spoke 
of  his  majesty  with  esteem  and  admiration,  and  ardently  desired  to  pay  you 
his  respects.  He  observed,  ‘That  is  not  likely;  hut  I  should  be  delighted 
to  see  a  general  of  whom  I  have  heard  so  much.’  They  intend  vigorously 
to  attack  the  Muscovites,  and  expect  to  dethrone  the  Czar,  compelling  him 
to  discharge  all  his  foreign  officers,  and  pay  several  millions  as  an  indemni¬ 
ty.  Should  he  refuse  such  conditions,  the  king  is  resolved  to  exterminate 
the  Muscovites,  and  make  their  country  a  desert.  God  grant  he  may  persist 
in  this  decision,  rather  than  demand  the  restitution,  as  some  assert,  of  the 
Protestant  churches  in  Silesia  !  The  Swedes  in  general  are  modest,  but  do 
not  scruple  to  declare  themselves  invincible  when  the  king  is  at  their  head.” 
—Gen.  Grumbkow  to  Marlborough,  Jan.  II  and  31,  1707.  Coxe,  iii.,  159-161. 

*  Coxe,  iii.,  167-169.  The  authenticity  of  this  speech  is  placed  beyond 


MAELBOEOUG  II. 


165 


This  adroit  compliment  from  a  commander  so  great  and 
justly  celebrated,  produced  an  immediate  effect  on  9- 

.  His  address 

the  Swedish  monarch,  who  was  passionately  desirous  and  success 
r  ,  .  r  .  ......  with  that 

ol  military  glory.  His  satisfaction  was  visible  m  his  monarch, 
countenance,  and  he  returned  a  gracious  answer  in  these  terms  : 
“  The  Queen  of  Great  Britain’s  letter  and  your  person  are 
both  very  acceptable  to  me,  and  I  shall  always  have  the  ut¬ 
most  regard  for  the  interposition  of  her  Britannic  majesty  and 
the  interests  of  the  Grand  Alliance.  It  is  much  against  my 
will  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  give  umbrage  to  any  of  the 
parties  engaged  in  it.  I  have  had  just  cause  to  come  into 
this  country  with  my  troops  ;  but  you  may  assure  the  queen, 
my  sister,  that  my  design  is  to  depart  from  hence  as  soon  as  I 
have  obtained  the  satisfaction  I  demand,  but  not  till  then. 
However,  I  shall  do  nothing  that  can  tend  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  common  cause  in  general,  or  of  the  Protestant  religion,  of 
which  I  shall  always  glory  to  be  a  zealous  protector.”  This 
favorable  answer  was  immediately  followed  by  an  invitation 
to  dine  with  the  king,  who  placed  him  at  his  right  hand,  and 
honored  him  with  the  most  flattering  attention.  In  the  course 
of  the  evening  the  conversation  turned  chiefly  on  military  mat¬ 
ters,  in  which  Marlborough  exerted  himself  with  such  skill  and 
success,  that  he  obtained  another  long  private  audience  of 
Charles  ;  and  before  his  departure,  that  monarch  even  exceed¬ 
ed  Iris  views  by  declaring  that  there  could  be  no  security  for 
the  peace  of  Europe  till  France  was  reduced  to  the  rank  she 
held  at  the  date  of  the  treaty  of  Westphalia. 

Though  the  address  and  abilities  of  Marlborough,  however, 
had  thus  removed  the  chief  danger  to  be  appre-  jo. 
bended  from  the  presence  of  the  Swedish  monarch  m'th w£chhe 
at  Dresden,  yet  other  matters  of  great  delicacy  re-  “ng'reUgio^ 
mained  behind  for  adjustment,  requiring  all  his  pru-  differenccs> 
dence  and  skill  to  bring  to  a  satisfactory  issue.  Not  the  least 
of  these  difficulties  arose  from  the  zeal  of  the  King  of  Swe- 

doubt  by  Lediard,  who  was  then  in  Saxony,  and  gives  it  verbatim. — See 
Lediaf.d,  ii.,  126. 


166 


THE  LIFE  OF 


den  for  the  protection  of  the  Protestant  religion,  and  his  de¬ 
sire  to  revive  and  secure  the  privileges  granted  to  the  German 
Protestants  by  the  treaty  of  Westphalia.  As  Marlborough 
justly  apprehended  that  the  court  of  Vienna  might  take  um¬ 
brage  at  these  demands,  and  so  be  diverted  from  the  objects 
of  the  Grand  Alliance,  he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to 
convince  his  majesty  that  the  great  object  in  the  mean  time, 
even  as  regarded  the  Protestant  faith,  was  to  humble  the 
French  monarch,  who  had  shown  himself  its  inveterate  ene¬ 
my  by  the  atrocious  persecutions  consequent  on  the  revocation 
of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  ;  and  that,  if  this  were  once  done,  the 
emperor  would  be  unable  to  prevent  the  insertion  of  the  requi¬ 
site  stipulations  in  favor  of  the  Reformed  faith  in  the  general 
treaty  of  peace  which  would  follow.  Charles  was  convinced 
by  these  arguments,  which,  in  truth,  were  well  founded,  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  propose  a  secret  convention  with  En¬ 
gland  for  the  promotion  of  the  Protestant  interest :  a  proposal 
most  embarrassing  at  the  moment  when  Great  Britain  was  in 
close  alliance  with  the  emperor,  which  Marlborough  contrived 
to  elude  with  admirable  dexterity. 

Another  matter  of  great  delicacy  was  the  conduct  to  be  ob- 
n-  served  toward  the  dethroned  King  of  Poland,  Au- 

Hia  satisfac- 

tory arrange-  gustus,  who  was  also  at  Dresden,  and  of  course 
difficulties  viewed  the  close  intimacy  between  Marlborough 
Poland.  °  and  his  formidable  enemy  Charles  with  the  utmost 
jealousy.  But  here,  also,  the  diplomatic  skill  of  the  English 
general  overcame  all  difficulties ;  for  by  skillfully  taking  ad¬ 
vantage  of  the  pecuniary  embarrassments  into  which  the  king 
had  fallen  after  his  territories  had  been  ravaged  and  exhaust¬ 
ed  by  the  Swedish  forces,  and  by  engaging  that  the  emperor 
should  take  a  large  part  of  the  Polish  forces  into  his  pay,  he 
succeeded  at  once  in  gaining  over  the  dethroned  monarch,  and 
securing  a  considerable  body  of  fresh  troops  for  the  -service  of 
the  allies.  By  these  means,  aided  by  judiciously  bestowing  on 
Count  Piper  and  the  chief  Swedish  ministers  considerable  pen¬ 
sions,  which  were  paid  in  advance,  Marlborough  succeeded  in 


MARLBOROUGH. 


167 


entirely  allaying  the  storm  that  had  threatened  his  rear.  He 
accordingly  left  the  Saxon  capital,  after  a  residence  of  ten  days, 
perfectly  confident  in  the  pacific  intentions  of  the  Swedish 
monarch,  and  having  fully  divined  the  intended  direction  of 
his  forces  toward  Moscow.* 

The  brilliant  success  with  which  this  delicate  and  impor¬ 
tant  negotiation  had  been  concluded,  naturally  in-  jo 
duced  a  hope  that  vigorous  operations  would  be  oudesandpro- 
undertaken  by  the  allied  powers,  and  that  the  ome^Med5 
great  successes  of  the  preceding  campaign  would  Power3- 
be  so  far  improved  as  to  compel  the  court  of  France  to  sub¬ 
mit  to  such  terms  as  the  peace  of  Europe,  and  the  independ¬ 
ence  of  the  adjoining  states,  required.  The  result,  however, 
was  quite  the  reverse,  and  Marlborough  had  again  the  inde¬ 
scribable  mortification  of  seeing  month  after  month  of  the 
summer  of  1707  glide  away,  without  a  single  measure  con¬ 
ducive  to  the  success  of  the  common  cause,  or  worthy  of  the 
real  strength  of  the  allied  powers,  having  been  attempted. 
They  had  all  relapsed  into  their  former  and  fatal  jealousies 
and  procrastination.  The  Dutch,  notwithstanding  the  ines¬ 
timable  services  which  Marlborough  had  rendered  to  their  re¬ 
public,  had  again  become  distrustful,  and  authorized  their 
field-deputies  to  thwart  and  mar  all  his  operations.  They 
made  no  secret  of  their  resolution,  that  their  interests  being 
now  secured,  the  blood  and  treasure  of  the  United  Provinces 
should  no  longer  be  expended  on  enterprises  in  wdiich  the  em¬ 
peror  or  Queen  of  England  was  alone  concerned. 

They  never  failed,  accordingly,  to  interfere  when  any  ag¬ 
gressive  movement  was  in  contemplation.  Even  13 
when  the  duke,  in  the  course  of  his  skillful  march-  Jaes*wartep 
es  and  countermarches,  had  gained  the  opportunity  ^a^NWeiics 
for  which  he  longed,  of  bringing  the  enemy  to  27th  Mfly' 
an  engagement  on  terms  approaching  to  an  equality,  they 
never  failed  to  interpose  with  their  fatal  negative,  and  pre¬ 
vent  any  thing  being  attempted.  They  did  this,  in  particu- 
*  Coxz,  iii.,  174-182. 


168 


THE  LIFE  OF 


iar,  under  the  most  vexatious  circumstances,  on  the  27th  of 
May,  near  Nivelles,  where  Marlborough  had  brought  his 
troops  into  the  presence  of  the  enemy  with  every  prospect  of 
signalizing  the  place  hy  a  glorious  victory.  A  council  of  war 
was  held,  which  forbade  the  engagement  in  spite  of  Marlbor¬ 
ough’s  most  earnest  entreaties,  and  compelled  him,  in  conse¬ 
quence,  to  fall  back  on  Branheim,  to  protect  Louvain  and 
Brussels.  The  indignation  of  the  English  general  at  this  un 
worthy  treatment,  and  at  the  universal  selfishness  of  the  al¬ 
lied  powers,  exhaled  hi  bitter  terms  in  his  private  correspond¬ 
ence.* 

The  consequence  of  this  determination  on  the  part  of  the 
14.  Dutch  field-deputies  to  prevent  the  undertaking  of 
SeTampaign6  any  serious  operation  was,  that  the  whole  summer 
uscie'sTma-  m  passed  away  in  a  species  of  armed  truce,  or  a  se¬ 
ries  of  maneuvers  too  insignificant  to  entitle  them 
to  the  name  of  a  campaign.  Vendome,  who  commanded  the 
French,  though  at  the  head  of  a  gallant  army  above  eighty 
thousand  strong,  had  too  much  respect  for  his  formidable  an¬ 
tagonist  to  hazard  any  offensive  operations,  or  run  the  risk  of 
a  pitched  battle,  unless  in  defense  of  his  own  territory.  On 
the  other  hand,  Marlborough,  harassed  by  the  incessant  oppo¬ 
sition  of  the  Dutch  deputies,  and  yet  not  strong  enough  to  un¬ 
dertake  any  operation  of  importance  without  the  support  of 
their  troops,  was  reduced  to  merely  nominal  or  defensive  ef¬ 
forts.  The  secret  of  this  ruinous  system,  which  was,  at  the 
time,  the  subject  of  loud  complaints,  and  appeared  wholly  in¬ 
explicable,  is  now  fully  revealed  by  the  published  dispatches. 
The  Dutch  were  absolutely  set  on  getting  an  accession  of  ter¬ 
ritory,  and  a  strong  line  of  barrier  towns  to  be  set  apart  for 

*  “  I  can  not  venture  unless  I  am  certain  of  success  ;  for  the  inclinations 
in  Holland  are  so  strong  for  peace,  that,  if  we  had  the  least  disadvantage,  it 
would  make  them  act  very  extravagant.  I  must  own  every  country  we 
have  to  do  with  acts,  in  my  opinion,  so  contrary  to  the  general  good,  that  it 
makes  me  quite  weary  of  serving.  The  emperor  is  in  the  wrong  in  almost 
every  thing  he  does.” — Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  June  27,  1707.  Coxe, 
iii.,  261. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


169 


them  out  of  the  Austrian  Netherlands  ;  and  as  the  emperor, 
not  unnaturally,  objected  to  being  thus  shorn  of  his  territories, 
as  the  return  for  his  efforts  in  favor  of  European  independence, 
they  resolved  to  thwart  all  the  measures  of  the  allied  gener¬ 
als,  in  the  hope  that,  in  the  end,  they  would  in  this  manner 
prevail  in  their  demands  with  the  allied  cabinets.* 

It  was  not,  however,  in  the  Low  Countries  alone  that  the 
selfish  views  and  jealousies  of  the  allies  prevented  15. 

Disasters  of 

any  operation  of  importance  from  being  undertaken,  the  allies  in 
and  blasted  all  the  fair  prospects  which  the  brilliant  the  Rhine, 
victories  of  the  preceding  campaign  had  afforded.  In  Spain, 
the  allies  had  suffered  a  fearful  reverse  by  the  battle  of  Al¬ 
manza,  which  in  a  manner  ruined  the  Austrian  prospects  in 
the  Peninsula,  and  rendered  some  operation  indispensable  to 
relieve  the  pressure  experienced  in  that  quarter.  Peterbor¬ 
ough,  whose  great  military  abilities  had  hitherto  sustained, 
nearly  alone,  their  sinking  cause  in  Spain,  had  been  deprived 
of  his  command  in  Catalonia,  from  that  absurd  jealousy  of 
foreigners  which  in  every  age  has  fonned  so  marked  a  feature 
in  the  Spanish  character.  His  successor,  Lord  Galway,  was 
far  from  possessing  Iris  military  abilities  ;  and  every  thing  pre¬ 
saged  that,  unless  a  great  effort  was  immediately  made,  the 
crown  of  Spain,  the  prize  for  which  all  contended  in  the  war, 
would  be  lost  to  the  allied  powers.  Nor  was  the  aspect  of 
affairs  more  promising  on  the  Rhine.  The  Margrave  of 
Baden  had  died  there  ;  and  his  army,  before  a  successor  could 
be  appointed,  sustained  a  signal  defeat  at  Stodhofi'en.  This 
disaster  having  opened  the  gates  of  Germany,  Marshal  Yillars, 

*  Dispatches,  iii-,  142-207.  So  much  were  the  Dutch  alienated  from  the 
common  cause  at  this  time,  and  set  on  acquisitions  of  their  own,  that  they 
beheld  with  undisguised  satisfaction  the  battle  of  Almanza,  and'  the  other 
disasters  in  Spain,  as  likely  to  render  the  emperor  more  tractable  in  consid¬ 
ering  their  proceedings  in  Flanders.  “  The  States,”  says  Marlborough,  “ re¬ 
ceived  the  news  of  this  fatal  stroke  with  less  concern  than  I  expected.  This 
blow  has  made  so  little  impression  in  the  great  towns  in  this  country,  thaf  the 
generality  of  the  people  have  shown  satisfaction  at  it  rather  than  otherwise, 
which  I  attribute  mainly  to  the  aversion  to  the  present  government.” — Marl¬ 
borough  to  Godolphin,  May  13,  1707.  Coxe,  iii.,  204. 

P 


170 


THE  LIFE  OF 


at  the  head  of  a  powerful  French  army,  hurst  into  the  Palat¬ 
inate,  which  he  ravaged  with  fire  and  sword.  To  complete 
the  catalogue  of  disasters,  the  disputes  between  the  King  of 
Sweden  and  the  emperor  were  again  renewed,  and  conducted 
with  such  acrimony,  that  it  required  all  the  weight  and  ad¬ 
dress  of  Marlborough  to  prevent  a  rupture  between  these 
powers,  winch  would  have  been  attended  with  the  most  fatal 
consequences. 

Surrounded  by  so  many  difficulties,  Marlborough  wisely 
16.  judged  that  the  most  pressing  danger  was  that  hi 
inTonse™3'1’  Spain,  and  that  the  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to 
strongly  urges  stop  the  progress  of  the  Bourbon  armies  in  that 
thVsouth°of0f  quarter.  As  the  forces  of  the  Peninsula  afforded 
France.  u0  hopes  of  effecting  that  object,  ho  conceived,  with 
reason,  that  the  only  way  to  make  an  effectual  diversion  in 
that  quarter  was  to  take  advantage  of  the  superiority7  the  al¬ 
lies  had  enjoyed  in  Piedmont,  since  the  decisive  victory  of 
Turin  in  the  preceding  y'ear,  and  to  threaten  Provence  with  a 
serious  irruption.  For  this  purpose,  Marlborough  no  sooner 
heard  of  the  disasters  in  Spam,  than  he  urged  hi  the  strongest 
manner  upon  the  allied  courts  to  push  Prince  Eugene  with  his 
victorious  army  across  the  Maritime  Alps,  and  lay  siege  to 
Toulon.  Such  an  offensive  movement,  which  might  be  pow¬ 
erfully  aided  by  the  English  fleet  in  the  Mediterranean,  would 
at  once  remove  the  war  from  the  Italian  plains,  fix  it  in  the 
south  of  France,  and  lead  to  the  recall  of  a  considerable  part 
of  the  French  forces  now  employed  beyrond  the  Pyrenees. 

But,  though  the  reasons  for  this  expedition  were  thus  press- 
17.  ing,  and  Marlborough’s  project  afforded  the  only 
ductofAus-  feasible  prospect  of  bringing  affairs  round  in  the 
niins'theex-  Peninsula,  yet  the  usual  jealousies  of  the  coalesced 
pedition.  powers,  the  moment  it  was  proposed,  opposed  insur¬ 
mountable  objections  to  its  being  carried  into  effect  with  the 
force  adequate  to  insure  its  success.  It  was  objected  to  the 
siege  of  Toulon  that  it  wras  a  maritime  operation,  of  value  to 
England  alone  :  the  emperor  insisted  on  the  allied  forces  being 


MARLBOROUGH. 


171 


exclusively  employed  in  the  reduction  of  the  fortresses  yet  re¬ 
maining'  in  the  hands  of  the  French  in  the  Milanese  ;  while 
Victor  Amadeus,  duke  of  Savoy,  between  whom  and  the  Im¬ 
perialists  the  most  violent  jealousy  had  arisen,  threatened  to 
withdraw  altogether  from  the  alliance  unless  Eugene’s  army 
was  directed  to  the  protection  and  consolidation  of  his  domin¬ 
ions.  The  real  object  of  the  emperor,  in  throwing  such  ob¬ 
stacles  in  the  way  of  these  operations,  was,  that  he  had  am¬ 
bitious  designs  of  his  own  on  Naples,  and  he  had,  to  facilitate 
their  accomplishment,  concluded  a  secret  convention  with 
Louis  for  a  sort  of  neutrality  in  Italy,  which  enabled  that 
monarch  to  direct  the  forces  employed,  or  destined  to  he  em¬ 
ployed  there,  to  the  Spanish  peninsula.  Marlborough’s  ener¬ 
getic  representations,  however,  at  length  prevailed  over  all 
these  difficulties ;  and  the  reduction  of  the  Milanese  having 
been  completed,  the  emperor,  in  the  end  of  June,  consented 
to  Prince  Eugene  invading  Provence,  at  the  head  of  thirty-five 
thousand  men.*  But  twelve  thousand  men,  which  the  em¬ 
peror  had  at  his  disposal  in  Italy,  were,  despite  the  utmost  re¬ 
monstrances  of  Marlborough  and  Eugene,  withheld  from  the 
Toulon  expedition,  in  order  to  being  employed  in  the  reduction 
of  Naples  :  a  dispersion  of  forces  worse  than  useless,  since,  as 
Bolingbroke  justly  observes,  if  Toulon  fell,  Naples  could  not 
have  held  out  a  month,  while,  by  attacking  both  at  the  same 
time,  the  force  directed  against  each  was  so  weakened  as  to 
render  success  more  than  doubtful. f 

The  invasion  of  the  territory  of  the  Grand  Monarque  ac¬ 
cordingly  took  place,  and  was  supported  by  a  pow-  18. 

.  °  „  ,  Invasion  of 

erlul  English  squadron,  which,  as  Eugene  s  army  Provence  by 
advanced  into  Provence  by  the  Col  di  Tende,  kept  July, 
the  seacoast  in  a  constant  state  of  alarm.  No  resistance,  as 
Marlborough  had  predicted,  was  attempted ;  and  the  allies, 
almost  without  firing  a  shot,  arrived  at  the  heights  of  Vilate, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Toulon,  on  the  27th  of  July.  Had 


*  Coxe,  iii.,  196-5205. 

t  Bolingdroke’s  State  of  Parties.  Works,  iii.,  42. 


172 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Eugene  been  aware  of  the  real  condition  of  the  defenses,  and 
the  insubordination  which  prevailed  in  the  garrison,  he  might, 
without  difficulty,  have  made  himself  master  of  this  important 
fortress  ;  but,  from  ignorance  of  these  propitious  circumstan¬ 
ces,  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  commence  operations  against  it 
hi  form,  and  the  time  occupied  in  the  necessary  preparations 
for  a  siege  proved  fatal  to  the  enterprise.  The  French  made 
extraordinary  efforts  to  bring  troops  to  the  menaced  point ; 
and,  among  other  re-enforcements,  thirteen  battalions  and 
rune  squadrons  were  detached  from  Vendome’s  army  in  the 
Netherlands. 

No  sooner  did  Marlborough  hear  of  this  detachment,  than 
19_  he  concentrated  his  forces,  and  made  a  forward 
and  retrea^of  movement  to  bring  Yendome  to  battle,  to  which 
Eugene.  the  Dutch  deputies  had  at  length  consented ;  but 
that  general,  after  some  skillful  marches  and  countermarches, 
retired  to  an  intrenched  camp  under  the  guns  of  Lille,  of  such 
strength  as  to  bid  defiance  to  every  attack  for  the  remainder 
of  the  campaign.  Meanwhile,  the  troops,  converging  toward 
Toulon,  having  formed  a  respectable  array  in  his  rear,  Eugene 
was  under  the  necessity  of  raising  the  siege,  and  he  retired,  as 
he  had  entered  the  country,  by  the  Col  di  Tende,  having  first 
embarked  his  heavy  artillery  and  stores  on  board  the  English 
fleet.  But,  though  the  expedition  thus  failed  in  its  ostensible 
object,  it  fully  succeeded  in  its  real  one,  which  was  to  effect  a 
diversion  in  the  south  of  France,  and  relieve  the  pressure  on 
the  Spanish  peninsula,  by  giving  the  armies  of  Louis  employ¬ 
ment  in  the  defense  of  their  own  territory. 

Marlborough  led  his  army  into  winter  quarters  in  the  end 
so.  of  October,  and  Vendome  did  the  same,  the  weath- 

Marlborough  .  . 

closes  the  er  being  so  thoroughly  broken  as  to  render  it  lm- 
returns  to  En-  possible  to  keep  the  field.  He  repaired  first  to 
vemberrtlN°  Frankfort,  where  he  met  the  Elector  of  Hanover, 
and  then  to  the  Hague,  where  he  exerted  himself  to  inspire  a 
better  feeling  in  the  Dutch  government,  and  to  get  Eugene 
appointed  to  the  supreme  command  in  Spain  :  a  project  which 


MARLBOROUGH. 


173 


afforded  the  only  feasible  prospect  of  retrieving  affairs  in  the 
Peninsula,  and  which,  if  adopted,  might  have  changed  the 
fate  and  ultimate  issue  of  the  war.  Neither  the  emperor  nor 
the  court  of  Madrid,  however,  would  consent  to  this  arrange¬ 
ment  ;  the  former,  because  he  feared  to  lose  that  great  general 
hi  Italy,  the  latter,  because  they  feared  to  gain  him  in  Spam. 
Marlborough,  meanwhile,  embarked  for  England  on  the  7th 
of  November,  where  Iris  presence  had  now  become  indispens¬ 
ably  necessary  for  arresting  the  progress  of  public  discontent, 
fanned  as  it  was  by  court  and  parliamentary  intrigues,  and 
threatening  to  prove  immediately  fatal  to  his  own  influence 
and  ascendency,  as  well  as  the  best  interests  of  England. 

The  origin  of  these  intrigues  are  to  be  found  not  merely  hr 

the  asperity  of  party  feeling,  which  at  that  time,  21. 

1  J  r  J  .  .  Causes  of  the 

owing  to  the  recent  revolution,  prevailed  to  a  degree  reaction^  ^ 

never  before  paralleled  in  English  history,  and  the  borough  and 
peculiar  obloquy  to  which  Marlborough  was  expos-  this  time, 
ed,  owing  to  the  part  he  had  taken  in  that  transaction,  but 
to  other  causes  of  a  general  nature,  which,  more  or  less,  in 
every  age,  have  exercised  an  important  influence  in  English 
history.  Notwithstanding  the  powerful  elements  of  popular 
administration  which  from  the  earliest  times  have  been  at 
work  in  this  country,  the  English  are  at  bottom  a  loyal  and 
orderly  people.  Fidelity  to  their  sovereigns  is  linked  in  their 
minds  with  obedience  to  their  God  ;  their  prayers  rarely  cease 
to  be  at  once  for  their  king  and  country.  It  was  a  rare  com¬ 
bination  of  circumstances  which,  for  a  brief  space  during  the 
reign  of  Charles  I.,  brought  the  sacred  names  of  king  and  Par 
liament  into  collision  ;  and  the  universal  grief  which  followed 
the  death  of  that  unhappy  monarch,  the  transports  of  joy 
which  attended  the  Restoration,  showed  how  deep  were  the 
foundations  of  loyalty  in  the  English  heart.  The  tyrannical 
conduct  of  James  II.,  and  his  undisguised  attempt  to  re-estab¬ 
lish  the  Romish  faith  in  his  dominions,  had  for  a  time  united 
all  parties  against  him,  and  made  them  all  feel  the  necessity 
of  his  expulsion.  But  when  the  deed  was  done,  and  the  dan- 

P  2 


174 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ger  was  removed — when  the  monarch  was  in  exile,  and  a  new 
dynasty  on  the  throne,  the  minds  of  men  began  to  return  to 
their  original  dispositions.  Old  feelings  revived,  former  asso¬ 
ciations  regained  their  sway,  time  softened  animosities,  mis¬ 
fortune  banished  fear,  and  many  who  had  been  foremost  in  the 
dethronement  of  the  former  monarch,  in  secret  mourned  over 
their  triumph,  now  that  he  was  in  exile  and  distress.* 

In  addition  to  these  generous,  and  therefore  honorable  feel- 
29-  ings,  there  were  others  springing  more  immediately 

Change  in  the  ^  .  ..  .  ", 

system  of  gov-  from  the  selfish  affections,  hut  the  influence  of 
ernmentbythe  ,  .  , 

Revolution.  which  was  not,  on  that  account,  the  less  likely  to 
be  in  the  long  run  powerful  in  their  operation.  It  never  had 
been  intended,  at  least  by  the  great  body  of  those  who  united 
in  bringing  about  the  Revolution,  to  make  any  change  either 
in  the  structure  or  administration  of  the  government.  What 
they  designed  was  to  restore  and  secure  the  government,  eccle¬ 
siastical  and  civil,  on  its  old  and  true  foundations.  “  What¬ 
ever  might  happen,”  says  Bolingbroke,  “to  the  king,  there 
was  no  room  to  suspect  any  change  in  the  Constitution.”! 
But  with  whatever  intentions  it  may  be  set  about,  no  estab¬ 
lished  government  can  be  overturned,  without  inducing  a  very 
great  alteration  in  the  subsequent  administration  of  public  af¬ 
fairs.  The  new  dynasty  rests  not  merely  on  a  different  party, 
but  different  principles  from  the  old  one  :  new  passions  are 
awakened,  new  interests  created,  new  classes  brought  into  po¬ 
litical  power.  This  was  immediately  felt  on  the  Revolution. 
The  principle  of  the  former  government  had  been  loyalty ; 
that  being  destroyed,  the  principle  of  the  new  one  was  interest. 
To  attach  men  to  the  new  order  of  things  by  the  strong  bond 
of  individual  ambition  became  the  great  object  of  administra¬ 
tion  ;  and  this  was  accomplished  in  a  way,  and  to  an  extent, 
which  ere  long  excited  the  most  serious  alarm  through  the 
country. 

William  brought  with  him  from  Holland,  where  expe 
rience  had  long  made  them  known,  a  perfect  acquaintance 

*  Boxingbroke’s  State  of  Parties.  Works,  iii.,  123,  124.  t  Ibid. 

M  2 


MARLBOROUGH. 


175 


with  the  principles  on  which,  in  republican  states,  .  23 - 

r  r  71  V  ast  increase 

the  influential  classes  are  to  be  attached  to  the  gov-  of  loaiy- tax- 

°  es,  and  cor- 

ernment.  He  was  aware  that  self-interest  is  all-  ruption. 
powerful  in  the  long  run  with  mankind ;  that,  in  republican 
states,  money,  as  the  sole  power,  is  omnipotent.  He  knew, 
also,  the  wonderful,  and,  except  to  the  Dutch,  then  unknown 
influence  of  industry  hi  creating  capital,  as  well  as  the  power 
of  the  borrowing  system  in  eliciting  it.  On  these  two  founda¬ 
tions  the  new  government  was  built  up.  Extensive  and  cost¬ 
ly  wars  were  undertaken,  both  to  uphold  the  new  dpiasty 
and  to  maintain  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe.  The  am¬ 
bition  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  his  atrocious  persecution  of  the 
Protestant  religion,  served  at  once  to  furnish  too  good  a 
ground  for  these  contests,  and  to  inflame  the  national  feelings 
to  carry  them  on.  But  hi  their  prosecution,  the  great  change 
made  by  the  Revolution  was  immediately  seen.  Loans  to  an 
immense  extent  were  contracted  every  year ;  the  national 
debt,  which  had  been  £664,000  at  the  Revolution,  was  al 
ready  nearly  £50,000,000  sterling.  The  taxes  annually  rais 
ed  had  increased  from  £2,000,000,  their  extent  when  James 
was  dethroned,  to  above  £5,000,000.  This  prodigious  in¬ 
crease  not  only  formed  a  material  addition  to  the  public  bur 
dens,  but  inspired  the  most  dismal  apprehensions  as  to  the  ul 
timate,  and,  as  it  was  then  thought,  not  remote  absorption  of 
the  whole  property  of  the  nation  mto  the  hands  of  the  public 
creditors.  Men  could  see  no  hope  of  salvation  under  a  system 
which  had  augmented  the  national  debt  eighty  fold  in  twen¬ 
ty  years.  The  large  addition  which  these  loans  brought  to 
the  national  resources  had  given  the  government  a  vast  in¬ 
crease  of  patronage,  of  which  they  made  an  unsparing  use,  for 
securing  their  influence  in  the  constituencies,  and  maintaining 
a  majority  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Every  office,  from  the 
premiership  to  the  lowest  excise  appointment,  was  bestowed 
as  the  reward  of  political  support,  and  could  be  obtained  in  no 
other  way  ;  and  to  such  extent  was  actual  corruption  carried 
on  in  the  constituencies,  that  the  public  mind  was  generallv 


176 


THE  LIFE  OF 


24. 

Decline  of 
Marlbor¬ 
ough’s  in¬ 
fluence  at 
court,  and 
rise  of  Mrs. 


debauched,  and  patriots  of  all  parties  mourned  in  secret  over 
the  unbounded  deluge  of  selfishness  which  had  overspread  tire 
nation  since  the  Revolution.* 

In  addition  to  these  powerful  causes  of  general  discontent, 
which  were  all  visited  on  Marlborough’s  head  as 
an  important  agent  hr  bringing  about  the  Revolu¬ 
tion,  and  the  visible  and  acknowledged  head  of  the 
war  party,  there  were  others  in  operation,  which,  at 
Masham.  ap  times  and  in  all  courts,  but  especially  under  a  fe¬ 
male  reign,  are  likely  to  produce  important  public  results. 
During  Marlborough’s  absence  from  court,  hr  the  command 
of  the  armies  in  Flanders,  his  influence  with  the  queen  had 
sensibly  declined,  and  that  of  another  had  materially  increas 
ed.  Queen  Anne  had  become  alienated  from  her  former  fa¬ 
vorite,  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  and,  what  is  very  re¬ 
markable,  in  consequence  of  the  growing  ascendency  of  a  per¬ 
son  recommended  by  the  duchess  herself.  Worn  out  with  the 
incessant  fatigue  of  atterrdance  on  the  royal  person,  the  duch¬ 
ess  had  recommended  a  poor  relative  of  her  own,  named  Abi¬ 
gail  Hill,  to  relieve  her  of  part  of  that  laborious  duty.  This 
young  lady,  who  possessed  considerable  talents,  and  a  strong 
relish  for  intrigue  and  elevation,  had  been  educated  iir  High 
Church  and  Tory  principles,  and  she  had  not  been  long . 
about  the  royal  person  before  she  began  to  acquire  an  influ¬ 
ence  over  the  queen,  who,  like  most  of  the  sovereigns  raised  to 
a  throne  by  a  successful  revolution,  was  in  secret  attached 
to  those  monarchical  principles,  which  they  never  desire  to  see 
in  abeyance  except  when  it  is  for  their  own  elevation.  Har¬ 
ley,  whose  ambition  and  spirit  of  intrigue  were  at  least  equal 
to  her  own,  was  not  slow  in  perceiving  the  new  source  of  in¬ 
fluence  thus  opened  up  in  the  royal  household,  and  a  close  al¬ 
liance  was  soon  established  between  them.  These  matters 
are  not  beneath  the  dignity  of  history ;  they  are  the  secret 
springs  on  which  its  most  important  changes  sometimes  de¬ 
pend.  Abigail  Hill  soon  after  bestowed  her  hand  on  Mr 
*  Bolingbroke  On  Parties.  Works,  iii.,  294-297. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


177 


Masham,  who  had  also  been  placed  in  the  queen’s  household 
by  the  duchess,  and,  under  the  name  of  Mrs.  Masham,  be¬ 
came  the  principal  instrument  in  Marlborough’s  fall,  and  the 
mahi  cause  of  the  fruit  of  the  glorious  victories  of  the  English 
general  being  lost  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 

Though  the  ascendency  of  Mrs.  Masham,  and  the  treach¬ 
erous  part  she  was  playing  to  her  benefactress,  had  25. 

1  .  1  J  &  Her  great 

long  been  evident  to  others,  yet  the  Duchess  of  Marl-  influence, 
borough  unaccountably  continued  blind  to  it.  Her  marriage, 
however,  opened  the  eyes  of  the  duchess ;  and  soon  after  the 
promotion  of  Davies  and  Blackhall,  both  avowed  Tories,  and 
not  free  from  the  imputation  of  Jacobitism,  to  the  Episcopal 
bench,  hi  opposition  to  the  recommendation  of  Marlborough 
and  Godolphin,  gave  convincing  proof  that  their  influence  at 
court,  in  the  disposal  even  of  the  highest  offices,  had  been  sup¬ 
planted  by  that  of  the  new  favorite.  The  consequences  were 
highly  prejudicial  to  Marlborough.  The  Whigs,  who  were 
not  fully  aware  of  this  secret  influence,  who  had  long  distrust¬ 
ed  him  on  account  of  his  former  connection  with  James  II., 
and  envied  him  on  account  of  his  great  services  to  the  coun¬ 
try,  and  the  reputation  he  had  so  long  enjoyed  at  court,  now 
joined  the  Tories  in  bitter  enmity  against  him.  He  was 
charged  with  protracting  the  war  for  his  own  private  pur¬ 
poses  ;  and  the  man  who  had  refused  the  government  of  the 
Netherlands,  and  .£60,000  a  year,  lest  his  acceptance  should 
breed  jealousies  in  the  affiance,  was  accused  of  checking  the 
career  of  victory  from  sordid  motives  connected  with  the  prof¬ 
its  of  the  war.  His  brother  Churchill  was  prosecuted  by  Hal¬ 
ifax  and  the  Whigs  on  the  charge  of  neglect  of  duty  ;  and 
the  intercession  of  the  duke,  though  made  in  humble  terms, 
was  not  so  much  as  even  honored  with  a  reply.  The  conse¬ 
quences  of  this  decline  of  court  favor  were  soon  apparent :  re¬ 
cruits  and  supplies  were  forwarded  to  the  army  with  a  very 
scanty  hand  ;  the  military  plans  and  proposals  of  the  duke 
were  either  overruled,  or  subjected  to  a  rigid  and  often  inim¬ 
ical  examination ;  and  that  division  of  responsibility  and 


178 


THE  LIFE  OF 


weakening  of  power  became  apparent,  which  is  80  often  in 
military,  as  well  as  political  transactions,  the  forerunner  of 
disaster. 

Matters  were  in  this  untoward  state,  when  Marlborough, 
26.  in  the  middle  of  November,  returned  from  the 
party 'contests  Hague  to  London.  The  failure  before  Toulon, 
m  England.  the  disasters  in  Spain,  the  nullity  of  the  campaign 
hi  Flanders,  were  made  the  subject  of  unbounded  outcry  in 
the  country  ;  and  the  most  acrimonious  debates  took  place  in 
Parliament,  in  the  course  of  which  violent  reproaches  were 
thrown  on  Marlborough,  and  all  his  great  services  to  his  coun¬ 
try  seemed  to  be  forgotten.  Matters  even  went  so  far  that 
it  was  seriously  proposed  to  draft  fifteen  thousand  men  from 
Flanders  to  re-enforce  the  armies  in  the  Peninsula,  although 
it  might  easily  be  foreseen  that  the  only  effect  of  this  would 
be  to  drive  the  Dutch  to  a  separate  peace,  and  lose  the  whole 
of  Brabant,  wrested  at  such  an  expense  of  blood  and  treasure 
from  the  French  arms.  The  session  of  Parliament  was  one 
incessant  scene  of  vehement  contention  ;  but  at  length  the  se¬ 
cret  league  of  Harley  with  Mrs.  Masham  and  the  Tories  be¬ 
came  so  apparent,  that  all  his  colleagues  refused  to  attend  a 
cabinet  council  to  which  he  wras  summoned,  and  he  was  oblig¬ 
ed  to  retire.  This  decisive  step  restored  confidence  between 
Marlborough  and  the  Whigs,  and  for  a  time  re-established  his 
influence  in  the  government ;  but  Mrs.  Masham’s  sway  over 
the  queen  was  not  so  easily  subverted,  and,  in  the  end,  it  proved 
fatal  both  to  his  fortune  and  the  career  of  glory  he  had  open¬ 
ed  to  his  country. 

Desirous  of  retaliating  upon  England  the  insult  which  the 
27-  allied  armies  had  inflicted  upon  France  by  the  in- 

Marlborough's 

measures  de-  vasion  of  Provence,  Louis  XIV.  now  made  serious 

feat  a  threaten-  .  _  .  •  m 

ed  invasion  of  preparations  ior  the  mvasion  oi  Ureat  .Britain,  with 
the  Pretender,  the  avowed  object  of  re-establishing  the  Chevalier 
of  St.  George,  the  heir  of  James  II.,  on  the  throne  from  which 
that  unhappy  monarch  had  been  expelled.  Under  Marlbor¬ 
ough’s  able  direction,  to  whom,  as  commander-in-chief,  the 


MARLBOROUGH. 


179 


defensive  measures  were  intrusted,  every  tiling  was  soon  put 
in  a  train  to  avert  the  threatened  danger.  Scotland  was  the 
scene  where  an  outbreak  was  to  he  apprehended,  and  all  the 
disposable  forces  of  the  empire,  including  ten  battalions  brought 
over  from  Flanders,  were  quickly  sent  to  that  country.  The 
Habeas  Corpus  Act  was  suspended.  Edinburgh  Castle  was 
strongly  garrisoned,  and  the  British  squadron  so  skillfully  dis¬ 
posed  in  the  North  Seas,  that  when  the  chevalier,  with  a 
French  squadron,  put  to  sea,  he  was  so  closely  watched,  that 
after  vainly  attempting  to  land,  both  in  the  Firth  of  Forth 
and  the  neighborhood  of  Inverness,  he  was  obliged  to  return 
to  Dunkirk.  This  auspicious  event  entirely  restored  Marl¬ 
borough’s  credit  with  the  nation,  and  dispelled  every  remnant 
of  suspicion  with  which  the  Whigs  regarded  him  in  relation 
to  the  exiled  family  ;  and  though  his  influence  with  the  court 
was  secretly  undermhied,  his  power,  to  outward  appearance, 
was  unbounded.  He  resumed,  in  consequence,  the  command 
of  the  army  in  the  beginning  of  April,  1708,  with  authority 
as  paramount  as  he  had  enjoyed  on  any  former  occasion. 

Every  tiling  announced  a  more  important  campaign  than 
the  preceding  had  proved  in  the  Low  Countries.  „  3& 

.  .  Vigorous  prepa- 

Encouraged  by  the  little  progress  which  the  al-  rations  made  by 
,  ,  .  o  •  t  -  Louis  XIV.  for 

lies  had  made  in  the  former  campaign,  Louis  the  campaign  in 
r  ,  ,  *  .  ,  ,  ,  ,  .  the  Low  Coun- 

XIV.  had  been  niduced  to  make  the  most  vigor-  tries, 
ous  efforts  to  accumulate  a  preponderating  force,  and  re-estab¬ 
lish  his  affairs  in  that  quarter.  Vendome’s  army  had,  by 
great  exertion,  been  raised  to  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and 
at  the  same  time  secret  communications  were  opened  with  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  iidiabitants  in  some  of  the  frontier 
fortresses  of  Brabant,  in  order  to  induce  them,  on  the  first  fa¬ 
vorable  opportunity,  to  surrender  their  strongholds  to  the 
French  arms.  The  unpopularity  of  the  Dutch  authorities  in 
those  towns,  and  the  open  pretensions  which  they  put  forth  of 
wresting  them  from  the  emperor,  and  delivering  them  over  at 
a  general  peace  to  the  hated  rule  of  Protestant  Holland,  ren¬ 
dered  those  advances  peculiarly  acceptable.  Vendome’s  in- 


180 


THE  LIFE  OF 


stmctions  were  to  act  on  the  offensive,  though  hi  a  cautious 
manner  ;  to  push  forward  hi  order  to  take  advantage  of  these 
favorable  dispositions,  and  endeavor  to  regahi  the  important 
ground  which  had  been  lost  during  the  panic  that  had  follow¬ 
ed  the  battle  of  Ramilhes. 

On  their  side  the  allies  had  not  been  idle,  and  preparations 
29-  had  been  made  for  transferring  the  weight  of  the 

Preparations  1  T  .  . 

and  forces  of  contest  to  the  Low  Countries.  The  war  ui  Italy 

the  allies  in  _  .  .  ,  ,  . 

Flanders.  hemg  in  a  maimer  terminated  by  the  entire  ex¬ 
pulsion  of  the  French  from  that  peninsula,  and  by  the  secret 
convention  for  a  sort  of  suspension  of  active  operations  in  that 
quarter,  Prince  Eugene  had  been  brought  to  the  theater  of 
real  hostilities  on  the  northern  frontier  of  France.  It  was 
agreed  between  Marlborough  and  the  prince  that  two  great 
armies  should  be  formed,  one  in  Brabant  under  the  former, 
and  the  other  on  the  Moselle  under  the  latter  ;  that  the  Elect¬ 
or  of  Hanover  should  act  on  the  defensive  on  the  Rhine ; 
that  Eugene  should  join  the  English  general,  and  that  with 
their  united  force  they  should  force  the  French  general  to  a 
battle.  This  well-conceived  plan  having  met  with  the  usual 
resistance  on  the  part  of  the  allied  powers,  Marlborough  was 
compelled  to  repair  in  person  to  Hanover,  to  smooth  over  the 
objections  of  its  elector.  Meanwhile,  the  dissensions  and  dif¬ 
ficulties  of  the  cabinet  in  London  increased  to  such  a  degree, 
that  he  had  scarcely  quitted  England  when  he  was  urged  by 
Godolphin,  and  the  majority  of  his  own  party,  to  return,  as 
the  only  means  of  saving  them  from  shipwreck.  Marlborough, 
however,  with  that  patriotic  spirit  which  ever  distinguished 
him,  and  not  less  than  his  splendid  abilities  formed  so  honor¬ 
able  a  feature  in  his  character,  refused  to  leave  the  seat  of 
war,  and  left  his  political  friends  to  shift  for  themselves  as  they 
best  could.  Having  obtained  a  promise  from  Eugene  that  he 
would  meet  him  before  the  month  expired,  he  joined  the  army 
at  Ghent  on  the  9th  of  May,  1708,  and  on  the  same  day  re¬ 
viewed  the  British  division  stationed  in  that  city. 

An  event  soon  occurred  which  showed  how  wide-spread 


MARLBOROUGH. 


181 


were  the  intrigues  of  the  French  hi  the  Flemish  30. 
towns,  and  how  insecure  was  the  foundation  on  movements 
which  the  authority  of  the  allies  rested  there.  An  voUfciVnt- 
accidental  circumstance  led  to  the  discovery  of  a  let-  wcrp- 
ter  put  into  the  post-office  of  Ghent,  containing  the  whole  par¬ 
ticulars  of  a  plan  for  admitting  the  French  troops  into  the  cit 
adel  of  Antwerp.  Venddme  at  the  same  time  made  a  forward 
movement  to  take  advantage  of  these  attempts  ;  hut  Marlbor¬ 
ough  was  on  his  guard,  and  both  frustrated  the  intended  ris¬ 
ing  in  Antwerp,  and  barred  the  way  against  the  attempted 
advance  of  the  French  army.  Disconcerted  by  the  failure 
of  this  enterprise,  Vendome  moved  to  Soignies  at  the  head  of 
a  hundred  thousand  men,  where  he  halted  at  the  distance  of 
three  leagues  from  the  allied  armies.  A  great  and  decisive 
action  was  confidently  expected  in  both  armies  ;  as,  although 
Marlborough  could  not  muster  above  eighty  thousand  combat¬ 
ants,  it  was  well  known  he  would  not  decline  a  battle,  although 
he  was  not  as  yet  sufficiently  strong  to  assume  the  offensive. 
Vendome,  however,  declined  attacking  the  allies  where  they 
stood,  and,  filing  to  the  right  to  Braine-le-Leude,  close  to  the 
field  of  Waterloo,  again  halted  in  a  position  threatening  at 
once  both  Louvain  and  Brussels.  Moving  parallel  to  him, 
but  still  keeping  on  the  defensive,  Marlborough  retired  to  An- 
derleet.  No  sooner  had  he  arrived  there,  than  intelligence 
was  received  of  a  further  movement  to  the  right  on  the  part 
of  the  French  general,  wlrich  indicated  an  intention  to  make 
Louvain  the  object  of  attack.  Without  losing  an  instant, 
Marlborough  marched  on  that  very  night,  with  the  utmost  ex¬ 
pedition,  amid  torrents  of  rain,  to  Parc,  where  he  established 
himself  in  a  position,  covering  that  fortress,  of  such  strength, 
that  Vendome,  finding  himself  anticipated  in  his  movements, 
fell  back  to  Braine-le-Leude  without  firing  a  shot.* 

Though  Marlborough,  however,  had  in  this  manner  foiled 
the  movement  of  the  French  general,  he  was  not  in  a  condi¬ 
tion  to  undertake  offensive  operations  until  the  arrival  of  Eu- 
*  Marlborough’ s  Dispatches,  iv.,  49. 

Q 


182 


THE  LIFE  OF 


31-  gene’s  army  from  the  Moselle  would  raise  his  force 
Continued  pro-  °  J 

crastination  of  nearer  to  an  equality  with  the  preponderating 

the  German  1  J  r  1  ° 

powers.  masses  of  the  enemy,  headed  as  these  were  by  so 
able  a  general  as  Vendome.  The  usual  delays,  however,  of 
the  German  powers,  long  prevented  this  object  being  attained. 
For  about  a  month  Marlborough  was  on  this  account  retained 
in  a  state  of  forced  inactivity,  during  which  period  he  bitterly 
complained  “  that  the  slowness  of  the  German  powers  was 
such  as  to  threaten  the  worst  consequences.”  At  length,  how¬ 
ever,  the  pressing  representations  of  the  English  general,  sec¬ 
onded  by  the  earnest  entreaties  of  Prince  Eugene,  overcame 
the  tardiness  of  the  German  electors,  and  the  army  of  the  Mo¬ 
selle  began  its  march  toward  Brabant.  But  the  prince  was 
too  far  distant  to  bring  up  his  troops  to  the  theater  of  active 
operations  before  decisive  events  had  taken  place  ;  and,  for¬ 
tunately  for  the  glory  of  England,  to  Marlborough  alone  and 
to  his  army  belongs  the  honor  of  one  of  the  most  decisive  vic¬ 
tories  recorded  in  its  annals. 

Encouraged  by  his  superiority  of  numbers,  and  the  assur- 
32.  anees  of  support  he  received  from  the  malcontents  in 
nhie  pi'an  to  the  Flemish  towns,  Vendome,  who  was  an  able  and 
SdGhentmS  enterprising  general,  put  in  execution,  in  the  begin- 
and  Bruges.  rjrig  0f  July,  a  design  which  he  had  long  meditated 
for  the  purpose  of  expelling  the  allies  from  Brabant.  This 
was  by  a  sudden  irruption  to  make  himself  master  of  Ghent, 
with  several  of  the  citizens  of  which  he  had  established  a  se¬ 
cret  correspondence.  This  city  commanded  the  course  of  the 
Scheldt  and  the  Lys,  and  lay  hi  the  very  center  of  Marlbor¬ 
ough’s  water  communications  ;  and  as  the  fortifications  of  Ou- 
denarde  were  in  a  very  dilapidated  state,  it  was  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  its  reduction  would  speedily  follow.  The  cap¬ 
ture  of  these  fortresses  would  at  once  break  up  Marlborough’s 
communications,  and  sever  the  connecting  link  between  Flan¬ 
ders  and  Brabant,  so  as  to  compel  the  English  army  to  fall 
back  to  Antwerp  and  the  fine  of  the  Scheldt,  and  thus  de¬ 
prive  them  of  the  whole  fruits  of  the  victory  of  Ramillies. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


183 


Such  was  the  able  and  well-conceived  design  of  the  French 
general,  which  promised  the  most  brilliant  results,  and  which, 
against  a  general  less  wary  and  able  than  Marlborough,  would 
unquestionably  have  obtained  them. 

Vendome  executed  the  first  part  of  this  design  with  vigor 
and  success.  On  the  evening  of  the  4th  of  July  33. 
he  suddenly  broke  up  from  Braine-le-Leude,  and,  himself  mas- 
marching  rapidly  all  night,  advanced  toward  Halle  and  Bruges, 
and  Tubise,  dispatching,  at  the  same  time,  parties  toward 
such  towns  in  that  quarter  as  had  maintained  a  correspond¬ 
ence  with  him.  One  of  these  parties,  by  the  connivance  of 
the  watch,  by  whom  they  were  admitted  within  the  gates 
without  firing  a  shot,  made  itself  master  of  Ghent.  At  the 
same  time,  Bruges  was  surrendered  to  another  party  under 
the  Count  de  la  Motte  ;  the  small  but  important  fort  of  Plas- 
sendael  was  carried  by  storm,  and  a  detachment  sent  to  re¬ 
cover  Ghent  found  the  gates  shut  by  the  inhabitants,  who 
had  now  openly  joined  the  enemy,  and  invested  the  allied  gar¬ 
rison  in  the  citadel.  Marlborough  no  sooner  heard  of  this 
movement  than  he  followed 'with  his  army;  but  he  arrived 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Tubise  in  time  only  to  witness  the 
passage  of  the  enemy  over  the  Senne,  near  that  place.  Giving 
orders  to  his  troops  to  prepare  for  battle,  he  put  himself  in 
motion  at  one  the  next  morning,  intending  to  bring  the  enemy 
to  an  immediate  action.  The  activity  of  Vendome,  however, 
baffled  liis  design.  He  made  Iris  men,  weary  as  they  were, 
march  all  night,  and  cross  the  Dender  at  several  points,  break¬ 
ing  down  the  bridges  between  Alort  and  Oerdegun,  and  the 
allies  oidy  arrived  in  tune  to  make  three  hundred  prisoners 
from  the  rear  guard. 

Scarcely  had  they  recovered  from  this  disappointment,  when 
intelligence  arrived  of  the  surprise  of  Ghent  and  34. 
Bruges;  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  ferment  in  a' tivl^sc5*1 8 
Brussels,  owing  to  the  near  approach  of  the  French  nardea^sta 
to  that  capital,  became  so  great,  that  there  was  couP-dc-main- 
every  reason  to  apprehend  a  similar  disaster,  from  the  disaf- 


184 


THE  LIFE  OF 


fection  of  some  of  its  inhabitants.  The  most  serious  appre¬ 
hensions,  also,  were  entertained  for  Oudenarde,  the  garrison 
being  feeble,  and  the  works  dilapidated.  Marlborough’s  meas¬ 
ures  at  this  crisis  were  prompt  and  decided.  He  dispatched 
instant  orders  to  Lord  Chandos,  who  commanded  at  Ath,  to 
collect  all  the  detachments  he  could  from  the  garrisons  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  throw  himself  into  that  fortress  ;  and  with 
such  diligence  were  these  orders  executed,  that  Oudenarde 
was  secured  against  a  coup-de-main  before  the  French  out¬ 
posts  appeared  before  it.  Yendome,  however,  felt  himself 
strong  enough  to  imdertake  its  siege  in  form.  He  drew  his 
army  round  it ;  the  investment  was  completed  on  the  evening 
of  the  9th,  and  a  tram  of  heavy  artillery  was  ordered  from 
Tournay  to  commence  the  siege,*  while  he  himself,  with  the 
covermg  army,  took  post  in  a  strong  camp  at  Lessines,  on  the 
River  Dender. 

Such  was  the  chagrin  experienced  by  Marlborough  at  these 
35-  untoward  events,  that  he  was  thrown  into  a  fever, 

Extreme  vex-  . 

ation  and  sen-  the  result  of  fatigue,  watclung,  and  anxiety.  He 

ous  illness  of.  °  . 

Marlborough,  was  particularly  disheartened  by  the  loss  of  Ghent 
and  Bruges,  as  they  lay  in  the  very  center  of  his  water  com¬ 
munications,  on  which  he  mainly  relied  for  getting  up  his  pro¬ 
visions  and  military  stores.  His  physician  earnestly  counseled 
him  to  leave  the  camp,  and  retire  to  Brussels,  as  the  only 
means  of  arresting  his  distemper  ;  but  nothing  could  induce 
him  to  abandon  his  post  at  such  a  crisis.  He  continued  in  his 
tent  accordingly,  and  the  orders  were  issued  by  Marshal  Over¬ 
kirk.  He  was  greatly  relieved  on  the  7th  by  the  arrival  of 
Prince  Eugene,  who,  finding  his  troops  could  not  come  up  in 
time,  had  left  his  cavalry  at  Maestricht,  and  hastened  hi  per¬ 
son,  though  without  any  followers  but  his  private  suite,  to 
take  a  part  in  the  approaching  conflict.  Great  was  the  joy 
of  Marlborough  on  learning  the  arrival  of  so  illustrious  a  gen¬ 
eral  :  not  a  feeling  of  jealousy  crossed  the  breast  of  either  of 
these  great  men.  His  first  words  to  Eugene  were,  “  I  am  not 
*  Disp.,  iv.,  95-101.  Coxe,  iv.,  128-131. 


[^3  C avail’ v 


Tiifaartrrv  lU^Ai-tillerv 


UtYctiham 


Ov<k, 


tB heiell 


M'truJnlUl  of 
Oycke 


u  wcur, 


mu  for 


jJirrrY/fitTm 


r^'rr: 


HARPER  &  8  R  0 


RS,  N  L  W  YORK. 


En  £  d  b  v  "V\r  BLetoblx* 


MARLBOROUGH. 


185 


without  hopes  of  congratulating  your  highness  on  a  great  vic¬ 
tory,  for  iny  troops  will  he  animated  by  the  presence  of  so 
distinguished  a  commander.”  Eugene  warmly  approved  the 
resolution  he  had  taken  of  instantly  attacking  the  enemy  ;  and 
a  council  of  war  having  been  summoned,  their  united  opinion 
prevailed  over  the  objections  of  the  Dutch  deputies,  who  were 
less  obstinate  in  resisting  vigorous  measures  than  usual,  from 
having  become  seriously  alarmed  for  their  barrier.  It  was 
resolved  to  attack  the  enemy  in  their  position  in  front  of  Ou- 
DENARDE.* 

The  plan  resolved  on  for  this  purpose  by  Marlborough  and 
Eugene  was  as  able  as  its  execution  was  felicitous.  36 
Instead  of  moving  direct  on  the  covering  army  of  3 

Vendome,  which  lay  between  them  and  Oude-  eommuaica-0'3 
narde,  they  resolved  to  throw  themselves  on  his  tions, 9th  July, 
communications,  and,  by  interposing  between  him  and  the 
French  frontier,  compel  him  to  fight  with  his  face  toward 
Paris  and  his  back  to  Antwerp.  It  was  precisely  a  repeti¬ 
tion  of  wdiat  Marlborough  had  already  done  in  the  campaign 
of  1705,  when  the  results  which  would  have  arisen  from  such 
a  plan  were  frustrated  by  the  Dutch  deputies.!  Every  thing 
here  depended  on  activity  and  rapidity  of  movement,  and  these 
were  not  wanting.  The  allies  broke  up  at  two  in  the  morning 
of  the  9th  of  July,  and  advanced,  in  four  great  columns,  to¬ 
ward  the  French  frontiers  at  Lessines.  So  rapid  and  well 
ordered  was  the  march,  that  before  noon  the  heads  of  the  col¬ 
umns  had  reached  Ilerfilingen,  fourteen  miles  from  Asche, 
whence  they  had  started.  Bridges  were  rapidly  thrown  over 
the  Dendcr,  and  it  was  crossed  early  qn  the  following  morn¬ 
ing  in  presence  of  Eugene  and  Marlborough,  whom  the  ani¬ 
mation  of  the  great  events  in  progress  had,  in  a  maimer,  rais¬ 
ed  from  the  bed  of  sickness.!  Here  the  duke  halted,  and  the 

*  Disp.,  iv.,  79-102.  Coxe,  iv.,  130-132.  t  Ante,  chap,  iii.,  sec.  21. 

t  “  The  treachery  of  Ghent,  continual  marching,  and  some  letters  I  have 
received  from  England  (from  the  queen  and  the  duchess),  have  so  vexed  me, 
that  I  was  yesterday  in  so  great  a  fever,  that  the  doctor  would  have  per- 

Q2 


186 


THE  LIFE  OF 


troops  encamped  in  their  order  of  march,  with  their  right  on 
the  Dender,  and  their  front  covered  by  a  small  stream  which 
falls  into  that  river.  By  this  bold  and  rapid  movement,  Yen- 
dome’s  well-concerted  plan  was  entirely  disconcerted :  Marl¬ 
borough  had  thrown  himself  between  the  French  and  their 
own  frontier ;  he  had  rendered  himself  master  of  their  com¬ 
munications  ;  and,  instead  of  seeking  merely  to  cover  his  own 
fortresses,  his  measures  threatened  to  compel  the  enemy  to  fall 
back,  in  order  to  regain  the  connection  with  their  own  coun¬ 
try,  and  to  abandon  the  whole  enterprise,  which  they  had 
commenced  with  such  prospects  of  success. 

Vendome  was  extremely  disconcerted  at  this  able  move- 
37.  ment,  and  immediately  ordered  his  troops  to  fall 
moves  off,  foi-  hack  upon  Gavre,  situated  on  the  Scheldt  below 
SKf  Oudenarde,  where  he  had  resolved  to  cross  that 
Ju]y-  river.  No  sooner  was  this  design  made  manifest, 

than  Marlborough  followed  with  all  his  forces,  with  the 
double  design  of  raising  the  investment  of  Oudenarde,  and,  if 
possible,  forcing  the  enemy  to  give  battle,  under  the  disad¬ 
vantage  of  doing  so  in  a  retreat.  Anxious  to  improve  their 
advantage,  the  allied  generals  marched  with  the  utmost  ex¬ 
pedition,  hoping  to  come  up  with  the  enemy  when  their  col¬ 
umns  and  baggage  were  close  upon  the  Scheldt,  or  at  least 
while  they  were  in  the  very  act  of  crossing  that  river.  Col¬ 
onel  Cadogan,  with  a  strong  advanced  guard,  was  pushed  for¬ 
ward  by  daybreak  on  the  11th  toward  the  Scheldt,  which  he 
reached  by  eleven.  Having  immediately  thrown  bridges  over 
it,  he  crossed  with  the  whole  cavalry  and  twelve  battalions 
of  foot.  This  body  advanced  to  the  summit  of  the  plateau  on 
the  left  hank  of  the  river,  and  formed  in  battle  array,  the  in¬ 
fantry  opposite  Eynes,  the  cavalry  extending  on  the  left  to¬ 
ward  Schaerken.  Advancing  slowly  on  in  this  regular  array 

suaded  me  to  have  gone  to  Brussels;  but  I  thank  God  I  am  now  better,  and 
by  the  next  post  I  hope  to  answer  your  letters.  The  States  have  used  this 
country  so  ill,  that  I  noways  doubt  but  all  the  towns  in  it  will  play  us  the 
same  trick  as  Ghent  if  they  have  the  power.” — Marlborough  to  Godolphin, 
July  9,  1708.  Co.XE,  iv.,  38. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


187 


down  the  course  of  the  river  on  its  left  bank,  Cadogan  was 
not  long  of  coming  in  sight  of  the  French  rear  guard  under 
Biron,  with  which  he  had  some  sharp  skirmishing.  Mean¬ 
while  Marlborough  and  Eugene  were  pressing  the  passage  at 
the  bridges  with  all  imaginable  activity  ;  but  the  greater  part 
of  their  army  had  not  yet  got  across.  The  main  body  was 
still  half  a  league  from  the  Scheldt,  and  the  huge  clouds  of 
dust  which  arose  from  the  passage  of  the  artillery  and  car¬ 
riages  in  that  direction,  inspired  Venddme  with  the  hope  that 
he  might  cut  of!'  the  advanced  guard  which  was  over  the 
Scheldt,  before  the  hulk  of  the  allied  forces  could  get  across  to 
their  relief.  With  this  view  he  halted  his  troops,  and  drew 
them  up  hastily  in  order  of  battle.  This  brought  on  the 
great  and  glorious  action  which  followed,  toward  the  due  un¬ 
derstanding  of  which,  a  description  of  the  theater  of  combat 
is  indispensable.* 

“  At  the  distance  of  a  mile  north  of  Oudenarde  is  the  vil¬ 
lage  of  Eynes.  Here  the  ground  rises  into  a  spe-  38 
cies  of  low  but  spacious  amphitheater.  From  Afield  o°fb°t- 
thence  it  sweeps  along  a  small  plain  till  it  nearly  tle' 
reaches  the  glacis  of  Oudenarde,  where  it  terminates  in  the 
village  of  Bevere.  To  the  west  the  slope  ascends  to  another 
broad  hill  called  the  Bosercanter ;  and  at  the  highest  point 
of  the  eminence  stands  a  wind-mill,  shaded  by  a  lofty  lime- 
tree,  forming  conspicuous  objects  from  the  whole  adjacent 
country.  From  thence  the  ground  gradually  declines  toward 
Mardlen ;  and  the  eye,  glancing  over  the  humid  valley  wa¬ 
tered  by  the  Norken,  rests  on  another  range  of  uplands,  which, 
gently  sinking,  at  length  terminates  near  Asper.  Within  this 
space,  two  small  streams,  descending  from  the  lower  part  of 
the  hill  of  Oycke,  embrace  a  low  tongue  of  land,  the  center 
of  which  rises  to  a  gentle  elevation.  The  borders  of  these 
rivulets  are  crossed  by  frequent  inclosures,  surrounding  the 
farm-yards  of  Barwaen,  Chobon,  and  Diepenbeck.  Near  the 
source  of  one  of  these  streams  is  a  castellated  mansion ;  at 
*  Cose,  iv.,  130-133.  Kausler,  713. 


188 


THE  LIFE  OF 


that  of  the  other  is  the  hamlet  of  Rhetelhouk,  imhosomed  in 
a  wooded  nook.  These  streams  unite  at  the  hamlet  of  Schaer- 
ken,  and  their  united  current  flows  in  a  marshy  bed  to  the 
Scheldt,  which  it  reaches  near  Eynes.  The  Norken,  another 
river  traversing  the  field,  runs  for  a  considerable  distance  paral¬ 
lel  to  the  Scheldt,  until,  passing  by  Asper,  it  terminates  in  a 
stagnant  canal,  which  joins  the  Scheldt  below  Gavre.  Its  bor¬ 
ders,  like  those  of  the  other  streams,  are  skirted  with  coppice- 
wood  thickets  ;  behind  are  the  inclosures  surrounding  the  lit¬ 
tle  plain.  Generally  speaking,  this  part  of  Flanders  is  even 
not  merely  of  picturesque  beauty  and  high  cultivation,  hut 
great  military  strength  ;  and  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  its  nu¬ 
merous  streams,  hanging  hanks,  and  umbrageous  woods,  add 
most  to  its  interest  in  the  eye  of  a  painter,  or  to  its  intricacy 
and  defensive  character  in  warlike  operations.”* 

As  fast  as  the  allies  got  across  the  Scheldt,  Marlborough 
39.  formed  them  along  the  high  grounds  stretching 
movements'  from  Bevere  to  Mooreghem  Mill,  with  their  right 
™d  capture3'  restin£  on  the  Scheldt.  Vendome’s  men  extend- 
advancednCh  et^  across  the  plain,  from  the  hill  of  Asper  on  the 
giiaxd.  left,  to  Warreghem  on  the  right.  A  considerable 
body  of  cavalry  and  infantry  lay  in  front  of  their  position  in 
Eynes,  of  which  they  had  retained  possession  after  repulsing 
Cadogan’s  horse.  No  sooner  had  the  English  general  got  a 
sufficient  number  of  troops  up,  than  he  ordered  that  gallant 
officer  to  advance  and  retake  the  village.  The  infantry  at¬ 
tacked  in  front,  crossing  the  rivulet  near  Eynes ;  while  the 
horse,  making  a  circuit  higher  up,  descended  on  the  enemy’s 
rear,  while  the  conflict  was  warmly  going  on  in  front.  The 
consequence  was,  that  the  village  was  carried  with  great  loss 
to  the  enemy  ;  three  entire  battalions  were  surrounded  and 
made  prisoners,  and  eight  squadrons  were  cut  to  pieces  in 
striving  to  make  their  way  across  the  steep  and  tangled  banks 

*  The  above  description  of  the  field  of  Oudenarde  is  mainly  taken  from 
Coxe,  iv.,  f.31, 135 ;  but  the  author,  from  personal  inspection  of  the  field,  can 
attest  its  accuracy. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


189 


of  the  Norken.  This  sharp  blow  convinced  the  French  lead¬ 
ers  that  a  general  action  was  unavoidable  ;  and  though,  from 
the  vigor  -with  which  it  had  been  struck,  there  remained  but 
little  hope  of  overpowering  the  allied  advanced  guard  before 
the  main  body  came  up,  yet  they  resolved,  contrary  to  the 
opinion  of  Vendome,  who  had  become  seriously  alarmed,  to 
persist  in  the  attack,  and  risk  all  on  the  issue  of  a  general  en¬ 
gagement.* 

It  was  four  in  the  afternoon  when  the  French  commenced 
the  action  in  good  earnest.  The  forces  of  the  con-  40. 

.  .  Forces  on  both 

tending  parties  were  nearly  equal,  with  a  slight  Bides,  andcom- 

.  .  e  i  -ri  i  i  mcncement  of 

superiority  on  the  part  ot  the  Jb  rench  ;  they  had  the  battle, 
eighty-five  thousand,  Marlborough  eighty  thousand  men.f 
The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  had  a  joint  command  with  Ven- 
dome,  ordered  General  Grimaldi  to  lead  Sistern’s  squadron 
across  the  Norken,  apparently  with  the  view  of  feeling  his 
way  preparatory  to  a  general  attack.  That  general  set  out 
to  do  so ;  but  when,  after  passing  the  Norken,  and  arriving 
on  the  margin  of  the  rivulet  of  Diepenbeck,  he  saw  the  Prus¬ 
sian  cavalry  already  formed  on  the  other  side,  he  fell  back  to 
the  small  plain  near  the  mill  of  Royeghem.  Vendome,  mean¬ 
while,  directed  his  left  to  advance,  deeming  that  the  most 
favorable  side  for  an  attack  ;  but  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who 
nominally  had  the  supreme  command,  and  who  was  jealous 
of  Vendome’s  reputation,  countermanded  this  order,  alleging- 
that  an  impassable  morass  separated  the  two  armies  in  that 
quarter.  These  contradictory  orders  produced  indecision  in 
the  French  lines  ;  and  Marlborough,  divining  its  cause,  in¬ 
stantly  took  advantage  of  it.  Judging  with  reason  that  the 
real  attack  of  the  enemy  would  be  made  on  his  left  by  their 
right,  on  his  own  left  whig,  in  front  of  the  castle  of  Bevere,  he 


t 


Coxe,  iv.,  1  40-145.  Kausler,  713. 
The  forces  stood  as  follows : 


Allies. 


Men. 


Battalions  .  .  112 

Squadrons  .  .  180 


i 


80,000. 


F  rencli. 

Battalions 

Squadrons 


Men. 

.  121 
.  198 
Kausleu,  712. 


•  85,000. 


190 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ordered,  up  the  twelve  battalions  of  foot  under  Cadogan  trom 
Heume  and  Eynes,  which  they  occupied,  to  re-enforce  the  left. 
In  the  mean  time,  he  placed  a  strong  guard  .on  the  bridges  of 
the  Norken,  and  disposed  musketeers  in  the  woods  on  its  sides. 
Marlborough  himself,  at  the  head  of  the  Prussian  horse,  ad¬ 
vanced  by  Heurne,  and  took  post  on  the  right  flank  of  the  lit¬ 
tle  plain  of  Diepenbeck,  where  it  was  evident  that  the  heat 
of  the  action  would  ensue.  A  reserve  of  twenty  British  bat¬ 
talions,  with  a  few  guns,  was  stationed  under  Argyle,  near 
Schaerken,  which  proved  of  the  most  essential  service  in  the 
ensuing  struggle.  Few  pieces  of  artillery  were  brought  up  on 
either  side,  the  rapidity  of  the  movements  of  both  having  out¬ 
stripped  the  slow  pace  at  which  those  ponderous  implements 
of  destruction  were  then  conveyed.* 

Hardly  were  these  defensive  arrangements  completed  when 
41  the  tempest  was  upon  them.  The  whole  French 
B:“uc-  right  wing,  consisting  of  thirty  battalions,  embrac- 
French  right.  jng  |]ie  prenc]4  and  Swiss  guards,  and  the  flower 
of  their  army,  debouched  from  the  woods  and  hedges  near 
Groenvelde,  and  attacking  four  battalions  stationed  there, 
quickly  compelled  them  to  retreat.  Advancing  then  in  the 
open  plain  by  echelon,  the  right  in  front,  along  the  downward 
bed  of  the  Norken,  they  followed  up  their  advantage  with  the 
utmost  vigor.  The  action  ran  like  a  running  fire  along  the 
course  of  this  stream ;  the  French  constantly  pressing  on  and 
outflanking  the  allies,  till  they  completely  turned  their  left,  and 
made  themselves  masters  of  the  hamlets  of  Barwaen  and  Bar- 
lancy.  Their  advance  entirely  uncovered  the  allied  left.  Al¬ 
ready  the  cries  of  victory  were  heard  in  the  French  right, 
which  advanced  in  good  order  through  the  tangled  and  brok¬ 
en  ground  around  those  villages,  with  a  rapid  and  wrell-sus- 
tained  fire  issuing  from  its  ranks.  This  success  exposed  the 
allies  to  imminent  danger  ;  for  in  their  rear  was  the  Scheldt, 
flowing  lazily  in  a  deep  and  impassable  current,  through 

*  Marlborough  to  Count  Piper,  15th  of  July,  1708.  Disp.,  iv.,  115.  Coxe, 
iv.,  144,  145.  Kauslek,  7 13. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


191 


marshy  meadows,  crossed  only  by  a  few  bridges,  over  which 
retreat  would  be  impossible  in  presence  of  a  victorious  enemy  ; 
and  the  defeat  already  sustained  by  the  left  exposed  them  to 
the  danger  of  being  cut  off  from  the  friendly  ramparts  of  Ou- 
denarde,  their  only  resource  in  that  direction. # 

This  alarming  success  of  the  French  attracted  the  immedi¬ 
ate  attention  of  the  vigilant  English  general.  He  40 
instantly  hastened  in  person  to  the  scene  of  danger  ^Eugene 
on  the  left,  where  the  Dutch  and  Hanoverians  were,  onthenGht- 
dispatching  Eugene  to  take  the  command  on  the  right,  where 
the  British  troops,  whose  valor  the  prince  had  often  observed 
and  praised,  were  posted.  Marlborough  then  directed  Count 
Lottnow,  with  his  twenty  battalions,  to  extend  his  right  to 
support  Eugene  ;  so  that  the  Imperial  general  had  now  sixty 
battalions  under  his  orders,  while  Marlborough  had  only  twen¬ 
ty  left.  This  re-enforcement  came  up  just  in  time  ;  for  the 
prince  was  at  first  assailed  by  such  superior  numbers  that  he 
was  wellnigh  overwhelmed.  Cadogan’s  men,  under  his  or¬ 
ders,  had  been  driven,  after  a  stout  resistance,  out  of  the  wood¬ 
ed  coverts  which  they  occupied  near  Herlelem,  and  were  retir¬ 
ing  somewhat  in  disorder  over  the  plain  in  its  front.  Pie-en¬ 
forced,  however,  by  the  twenty  battalions  under  Lottnow, 
Eugene  again  advanced  in  good  order,  and  broke  the  first  line 
of  the  enemy.  General  Natzmer,  at  the  head  of  the  Prus¬ 
sian  cuirassiers,  took  advantage  of  their  disorder,  and  charged 
headlong  through  the  second  line  of  the  enemy’s  left,  so  as  to 
reach  the  little  plain  near  the  chapel  of  Royeghem.  But  here 
their  career  was  stopped  by  a  line  of  the  French  Horse-guards 
in  reserve,  while  a  dreadful  fire  of  musketry  streamed  out  of 
every  hedgerow  and  copse  with  which  the  plain  was  environ¬ 
ed.  Half  his  men  were  speedily  stretched  on  the  plain  ;  the 
remainder  recoiled  in  disorder,  and  Natzmer  himself  with  dif¬ 
ficulty  escaped  by  leaping  over  a  broad  ditch,  while  the  French 
household  troops  were  thundering  in  pursuit.! 

*  Kausler,  714.  Coxe,  iv.,  140-145. 

t  Coxe,  iv.,  14C,  147.  Kausler,  717,  718. 


192 


THE  LIFE  OF 


While  Eugene  was  thus  combating  with  various  success 
13  on  the  right,  Marlborough  had  a  more  arduous  con- 
boroush'on  fhct  to  maintain  on  the  left.  Placing  himself  at 
Uic  left.  the  head  of  the  Dutch  and  Hanoverian  battalions, 
winch  were  with  difficulty  maintaining  their  ground  against 
the  advancing  line  and  increasing  vehemence  of  the  enemy, 
the  English  general- led  them  again  to  the  attack.  But  it  is 
no  easy  matter  to  make  the  French  recede  from  the  enthusi¬ 
asm  of  victory  to  the  hesitation  which  precedes  defeat.  They 
opposed  a  most  desperate  resistance  to  this  onset.  The  ground 
on  which  the  hostile  lines  met  was  so  broken,  that  the  battle 
in  that  quarter  turned  almost  into  a  series  of  partial  conflicts, 
and  even  personal  encounters.  Every  bridge,  every  ditch, 
every  wood,  every  hamlet,  every  inclosure,  was  obstinately 
contested ;  and  so  incessant  was  the  roll  of  musketry,  and 
so  intermingled  did  the  hostile  lines  become,  that  the  field, 
seen  from  a  distance,  appeared  an  unbroken  line  of  fire.  If 
the  resistance,  however,  was  obstinate,  the  attack  was  no  less 
vigorous  ;  and  at  length  the  enthusiastic  ardor  of  the  French 
yielded  to  the  steady  valor  of  the  Germans.  Gradually  they 
were  driven  back,  literally  at  the  bayonet’s  point ;  and  at 
length,  recoiling  at  every  point,  they  yielded  all  the  ground 
they  had  won  at  the  commencement  of  the  action.* 

Barlancy  and  Barwaen  wrere  soon  regained,  but  not  with- 
44.  out  the  most  desperate  resistance  ;  for  not  only  did 
movement  by  the  enemy  obstinately  contest  every  field  and  in- 
aga?ns°r°heSh  closure,  but,  in  their  fury,  they  set  fire  to  such  of 
i-rencb  left.  the  ]10uses  as  could  no  longer  be  maintained.  De¬ 
spite  all  these  obstacles,  however,  the  English  fairly  drove 
them  back,  at  the  musket’s  point,  from  one  inclosure  to  an¬ 
other,  till  they  reached  the  hamlet  of  Diepenbeck,  where  the 
resistance  proved  so  violent  that  he  was  compelled  to  pause. 
His  vigilant  eye,  however,  ere  long  observed  that  the  hill  of 
Oycke,  which  flanked  the  enemy’s  extreme  right,  was  unoc¬ 
cupied.  Conceiving  that  their  right  might  be  turned  by  this 
*  Coxe,  iv.,  146,  147.  ICausler,  718. 


M  AE  L  JJOB.OUG1I. 


193 


eminence,  he  directed  Overkirk,  with  the  reserve  cavalry,  and 
twenty  Dutch  and  Danish  battalions,  to  occupy  it.  The  vet¬ 
eran  general  executed  this  important,  and,  as  it  proved,  deci¬ 
sive  movement  with  his  wonted  alacrity  and  spirit.  The 
wooded  dells  round  the  castle  of  Bevere  soon  rang  with  mus¬ 
ketry  ;  the  enemy,  forced  out  of  them,  were  driven  over  the 
shoulder  of  the  Bosercanter,  which  being  soon  passed,  the  mill 
of  Oycke,  and  the  plateau  behind  it,  were  immediately  occu¬ 
pied  by  the  Danish  and  Dutch  battalions.* 

Arrived  on  the  summit,  Overkirk  made  his  men  bring  up 
their  left  shoulders,  so  as  to  wheel  inward,  and  form  45. 

Vigor  with 

a  vast  semicircle  round  the  right  wing  of  the  French,  which  it  was 

1  executed  by 

which,  far  advanced  beyond  the  center,  was  now  Overkirk, 
thrown  back,  and  grouped  into  the  little  plain  of  turns^hem!3 
Diepenbeck.  Observing  the  effect  of  this  movement,  Marl¬ 
borough  directed  Overkirk  to  press  forward  his  left  still  fur¬ 
ther,  so  as  to  seize  the  passes  of  Mullem  and  mill  of  Royeghem, 
by  winch  the  communication  between  the  enemy’s  right  and 
center  was  maintained.  This  order  was  executed  with  vigor 
and  success  by  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  General  Oxenstiern. 
The  progress  of  the  extreme  allied  left  round  the  rear  of  the 
French  right  was  observed  by  the  frequent  flashes  of  their 
musketry  on  the  heights  above  Mullem,  to  which  they  began 
to  descend,  driving  the  enemy  before  them  with  loud  cheers, 
which  re-echoed  over  the  whole  field  of  battle.  The  victory 
was  now  gained.  Refluent  from  all  quarters,  enveloped  on 
every  side,  the  whole  French  right  was  hurled  together,  in 
wild  confusion,  into  the  plain  of  Diepenbeck,  where  seven  reg¬ 
iments  of  horse,  which  made  a  noble  effort  to  stem  the  flood 
of  disaster,  were  all  cut  to  pieces  or  taken. 

Seeing  his  right  wing  on  the  verge  of  destruction,  Vendome 
made  a  gallant  effort  to  rescue  it.  Dismounting  46. 
from  liis  horse,  he  led  the  infantry  of  his  left  near  et?ecmai>cf  m 
Mullem,  to  the  aid  of  their  devoted  comrades.  But  dame  to  arrest 
the  thick  and  frequent  inclosures  broke  their  array ;  the  disorder- 


Kausler,  715 


COXE,  iv.,  146,  147. 

R 


194 


the  soldiers  tvere  dismayed  by  the  loud  shouts  of  victor)''  from 
their  right ;  and  when  they  emerged  from  the  inclosures,  and 
approached  the  plain  of  Diepenbeck,  the  firm  countenance  of 
the  British  horse,  drawn  up  on  its  edge,  and  the  sturdy  array 
of  their  infantry  under  Eugene,  which  advanced  to  meet  them, 
rendered  the  effort  abortive.  Meanwhile  darkness  set  in, 
though  the  battle  still  raged  on  all  sides.  The  frequent  flashes 
of  the  musketry  on  the  heights  around,  intermingled  with  the 
shouts  of  the  victors,  showed  but  too  clearly  how  nearly  the 
extremity  of  danger  was  approaching  to  the  whole  French 
army.  So  completely  were  they  enveloped,  that  the  advance 
guard  of  the  right  under  Eugene,  and  the  left  under  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  met  on  the  heights  in  the  French  rear,  when  they 
exchanged  several  volleys,  and  it  was  only  after  great  exer¬ 
tions  had  been  made  by  the  respective  commanders  that  their 
error  was  discovered,  and  a  stop  was  put  to  such  useless  butch¬ 
ery.  To  prevent  a  repetition  of  such  disasters,  orders  were 
given  to  the  whole  troops  to  halt  where  they  stood ;  and  to 
this  precaution  many  owed  their  safety,  as  it  was  impossible, 
in  the  darkness,  to  distinguish  friend  from  foe.  But  it  enabled 
great  part  of  the  center  and  left  of  the  French  to  escape  un¬ 
observed,  which,  had  daylight  continued  for  two  hours  longer, 
would  have  been  all  taken  or  destroyed.  Then-  gallant  right 
was  left  to  its  fate  ;  while  Eugene,  by  directing  the  drums  of 
his  regiments  to  beat  the  French  assemblee,  made  great  num¬ 
bers  of  their  left  and  center  prisoners.  Some  thousands  of  the 
right,  by  slipping  unobserved  to  the  westward,  near  the  Castle 
of  Bevere,  made  their  way  in  a  confused  body,  in  the  interval 
between  the  allied  left  and  center,  toward  France,  but  the 
greater  part  of  that  wing  were  killed  or  taken.  Yenddme, 
■with  characteristic  presence  of  mind,  formed  a  rear  guard  of 
a  few  battalions  and  twenty-five  squadrons,  with  which  he 
covered  the  retreat  of  the  center  and  left ;  but  the  remainder 
of  those  parts  of  the  army  fell  into  total  confusion,  and  fled 
headlong  in  wild  disorder  toward  Ghent.* 

Coxe,  iv.,  146-151.  Marlborough  to  Count  Piper.  16th  of  July,  1708. 
Di  j'.,  iv.,  115.  Duke  of  Berwick's  Mem.,  ii .  12. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


195 


We  have  the  authority  of  Marlborough  for  the  assertion 

that,  “if  he  had  had  two  hours  more  of  daylight,  the  47. 

’  .  .  ,  Results  of 

French  army  would  have  been  irretrievably  routed,  the  battle, 
great  part  of  it  killed  or  taken,  and  the  war  terminated  on  that 
day.”*  As  it  was,  the  effects  of  the  blow  which  had  been 
struck  were  prodigious,  and  entirely  altered  the  character  and 
fate  of  the  campaign.  The  French  lost  six  thousand  men  in 
killed  and  wounded,  besides  nine  thousand  prisoners,  and  one 
hundred  standards  wrested  from  them  in  fair  fight.  The  al¬ 
lies  were  weakened  by  five  thousand  men ;  for  the  French 
were  superior  in  numbers,  and  fought  well,  having  been  de¬ 
feated  solely  by  the  superior  generalship  of  the  allied  com¬ 
manders.  f 

No'  sooner  did  daylight  appear  than  forty  squadrons  were 
detached  toward  Ghent  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  43. 
while  Marlborough  himself,  with  characteristic  hu-  enemy,  and 10 
rnanity,  visited  the  field  of  battle,  doing  his  utmost  Sbrcements 
to  assuage  the  sufferings,  and  provide  for  the  cure  on  both  sldes' 
of  the  numerous  wounded,  alike  friend  and  foe,  who  encum¬ 
bered  its  bloody  expanse.  Count  Lottnow  was  sent  with 
thirty  battalions  and  fifty  squadrons  to  possess  himself  of  the 
lines  which  the  enemy  had  constructed  between  Ypres  and 
Warneton,  which  that  officer  did  with  vigor  and  success, 
making  five  hundred  prisoners.  This  was  the  more  fortunate, 
as,  at  the  moment  they  were  taken,  the  Duke  of  Berwick, 
with  the  French  army  from  the  Moselle,  was  hastening  up, 
and  had  exhorted  the  garrison  to  defend  the  lines  to  the  last 
extremity.  At  the  same  time,  the  corresponding  allied  army, 
commanded  by  Eugene,  arrived  at  Brussels,  so  that  both  sides 
were  largely  re-enforced.  Berwick’s  corps,  which  consisted  of 
thirty-four  battalions  and  fifty-five  squadrons,  was  so  consid¬ 
erable,  that  it  raised  Vendome’s  army  again  to  a  hundred 
thousand  men.  With  tiffs  imposing  mass  that  able  general 

’  Marlborough  a  M.  De  Tliemgue,  15th  of  July,  1708.  Disp.,  iv.,  111. 

t  Disp.,  iv..  111.  Berwick  himself  states  the  prisoners  at  9000. — Marl- 
borough,  i’.  12.  Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  July  16,  1708.  Coxe,  iv.,  157. 


196 


THE  LIFE  OF 


took  post  in  a  camp  which  he  strongly  fortified,  situated  be¬ 
hind  the  canal  of  Bruges,  in  the  vicinity  of  Ghent,  and  com¬ 
manding  the  navigation  both  of  the  Scheldt  and  the  Lys. 
He  rightly  judged  that,  as  long  as  he  was  there  at  the  head 
of  such  a  force,  the  allies  would  not  venture  to  advance  into 
France,  though  it  lay  entirely  open  to  their  incursions,  Marl¬ 
borough  being  between  him  and  Paris.* 

Encouraged  by  this  singular  posture  of  the  armies,  Marl- 
19.'  borough  strongly  urged  upon  the  allied  council  of 
advice  to  "’1' 8  war  the  propriety  of  relinquishing  all  lesser  objects, 
£"  overruled™  passing  the  whole  fortified  towns  on  the  frontier, 
ed'to  layTiege  and  advancing  straight  toward  the  French  capi¬ 
ta  LiUc.  tal.f  This  bold  counsel,  however — which,  if  acted 
on,  was  precisely  what  Wellington  and  Blucher  did  a  century 
after  hr  advancing  from  the  same  country,  and  would  have 
been,  perhaps,  attended  with  similar  success — was  rejected. 
Eugene,  and  the  remainder  of  the  council,  considered  the  de¬ 
sign  too  hazardous,  while  Vendome  with  so  great  an  army  lay 
intrenched  in  their  rear  and  threatening  their  communica¬ 
tions.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  to  commence  the  invasion 
of  the  territory  of  the  Grand  Monarque  by  the  siege  of  the 
great  frontier  fortress  of  Lille,  the  strongest  and  most  im¬ 
portant  place  in  French  Flanders,  and  the  possession  of  which 
would  give  the  allies  a  solid  footing  in  the  enemy’s  territory. 
This,  however,  was  a  most  formidable  undertaking;  for  not 
only  was  the  place  itself  of  great  strength,  but  the  citadel 
within  its  walls  was  still  stronger,  and  it  was  garrisoned  hy 
Marshal  Boufflers,  one  of  the  ablest  officers  in  the  French 

*  Marlborough  to  Lord  Godolphin,  July  16  and  17,  1708.  Coxe,  iv.,  158, 
159. 

t  Conscious  of  the  panic  which  prevailed  in  France,  and  aware  that  some 
brilliant  enterprise  was  requisite  to  prevent  the  Dutch  from  listening  to  sep¬ 
arate  overtures  for  peace,  Marlborough  proposed  to  meet  at  Lille,  and  pen¬ 
etrate  by  the  northern  frontier  into  the  heart  of  France.  An  expedition 
fitted  out  in  England  was  to  co-operate  on  the  coast.  But  the  design  of 
penetrating  direct  into  France  seemed  too  bold  even  to  Eugene,  and,  of 
course,  encountered  strong  opposition  from  a  government  so  timid  and  vacil¬ 
lating  as  that  of  Holland. — Coxe,  iv.,  165. 


Haiibcntrdbi 


PRINCE  EXT  GENE  of  SAVOY 
■from  13  *  August  to  9*  September  - 

1708  N% 


AX  JOHNSTON  F.R.GS 


Fh'kth’rnjrni 

C3V.1*’ 

f 

I  L 


JJuXfl 


\H arcbetnavct 


Unite  ye  lax 


cmarvce  flu 


'nclos 


iPeranri , 


/x\shistaii  i 


fcij  Cavalry  a»  Infantry  \\\  Artillery. 
m  AlKes  mmm  Prench. 


E.R  S  ,  NEW  YORK  . 


En^’fty'W  KeraKLe 


MARLBOROUGH. 


197 


service,  with  fifteen  thousand  choice  troops,  and  every  requisite 
for  a  vigorous  defense.  On  the  other  hand,  Vendome,  at  the 
head  of  a  hundred  thousand  men,  lay  in  an  impregnable  camp 
between  Ghent  and  Bruges,  ready  to  interrupt  or  raise  the 
siege ;  and  his  position  there  hampered  Marlborough  extremely 
in  bringing  forward  the  requisite  equipage  for  so  great  an  un¬ 
dertaking,  by  interrupting  the  whole  water  navigation  of  the 
country,  which  was  the  only  practicable  mode  of  conveyance, 
for  the  dragging  it  up  by  land  would  require  sixteen  thousand 
horses.  Nevertheless,  it  was  resolved  to  undertake  the  enter¬ 
prise,  sanguine  hopes  being  entertained  that,  rather  than  see 
so  important  a  fortress  fall,  Venddme  would  leave  his  intrench¬ 
ed  camp,  and  give  the  allies  an  opportunity  of  bringing  him 
again  to  battle  on  equal  terms.* 

No  sooner  was  the  undertaking  resolved  on,  than  the  most 
vigorous  measures  were  adopted  to  carry  it  into  ex-  50. 
ecution.  The  obstacles  which  presented  them-  oftheMRes9 
selves,  however,  were  great  indeed,  and  proved  even  for  the  slege- 
more  formidable  than  had  been  at  first  anticipated.  Every 
gun,  every  wagon,  every  round  of  ammunition,  required  to  be 
transported  almost  all  the  way  by  land  carriage  from  Holland  ; 
and  Brussels,  the  nearest  depot  for  ordinary  and  military  stores 
for  the  allies,  was  situated  twenty-five  leagues  off.  Then  was 
felt  hi  its  full  force  the  immense  loss  sustained  by  the  allies  in 
the  interruption  of  the  water  communications  of  the  army  by 
the  capture  of  Ghent  and  Bruges.  Sixteen  thousand  horses 
were  requisite  to  transport  the  train  which  brought  these 
stores,  partly  from  Maestricht,  partly  from  Holland  ;  and 
when  in  a  line  of  march  it  stretched  over  fifteen  miles. 
Prince  Eugene,  with  fifty- three  battalions  and  ninety  squad 
rons,  covered  the  vast  moving  mass ;  Marlborough  himself 
being  ready,  at  a  moment’s  notice,  in  his  camp  near  Menin, 
to  support  him,  if  necessary.  Between  these  two  great  men 
there  existed  then,  as  ever,  the  most  entire  cordiality.!  Their 

*  Marlboroxigh  to  Godolphin,  July  23,  1708.  Coxe,  iv.,  165. 

t  “  I  need  not  tell  you  how  much  I  desire  the  nation  may  be  at  last  eased 

R  2 


198 


THE  LIFE  OF 


measures  were  all  taken  in  concord,  and  with  such  ability, 
that  though  Vendome  with  a  hundred  thousand  men  lay  on 
the  flank  of  the  line  of  march,  which  extended  over  above 
seventy  miles,  not  a  gun  was  taken  nor  a  carriage  lost ;  and 
the  whole  arrived  in  safety  on  the  12th  of  August  at  the  camp 
at  Helchin,  whither  Marlborough  had  gone  to  meet  it.  So 
marvelous  were  the  arrangements  made  for  the  safe  conduct 
of  this  important  convoy,  and  so  entire  their  success,  that  they 
excited  the  admiration  of  the  French,  and  in  no  slight  degree 
augmented  the  alarm  of  their  generals,  who  had  hitherto  treat¬ 
ed  the  idea  of  Lille  being  besieged  with  perfect  derision. 
“Posterity,”  says  the  French  annalist  Feuqueres,  “will  scarce¬ 
ly  believe  the  fact,  though  it  is  an  undoubted  truth.  Never 
was  a  great  enterprise  conducted  with  more  skill  and  circum¬ 
spection.”* 

Prince  Eugene  was  intrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the  siege, 
51  while  Marlborough  commanded  the  covering  army, 
mentofthe  The  prince  commenced  the  investment  of  the  place 
position  of  011  ^ie  loth  of  August,  while  Marlborough  remained 
army  i3thS  at  Helchin,  taking  measures  for  the  protection  of  the 
August.  convoys,  which  were  incessantly  coming  up  from 
Brussels.  At  length  the  whole,  eighty-one,  arrived  in  safety 
hi  the  camp  before  Lille,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and 
twenty  heavy  guns,  forty  mortars,  twenty  howitzers,  and  four 
hundred  ammunition  wagons.  Eugene’s  army  for  the  siege 
consisted  of  fifty-three  battalions  and  ninety  squadrons,  in  all 
about  forty  thousand  men.  Marlborough’s  covering  force  was 
sixty-nine  battalions  and  one  hundred  and  forty  squadrons, 
numbering  nearly  sixty  thousand  men.  But  the  force  of  the 
French  was  still  more  considerable  in  the  field.  Vendome 
and  Berwick  united  on  the  30th,  on  the  plain  between  Gram- 

of  a  burdensome  war  by  an  honorable  peace  ;  and  no  one  can  judge  better 
than  yourself  of  the  sincerity  of  my  wishes  to  enjoy  a  little  retirement  at  a 
place  you  have  contributed  in  a  great  measure  to  make  so  desirable.  I  thank 
you  for  your  good  wishes  to  myself  on  this  occasion.  I  dare  say,  Prince 
Eugene  and  I  shall  never  differ  about  our  laurels.” — Marlborough  to  Mr. 
Travers,  July  30,  1708.  *  Coxe,  iv.,  216-219. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


1  99 

moat  and  Lessiues,  and  on  the  2d  of  September  advanced 
toward  Lille  with  one  hundred  and  forty  battalions  and  two 
hundred  and  fifty  squadrons,  mustering  one  hundred  thousand 
combatants,  besides  twenty  thousand  left,  under  Count  de  la 
Motte,  to  cover  Ghent  and  Bruges.  But  Marlborough  had 
no  fears  for  the  result,  and  ardently  longed  for  a  general  ac¬ 
tion,  which  he  hoped  would  one  way  or  other  conclude  the 
war.  “  If  we  have  a  second  action,”  says  he,  “  and  God 
blesses  our  just  cause,  this,  in  all  likelihood,  will  be  our  last 
campaign ;  for  I  think  they  would  not  venture  a  battle,  but 
are  resolved  to  submit  to  any  condition,  if  the  success  be  on 
our  side  ;  and  if  they  get  the  better,  they  will  think  them¬ 
selves  masters ;  so  that,  if  there  should  be  an  action,  it  is  like 
to  be  the  last  this  war.  If  God  continues  on  our  side,  we 
have  nothing  to  fear,  our  troops  being  good,  though  not  so  nu¬ 
merous  as  theirs.  I  dare  say,  before  half  the  troops  have 
fought,  success  will  declare,  I  trust  in  God,  on  our  side  ;  and 
then  I  may  have  what  I  earnestly  wish  for  quick.”* 

No  sooner  was  Marlborough  informed  of  the  junction  of 
Vendome  and  Berwick,  than,  anticipating  the  di-  52. 

.  .  Marlborough 

rection  they  would  follow,  and  the  point  at  which  nrreste  Ven- 

.  d6me  and  Ber- 

they  would  endeavor  to  penetrate  through  to  raise  wick  when  try- 
the  siege,  he  marched  parallel  to  the  enemy,  and  siege?  tuse 
arrived  on  the  4th  of  September  at  a  position  previously  se¬ 
lected,  having  his  right  at  Noyelle,  and  his  left  at  Peronne. 
So  correctly  had  he  divined  the  designs  of  the  able  generals  to 
whom  he  was  opposed,  that,  within  two  hours  after  he  had 
taken  up  his  ground,  the  united  French  army  appeared  in  his 
front.  Notwithstanding  their  great  superiority  of  forces,  the 
enemy,  however,  did  not  venture  to  attack,  and  the  two  ar¬ 
mies  remained  watching  each  other  for  the  next  fortnight, 
without  any  movement  being  attempted  on  either  side.f 
Meanwhile,  Eugene  was  actively  prosecuting  the  siege  of 
Lille.  Trenches  were  opened  on  the  22d,  and  a  heavy  fire 

*  Marlborough  to  Godolpliin,  August  30,  1708.  Coxe,  iv.,  222. 
t  Disp.,  iv.,  241-260. 


200 


THE  LIFE  OF 


was  opened  from  eighty  pieces  of  cannon.  On  the  following 
night,  an  outwork,  called  the  Chapel  of  St.  Magdalene,  was 
stormed  and  taken.  The  second  parallel  was  soon  completed, 
and  some  further  outworks  carried ;  and  the  whole  battering 
guns  having  at  length  been  mounted,  a  breach  was  effected  in 
the  salient  angle  of  one  of  the  horn-works,  and  on  the  same 
night  a  lodgment  was  effected.  A  vigorous  sortie,  on  the  10th 
of  September,  hardly  retarded  the  progress  of  the  operations, 
and  a  sap  was  made  under  the  covered  way.  Marlborough, 
however,  who  visited  the  besiegers’  lines  on  the  18th,  express¬ 
ed  some  displeasure  at  the  slow  progress  of  the  siege,  and  an¬ 
other  assault  was  in  consequence  hazarded  on  the  20th  of  Sep¬ 
tember. 

This  assault  was  most  obstinately  resisted ;  but  at  length 
53.  the  assailants  overcame  all  opposition,  and  burst- 
^egf^ and° Eu  e  *ng  in,  carried  a  demi-bastion  and  several  adjoin- 
wMch' throws’  “!=  works,  though  with  a  loss  of  two  thousand 
the  direction  of  men  Great  as  tliis  loss  was,  it  was  rendered 

the  siege  on 

Marlborough.  more  severe  hi  consequence  of  the  temporary  loss 
of  one  officer  who  fell ;  for  Eugene  himself,  transported  with 
ardor,  had  taken  part  in  the  assault,  and  was  seriously  wound¬ 
ed.  Tliis  grievous  casualty  not  only  gave  the  utmost  distress 
to  Marlborough,  but  immensely  augmented  his  labors,  for  it 
threw  upon  him  at  once  the  direction  of  the  siege  and  the 
command  of  the  covering  army.  Every  morning  at  break  of 
day  he  was  on  horseback,  recomioitering  Vendome’s  army ; 
and  if  all  was  quiet  in  front,  he  rode  to  the  lines  and  directed 
the  siege  in  person  till  evening,  when  he  again  returned  to 
the  camp  of  the  covering  force.  By  thus  hi  a  manner  doub¬ 
ling  himself,  this  great  man  succeeded  in  preventhig  any  seri¬ 
ous  inconvenience  being  experienced  even  from  so  great  a  ca¬ 
tastrophe  as  Eugene’s  wound  ;  and  he  infused  such  vigor  into 
the  operations  of  the  siege,  that,  on  the  23d  of  September, 
great  part  of  the  tenaillons  and  a  large  portion  of  the  cover¬ 
ed  way  were  broken  through.  At  the  same  time,  the  ammu¬ 
nition  of  the  garrison  began  to  fail  so  much,  in  consequence  of 


MARLBOROUGH. 


201 


the  constant  fire  they  had  kept  up  for  a  month,  that  Marshal 
Boutilers  sent  intimation  to  Vendome,  that  unless  a  supply  of 
that  necessary  article  was  speedily  obtained,  he  would  be 
obliged  to  surrender.* 

The  French  generals,  aware  how  much  the  fortress  was 
straitened,  were  meanwhile  straining  every  nerve  54. 

J  .  .  Efforts  on  both 

to  raise  the  siege  ;  but  such  was  the  terror  inspir-  sides  to  obtain 

i  i  /r  ,  l  l  l  •  i  supplies  of  am- 

ed  by  Marlborough  s  presence,  and  the  skill  with  munition. 

which  his  defensive  measures  were  taken,  that  they  did  not 
venture  to  hazard  an  attack  on  the  covering  army.  A  well- 
conceived  project  of  Vendome’s,  however,  for  throwing  a  sup¬ 
ply  of  powder  into  the  fortress,  in  part  succeeded.  Many  of 
the  horsemen  engaged  in  this  attempt  were  cut  off,  but  some 
succeeded  in  making  their  way  in  through  the  allied  lines  ; 
and  their  success,  and  the  stores  which  they  had  brought, 
raised  the  spirits  of  the  garrison,  and  prolonged  their  means 
of  defense.  But  meanwliile  the  ammunition  of  the  besiegers 
was  also  falling  short ;  and  as  the  enemy,  since  the  concen¬ 
tration  of  Marlborough’s  army  in  front  of  Vendome,  had  be¬ 
come  completely  masters  of  the  communication  with  Brussels, 
no  resource  remained  but  to  get  it  up  from  Ostend.  A  convoy 
was  accordingly  formed  there  by  General  Erie,  which  set  out 
on  the  27th  of  September,  and  consisted  of  seven  hundred 
wagons,  escorted  by  General  Webb  and  ten  thousand  men. 
Count  de  la  Motte  instantly  set  out  with  the  troops  under  his 
command  from  the  vicinity  of  Ghent,  and  came  up  with  the 
convoy  in  the  defile  of  Wynandals,  when  a  sharp  action  en¬ 
sued.  The  French  advanced  to  the  attack  with  their  wonted 
impetuosity ;  but  Webb’s  defensive  arrangements  were  so  skill¬ 
ful,  and  the  fire  kept  up  by  his  troops  so  vigorous,  that  the 
enemy  were  utterly  routed ;  and  the  convoy,  forcing  its  way 
through  the  enemy’s  forces,  reached  Menin  on  the  following 
day,  and  then,  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  whole  army, 
reached  the  allied  camp  on  the  30th  of  September.! 

*  Disp.,  iv.,  260-271.  Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  Sept.  24,  1708.  Coxe, 
iv.,  243.  t  Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  Oct.  1,  1708.  Coxe,  iv.,  254. 


202 


THE  LIFE  OF 


The  safe  arrival  of  these  supplies  gave  new  energy  to  the 

55.  besiegers,  while  the  recovery  of  Eugene  relieved 
Capitulation  J 

of  the  town  of  Marlborough  of  half  the  labor  under  which,  to  use 
Lille,  22d  Oc-  ° 

tober.  his  own  words,  he  had  been  for  a  fortnight  “  rather 

dead  than  alive.”  Three  days  afterward  the  whole  tenaillon 
was  carried,  and  the  troops  were  established  directly  opposite 
the  breaches  of  the  ramparts.  Meanwhile  Vendome  opened 
the  sluices,  and  inundated  the  country  to  the  very  borders  of 
the  dike,  so  as  to  intercept  Marlborough’s  communication  with 
Ostend,  and  prevent  the  arrival  of  stores  from  it.  But  the 
English  general  defeated  this  device  by  bringing  the  stores  up 
hi  flat-bottomed  boats  from  Ostend  to  Leffinghen,  and  thence 
conveying  them  in  carriages,  mounted  on  very  high  wheels,  to 
the  camp.  Cadogan  greatly  distinguished  himself  in  this  dif¬ 
ficult  service.  At  this  critical  juncture  General  Overldrk  died, 
to  the  great  regret  of  Marlborough,  who  could  then  ill  spare 
such  an  ardent  and  patriotic  spirit.  Meanwhile,  however,  the 
siege  continued  to  advance ;  and  fifty-five  heavy  guns  thun¬ 
dered  from  the  counterscarp  on  the  breaches,  while  thirty-six 
mortars  swept  all  the  works  which  commanded  them.  Find¬ 
ing  himself  unable  to  withstand  the  assault  which  was  now 
hourly  expected,  Boufflers,  on  the  22d  of  October,  beat  a  par¬ 
ley  and  capitulated,  having  sustained,  with  unparalleled  reso¬ 
lution,  a  siege  of  sixty  days,  of  which  thirty  were  with  open 
trenches.  Eugene  was  filled  with  admiration  at  his  gallant 
defense,  and  therefore  granted  the  French  general  and  his 
brave  garrison  the  most  honorable  terms.  The  gates  were 
surrendered  on  the  23d,  and  the  remainder  of  the  garrison, 
still  five  thousand  strong,  retired  into  the  citadel,*  where  they 
prolonged  their  defense  for  six  weeks  more. 

The  fall  of  the  external  walls  of  Lille  did  not  terminate  the 
struggle  for  that  important  fortress.  Marshal 
Boufflers  still  held  the  citadel,  a  stronghold  in  it¬ 
self  equal  to  most  fortresses  of  the  first  order.  No 
sooner,  however,  were  the  allies  in  possession  of 
*  Disp.,  iv.,  271.  Marlborough  to  Godolphvi,  Oct.  24, 1708.  Coxe,  iv.;  263, 261. 


56. 

Siege  of  the 
citadel  of  Lille 
and  diversion 
of  Venddme 
against  Brus¬ 
sels. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


203 


the  town,  than  the  attack  on  the  citadel  commenced  with  all 
the  vigor  which  the  exhausted  state  of  the  magazines  would 
permit.  Detached  parties  were  sent  into  France,  which,  by- 
levying  contributions  to  a  great  extent,  not  only  replenished 
the  stores  of  the  allies,  but  depressed  the  spirits  of  the  French, 
by  making  them  feel,  in  a  manner  not  to  be  misunderstood, 
that  the  war  had  at  length  approached  their  own  doors.  To 
divert,  if  possible,  Marlborough  from  his  enterprise,  the  Elect¬ 
or  of  Bavaria,  who  had  recently  returned  from  the  Rhine, 
was  detached  by  Vendbme,  with  fifteen  thousand  men,  against 
Brussels,  while  he  himself  remained  in  his  intrenched  camp 
on  the  Scheldt,  barring  the  road  from  Lille  to  that  city,  so  as 
to  stop  the  communication,  and  be  ready  to  profit  by  ar^  ad¬ 
vantage  afforded  by  the  measures  which  the  English  general 
might  make  for  its  relief.  The  governor  of  Brussels,  M.  Pas¬ 
chal,  who  had  seven  thousand  men  under  his  orders,  rejected 
the  summons  to  surrender,  and  prepared  for  a  vigorous  de¬ 
fense  ;  and  meanwhile  Marlborough  prepared  for  its  relief,  by 
one  of  those  brilliant  strokes  which,  in  so  peculiar  a  maimer, 
characterize  his  campaigns. 

Giving  out  that  he  was  going  to  separate  liis  army  into 

winter  quarters,  he  dispatched  the  iield-artillery  57. 

,  ,  ,  .  . ,.  .  ,  .  Marlborough’s 

toward  Memn,  and  lie  mmselt  set  out  with  his  brilliant 

...  .  ~  „  march,  which 

stall  m  rather  an  ostentatious  maimer  for  Lour-  defeats  it 
tray  ;  but  no  sooner  had  he  lulled  the  vigilance  of  the  enemy 
by  these  steps,  than,  wheeling  suddeidy  round,  he  advanced 
with  the  bulk  of  his  forces  toward  the  Scheldt,  and  directed 
them  against  that  part  of  the  French  general’s  lines  where  he 
knew  them  to  be  weakest.  The  army,  upon  seeing  these 
movements,  anticipated  on  the  following  day  the  bloodiest  bat¬ 
tle  they  had  yet  had  during  the  wrar  ;  but  the  skill  of  the  En¬ 
glish  general  rendered  resistance  hopeless,  and  gained  his  ob¬ 
ject  with  wonderfully  little  loss.  The  passage  of  the  river 
was  rapidly  effected  at  three  points ;  and  the  French  corps 
stationed  at  Oudenarde  were  vigorously  assailed  and  driven 
back  on  Grammont,  with  the  loss  of  twelve  hundred  men,  so 


204 


THE  LIFE  OF 


as  to  leave  the  road  uncovered,  and  the  communication  with 
Brussels  unimpeded.  Having  thus  cleared  the  way,  Marlbor¬ 
ough  sent  back  Eugene  to  resume  the  siege  of  the  citadel  of 
Lille,  while  he  himself,  with  the  greater  part  of  Iris  forces, 
proceeded  on  to  Brussels,  which  he  entered  in  triumph  on  the 
29th  of  November.  The  Elector  of  Bavaria  was  too  happy 
to  escape,  leaving  his  guns  and  wounded  behind  ;  and  the  cit¬ 
adel  of  Lille  at  length,  despairing  of  succor,  capitulated  on  the 
11th  of  December.  Thus  was  this  memorable  campaign 
terminated  by  the  capture  of  the  strongest  frontier  fortress  of 
France,  under  the  eyes  of  its  best  general  and  most  powerful 
army.* 

But  Marlborough,  like  Caesar,  deemed  nothing  done  while 
58.  any  thing  remained  to  do.  Nihil  actum  credens, 

Marlborough  J  . 

recovers  dum  quid  superesset  agendum.  Though  his  troops 
jnn.,  1709.  were  exhausted  by  marching  and  fighting  almost 
without  intermission  for  five  months,  and  he  himself  was  la¬ 
boring  under  severe  illness  in  consequence  of  his  fatigues,  he 
resolved,  in  the  depth  of  winter,  to  make  an  attempt  for  the 
recovery  of  Ghent,  the  loss  of  which  in  the  early  part  of  the 
campaign  had  been  the  subject  of  such  deep  mortification. 
The  enemy,  after  the  citadel  of  Lille  capitulated,  had  natu¬ 
rally  broken  up  their  army  into  cantonments,  under  the  be¬ 
lief  that  the  campaign  was  concluded  ;  but  Marlborough  sud¬ 
denly  collected  his  forces,  and  drew  round  Ghent  on  the  18th 
of  December.  Eugene  formed  the  covering  force  with  the 
corps  lately  employed  in  the  reduction  of  Lille.  The  garrison 
was  very  strong,  consisting  of  no  less  than  thirty  battalions 
and  nineteen  squadrons,  mustering  eighteen  thousand  combat¬ 
ants.!  The  governor  had  been  instructed  by  Vendome  to 
defend  this  important  stronghold  to  the  last  extremity  ;  but 
he  was  inadequately  supplied  with  provisions  and  forage,  and 

*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle,  17th  of  December,  1708.  Disp., 
iv.,  362. 

t  Disp.,  iv.,  315-323-345.  Marlborough  to  Duke  de  Mole,  10th  of  Decem¬ 
ber,  1708.  Ibid.,  346.  OoxE,  iv.,  27 0. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


205 


the  result  signally  belied  the  expectations  formed  of  his  resist¬ 
ance.  The  approaches  were  vigorously  pushed.  On  the  24th 
the  trenches  were  opened  ;  on  the  25th  a  sortie  was  repulsed; 
on  tire  28th  of  December  the  fire  began  with  great  vigor  from 
the  breaching  and  mortar  batteries  ;  and  at  noon  the  governor 
sent  a  flag  of  truce,  offering  to  capitulate  if  not  relieved  before 
the  2d  of  January.  This  was  agreed  to  ;  and  on  the  latter 
day,  as  no  friendly  force  approached,  the  garrison  opened  their 
gates  and  marched  out,  in  such  strength  that  they  were  de¬ 
filing  incessantly  from  ten  in  the  morning  till  seven  at 
night  !* 

Bniges  immediately  followed  this  example  ;  the  garrison 
capitulated,  and  the  town  again  hoisted  the  Aus-  ,  ,  jj9- 

r  °  And  Bruges, 

trian  flag.  The  minor  forts  of  Plassendael  and  concludes  the 

°  campaign, 

Leffinghen  were  immediately  evacuated  by  the  en-  and  again  re- 

.  .  fuses  the  gov 

emy.  With  such  expedition  were  these  important  ernment  of 
operations  conducted,  that  before  Vendome  could  lands, 
even  assemble  a  force  adequate  to  interrupt  the  besiegers’  op¬ 
erations,  both  towns  were  taken,  and  the  French  were  entire¬ 
ly  dispossessed  of  all  the  important  strongholds  they  had  gain¬ 
ed  in  the  early  part  of  the  campaign  in  the  heart  of  Brabant. 
Having  closed  his  labors  with  these  glorious  successes,  Marl¬ 
borough  put  the  army  into  winter  quarters,  now  rendered  se¬ 
cure  on  the  Flemish  frontiers,  and  himself  repaired  to  the 
Hague  to  resume  his  usual  contest  with  the  timidity  and 
selfishness  of  the  Dutch  allies.  Thus  had  Marlborough  the 
glory,  in  one  campaign,  of  defeating  in  a  pitched  battle  the 
best  general  and  most  powerful  army  possessed  by  France, 
and  capturing  its  strongest  frontier  fortress,  the  masterpiece 
of  Vauban,  under  the  eyes  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thou¬ 
sand  men  assembled  from  all  quarters  for  its  relief.  He  put 
the  keystone  at  the  same  time  into  this  arch  of  glory  by  again 
declining  the  magnificent  offer  of  the  government  of  the  Low 
Countries,  with  its  appointment  of  sixty  thousand  a  year  for 

*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle,  3d  of  January,  1709.  Disp.,  iv., 
389. 


s 


206 


THE  LIFE  OF 


life,  a  second  time  pressed  upon  him  by  King  Charles,  from 
an  apprehension  that  such  an  offer  might  give  umbrage  to  the 
government  of  Holland,  or  excite  jealousy  in  the  queen’s  gov¬ 
ernment  at  home.* 

Such  was  the  memorable  campaign  of  1708,  one  of  the 
6o.  most  glorious  in  the  military  annals  of  England, 
suhTof  the  and  the  one  in  which  the  extraordinary  capacity 
greataStyof  °f  the  British  general  perhaps  shone  forth  with 
Marlborough,  the  brightest  luster.  The  vigor  and  talent  of  Ven- 
d6me,  joined  to  the  secret  communication  which  he  had  with 
those  disaffected  to  the  Austrian  government  in  Ghent  and 
Bruges,  procured  for  him,  in  the  commencement  of  the  cam¬ 
paign,  a  great,  and  what,  if  opposed  by  less  ability,  might 
have  proved  a  decisive  advantage.  By  the  acquisition  of 
these  towns,  he  gained  the  immense  advantage  of  obtaining 
the  entire  command  of  the  water  communication  of  Brabant, 
and  establishing  himself  in  a  solid  manner  in  the  heart  of  the 
enemy’s  territory.  The  entire  expulsion  of  the  allies  from 
Austrian  Flanders  seemed  the  unavoidable  result  of  such  a 
success,  by  so  enterprising  a  general  at  the  head  ol  a  hundred 
thousand  combatants.  But  Marlborough  was  not  discour¬ 
aged  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  built  on  the  enemy’s  early  successes 
a  course  of  maneuvers,  which  in  the  end  wrested  all  his  con¬ 
quests  from  him,  and  inflicted  a  series  of  disasters  greater  than 
could  possibly  have  been  anticipated  from  a  campaign  of  un¬ 
broken  success. 

Boldly  assuming  the  lead,  he  struck  such  a  blow  at  Ouden- 
61  arde  as  resounded  from  one  end  of  Europe  to  the 
dremeasOTes  other,  infused  a  terror  into  the  enemy  from  which 
m recapture*"  they  never  recovered  during  the  remainder  of  the 
of  Liiie.  campaign,  paralyzed  Vend6me  in  the  midst  of  his 
success,  and  reduced  him  from  a  vigorous  offensive  to  a  pain- 


*  “You  will  find  me,  my  prince,  always  ready  to  renew  tlie  patent  for 
the  government  of  the  Low  Countries  formerly  sent  to  yon,  and  to  extend 
it  for  your  life.” — King  Charles  to  Marlborough,  August  8,  1708.  Coxe, 
iv.,  245. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


207 


ful  defensive  struggle.  While  the  cabinet  of  Versailles  were 
dreaming  of  expelling  the  allies  from  Flanders,  and  detaching 
Holland,  partly  by  intrigue,  partly  by  force  of  arms,  from  the 
coalition,  he  boldly  entered  the  territory  of  the  Grand  Mo 
narque,  laid  siege  to  his  chief  frontier  fortress,  and  captured  it 
in  sight  of  Iris  greatest  army  commanded  by  his  best  general. 
In  vain  was  the  water  communication  of  the  Netherlands  in¬ 
terrupted  by  the  enemy’s  possession  of  Ghent  and  Bruges  ; 
with  incredible  activity  he  got  together,  and  with  matchless 
skill  conducted  to  the  besiegers’  lines  before  Lille,  a  huge  con¬ 
voy  fifteen  miles  long,  drawn  by  sixteen  thousand  horses,  in 
the  very  teeth  of  Vendome,  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  men.  Lille  captured,  Ghent  and  Bruges 
recovered,  the  allied  standards  solidly  planted  on  the  walls  of 
the  strongest  fortress  of  France,  terminated  a  campaign  in 
which  the  British,  overmatched  and  surrounded  by  lukewarm 
or  disaffected  friends,  had  welhiigh  lost  at  the  outset  hy  for¬ 
eign  treachery  all  the  fruits  of  the  victory  of  Ramillies. 


208 


THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  V. 

CONFERENCES  OF  GERTRUTDENBERG. - LOUIS  REFUSES  THE  UL¬ 
TIMATUM  OF  THE  ALLIES. - SIEGE  AND  CAPTURE  OF  TOUR- 

NAY. - BATTLE  OF  MALPLAQUET. - FALL  OF  MONS. 

The  glorious  termination  of  this  campaign,  and,  above  all, 
!•  the  addition  made  to  the  immediate  security  of 

Marlborough's  ' 

renewed  dlffi-  Holland  by  the  recovery  of  Ghent  and  Bruges, 

cultiee  with  the  ...  .  . 

aihed  courts,  sensibly  augmented  Marlborough  s  mfluence  at 

the  Hague,  and  at  length  overcame  the  timidity  and  vacil¬ 
lation  of  the  Dutch  government.  When  the  English  gen¬ 
eral  repaired  there  in  the  beginning  of  1709,  he  quickly  over¬ 
awed  the  adherents  of  France,  regained  his  wonted  influence 
over  the  mind  of  the  Pensionary  Heinsius,  and  at  length  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  persuading  the  government  and  the  States  to  aug¬ 
ment  their  forces  by  six  thousand  men.  This,  though  by  no 
means  so  great  an  accession  of  numbers  as  was  required  to 
meet  the  vast  efforts  which  France  was  making,  was  still  a 
considerable  addition  ;  and  by  the  influence  of  Prince  Eugene, 
who  was  well  aware  that  the  principal  effort  of  the  enemy  in 
the  next  campaign  would  he  made  in  the  Netherlands,  he  ob¬ 
tained  a  promise  that  the  Imperial  troops  should  winter  there, 
and  he  recruited,  so  as  to  compensate  their  losses  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding  campaign.  Great  difficulties  were  experienced  with 
the  court  of  Turin,  which  had  conceived  the  most  extrava¬ 
gant  hopes  from  the  project  of  an  invasion  of  France  on  the 
side  both  of  Lyons  and  Franche  Comte,  and  for  this  purpose 
demanded  a  large  subsidy  in  money,  and  the  aid  of  fifty  thou¬ 
sand  men,  under  Prince  Eugene,  to  operate  on  the  Upper 
Rhine. 

Marlborough  was  well  aware,  from  past  experience,  of  the 
flttle  reliance  to  be  placed  on  any  military  operations  in 


HAELBOROUG  II. 


209 


which  the  emperor  and  the  Italian  powers  were  to  3 
he  placed  in  co-operation.  He  was  therefore  far  idea^of^he 
from  sanguine  of  the  success  of  their  design  ;  but  BerHnaud 
as  it  was  material  to  keep  the  court  of  Turin  in  Tunn- 
good-humor,  he  gave  the  proposal  the  most  respectful  atten¬ 
tion,  and  sent  General  Palmer  on  a  special  mission  to  the 
Duke  of  Savoy,  to  arrange  the  plan  of  the  proposed  irruption 
into  the  Lyonnois.  With  the  cabinet  of  Berlin  the  difficul¬ 
ties  were  greater  than  ever,  and,  in  fact,  had  become  so  urg¬ 
ent,  that  nothing  but  the  presence  of  the  English  general,  or 
an  immediate  agent  from  him,  could  prevent  Prussia  from  se¬ 
ceding  altogether  from  the  alliance.  General  Grumbkow 
was  sent  there  accordingly  in  March,  and  found  the  king  in 
such  ill  humor  at  the  repeated  disappointments  he  had  expe¬ 
rienced  from  the  emperor  and  the  Dutch,  that  he  declared  he 
could  only  spare  three  battalions  for  the  approaching  cam¬ 
paign.*  By  great  exertions,  however,  and  the  aid  of  Marl¬ 
borough’s  letters  and  influence,  the  king  was  at  length  pre¬ 
vailed  on  to  continue  his  present  troops  in  the  Low  Countries, 
and  to  increase  them  by  fourteen  squadrons  of  horse. f 

But  it  was  not  on  the  Continent  only  that  open  enemies  or 

lukewarm  and  treacherous  friends  were  striving  to  3. 

.  .  .  His  cold  re¬ 

arrest  the  course  ol  Marlborough  s  victories.  His  eeptionfrom 

difficulties  at  home,  both  with  his  own  party  and  England,  and 

,  ■  ,  •  i  • .  mission  to 

his  opponents,  were  hourly  increasing ;  and  it  was  the  Hague, 
already  foreseen  that  they  had  become  so  formidable  that,  at  no 
very  remote  period,  they  would  cause  his  fall.  Though  he  was 
publicly  thanked,  as  well  he  might,  by  both  houses  of  Parlia¬ 
ment,  when  he  came  to  London  on  the  1st  of  March,  1709, 

*  “  ‘  Can  I  do  more  than  I  do  now  ?’  said  the  king.  '  I  make  treaties,  but 
the  emperor  breaks  his  word  with  me,  as  well  as  Holland,  every  moment. 
Besides,  it  is  impossible,  without  great  inconvenience,  to  give  more  than 
three  battalions ;  and  he  is  a  wretch  who  would  advise  me  otherwise.’  I 
said  he  was  a  wretch  who  should  advise  him  not  to  do  it.  He  replied, 
‘You  speak  very  boldly,  and  may  perhaps  repent  it,  if  your  arguments  are 
not  conclusive.’  ” — General  Grumbkow  to  Marlborough,  March  9,  1709 
Coxe,  iv.,  341. 

t  King  of  Prussia  to  Marlborough,  March  9,  1709.  Coxe,  iv.,  346. 

S  2 


210 


THE  LIFE  OF 


yet  he  received  no  mark  of  favor  from  the  queen,  and  was 
treated  with  studied  coldness  at  court.*  Envy,  the  insepara¬ 
ble  attendant  on  exalted  merit — ingratitude,  the  usual  result 
ol  irrequitable  services,  had  completely  alienated  the  queen 
from  him.  Mrs.  Masham  omitted  nothing  which  could  alien¬ 
ate  her  royal  mistress  from  so  formidable  a  rival ;  and  it  was 
hard  to  say  whether  she  was  most  cordially  aided  in  her  efforts 
by  the  open  Opposition,  or  the  half  Tor}’ -Whigs  who  formed 
the  administration.  Both  Godolplnn  and  the  duke  speedily 
found  that  they  were  merely  tolerated  in  office  ;  while,  in  or¬ 
der  to  weaken  their  influence  with  the  people,  every  effort  was 
made  to  depreciate  even  the  glorious  victories  which  had  shed 
such  imperishable  luster  over  the  British  arms.  Deeply  mor¬ 
tified  by  this  ingratitude,  Marlborough  gladly  embraced  an 
offer  which  was  made  to  him  by  the  govermnent,  in  order  to 
remove  him  from  court,  to  conduct  the  negotiation  now  pend¬ 
ing  at  the  Hague  with  Louis  XIV.  for  the  conclusion  of  a  gen¬ 
eral  peace. f 

The  pride  of  the  French  monarch  was  now  so  much  hum- 
4.  bled  that  he  sent  the  President  Bouile  to  Holland, 
eions1  offered5"  with  public  instructions  to  offer  terms  to  the  allies, 
by  Louis.  anfl  private  directions  to  do  every  thing  possible  to 
sow  dissensions  among  them,  and,  if  possible,  detach  Holland 
from  the  affiance.  His  proposals  were  to  give  up  Spain,  the 
Indies,  and  the  Milanese  to  King  Charles,  and  cede  the  Ital¬ 
ian  islands,  reserving  Naples  and  Sicily  for  his  grandson.  In 
the  Netherlands  and  Germany,  he  offered  to  restore  matters 
to  the  state  in  which  they  were  at  the  peace  of  Ryswick  ; 
and  though  he  was  very  reluctant  to  give  up  Lille,  he  offered 
to  cede  Menin  in  its  place.  These  terms  being  communicated 

#  In  communicating  the  thanks  of  the  House  of  Lords,  the  chancellor  said, 
“  I  shall  not  be  thought  to  exceed  my  present  commission,  if,  being  thus  led 
to  contemplate  the  mighty  things  which  your  grace  has  done  for  us,  I  can 
not  but  conclude  with  acknowledging,  with  all  gratitude,  the  providence  of 
God  in  raising  you  up  to  be  an  instrument  of  so  much  good,  in  so  critical  a 
juncture,  wrhen  it  was  so  much  wanted.” — Coxe,  iv.,  375. 

t  Coxe,  iv.,  352-366-377. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


211 


to  the  court  of  London,  they  returned  an  answer  insisting  on 
the  restoration  of  the  whole  Spanish  monarchy  to  the  house 
of  Austria,  the  acknowledgment  of  the  title  of  Queen  Anne 
to  the  crown  of  England,  and  the  Protestant  succession,  the 
removal  of  the  Pretender,  the  destruction  of  the  harbor  of 
Dunkirk,  and  that  an  adequate  barrier  should  be  secured  to 
the  Dutch.  In  their  ideas  upon  this  barrier,  however,  they 
went  much  beyond  what  Marlborough  was  disposed  to  sanc¬ 
tion,  "and  he  therefore  maintained  a  prudent  reserve  on  the 
subject.  As  the  French  plenipotentiary  could  not  agree  to 
these  terms,  Marlborough  returned  to  England,  and  Lord 
Townsend  was  associated  with  him  as  plenipotentiary.  They 
were  instructed  to  insist  that  Furnes,  Ypres,  Menin,  Lille, 
Toumay,  Conde,  Valencieimes,  and  Maubeuge,  should  be  giv¬ 
en  up  to  form  a  barrier,  and  that  Newfoundland  and  Hudson’s 
Bay  should  be  restored.  Alarmed  at  the  exaction  of  such  rig¬ 
orous  terms,  Louis  sent  M.  de  Torcy,  who  made  large  conces¬ 
sions  ;  and  Marlborough,  who  was  seriously  desirous  of  bring¬ 
ing  the  war  to  a  conclusion,  exerted  all  his  influence  with  the 
States  to  induce  them  to  accept  the  barrier  offered.  He  so 
far  succeeded,  that  on  the  very  day  after  his  return  to  the 
Hague,  he  wrote  both  to  Lord  Godolphin  and  the  Duchess  of 
Marlborough,  that  he  had  prevailed  on  the  Dutch  commission¬ 
ers  to  accede  to  the  principal  articles,  and  that  he  had  no  doubt 
tbe  negotiation  would  terminate  in  an  honorable  peace.* 
These  flattering  prospects,  however,  were  soon  overcast. 
The  Dutch  renewed  their  demand  of  having  their  5 
barrier  strengthened  at  the  expense  of  Austria,  ofLouistobribe 
and  insisted  that  the  Flemish  fortress  of  Dender-  Marlborough' 

*  “  M.  Do  Torcy  has  offered  so  much,  that  I  have  no  doubt  it  will  end  in  a 
good  peace." — Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  19th  of  May,  1707. 

“Every  thing  goes  on  so  well  here,  that  there  is  no  doubt  of  its  ending  in 
a  good  peace.  Government  have  in  readiness  the  sideboard  of  plate,  and 
the  chairs  of  state  and  canopy;  and  I  beg  it  may  be  made  so  as  to  form 
part  of  a  bed  when  I  am  done  with  it  here,  which  I  hope  may  be  by  the  end 
of  this  summer,  so  that  I  may  enjoy  your  dear  society  in  quiet,  which  is  the 
greatest  satisfaction  I  am  capable  of  having.’’ — Marlborough  to  the  Duchess, 
19th  of  May,  1709.  Coxe,  iv.,  393. 


212 


THE  LIFE  OF 


raonde  and  Ghent,  forming  part  of  the  Imperial  dominions, 
should  be  included  in  it.  To  this  both  Eugene  and  Marlbor¬ 
ough  objected,  and  the  Dutch,  in  spite,  refused  to  stipulate  for 
the  demolition  of  Dunkirk.  So  violent  an  altercation  took 
place  on  the  subject  between  the  Pensionary  Heinsius  and 
Marlborough,  that  it  had  wellnigh  produced  a  schism  in  the 
Grand  Alliance.  M.  de  Torcy  at  first  endeavored  to  mitigate 
the  demands  of  the  Dutch  government ;  but,  finding  them  al¬ 
together  immovable,  he  addressed  himself  privately  to  Marl¬ 
borough,  offering  him  enormous  bribes  if  he  could  procure 
more  favorable  terms  for  France.  The  offers  were  2,000,000 
livres  (£80,000)  if  he  could  secure  Naples  and  Sicily,  or  even 
Naples  alone,  for  the  grandson  of  the  King  of  France ;  and 
4,000,000  livres  (£160,000)  if,  in  addition  to  this,  he  could 
save  Strasburg,  Dunkirk,  and  Landau  for  France.  Marlbor¬ 
ough  turned  away  from  the  disgraceful  proposal  with  coldness 
and  contempt,*  but  enforced  in  the  most  earnest  manner  on 
the  French  king  the  prudence  and  even  necessity  of  yielding 
to  the  proffered  terms,  if  he  would  save  his  countiy  from  dis¬ 
memberment,  and  himself  from  ruin.  His  efforts,  however, 
to  bring  matters  to  an  accommodation  with  F ranee  proved  in¬ 
effectual,  and,  after  some  weeks  spent  in  proposals  and  counter¬ 
proposals,  the  ultimatum  of  the  allies  was  finally  delivered  to 
the  French  plenipotentiary  by  the  Pensionary  of  Holland.! 

By  this  ultimatum,  Charles  was  to  be  acknowledged  King 
6.  of  Spain  and  the  Indies,  and  the  whole  Spanish 
of  tilt- am™,  monarchy  was  to  be  ceded  by  France.  All  the  con- 
jectedby6  quests  of  Louis  in  the  Low  Countries  were  to  be 
f  ranee.  given  up  ;  the  Duke  of  Anjou  was  to  surrender  Spain 
and  Sicily  in  two  months,  and  if  these  kingdoms  were  not 
then  delivered,  Louis  teas  to  concur  with  the  allies  for  his 
expulsion.  The  barrier  towns,  so  eagerly  coveted  by  the 
Dutch,  were  to  be  given  up  to  them.  Namur,  Menin,  Char¬ 
leroi,  Luxembourg,  Conde,  Tournay,  Maubeuge,  Nieuport, 

*  Mimoire  M.  de  Torcy,  ii.,  104-111. 

t  Swift’s  Conduct  of  the  Allies,  73.  Coxe,  iv„  395-115, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


213 


Fismes,  and  Ypres,  were  to  be  put  into  the  possession  of  the 
albes.  13 e  Torcy  objected  to  the  articles  regarding  the  cession 
of  the  whole  Spanish  monarchy  hi  two  months,  though  he  de¬ 
clared  his  willingness  to  go  to  Paris,  in  order  to  persuade  the 
French  monarch  to  comply  with  them,  and  actually  set  off 
for  that  purpose.  On  the  way  to  the  French  capital,  how¬ 
ever,  he  was  met  by  a  messenger  from  the  French  king,  who 
rejected  the  proposals.  “  If  I  must  continue  the  war,”  said 
Louis,  with  a  spirit  worthy  of  his  race,  “  it  is  better  to  contend 
with  my  enemies  than  my  own  family.”  So  firmly  had  it 
been  heheved,  both  at  the  Hague  and  in  London,  that  peace 
was  not  only  probable,  but  actuahy  concluded,  that  letters  of 
congratulation  poured  in  on  the  duke  from  ah  quarters,  cele¬ 
brating  his  dexterity  and  address  in  negotiation  not  less  than 
his  prowess  in  arms.  So  confident,  indeed,  was  Marlborough 
that  peace  would  be  concluded,  that  he  was  grievously  disap¬ 
pointed  by  the  rupture  of  the  negotiations  ;  and  never  ceased 
to  strive,  during  the  whole  summer,  to  smooth  away  difficul 
ties,  and  bring  the  allies  to  such  terms  as  the  French  king 
would  accept.  He  was  overruled,  however,  by  the  ministry 
at  home,  who  concluded  the  celebrated  barrier  treaty  with 
the  Dutch,  which  Marlborough  refused  to  sign,  and  which  was 
accordingly  signed  by  Townsend  alone,  without  his  concur¬ 
rence  !  And  it  is  now  decisively  proved  by  the  publication  of 
his  private  correspondence  with  Lord  Godolphin,  that  he  dis¬ 
approved  of  the  severe  articles  insisted  upon  by  the  allies  and 
his  own  cabinet ;  and  that  if  the  uncontrolled  management  of 
the  negotiation  had  been  committed  to  him,  it  wrould  have 
been  brought  to  a  favorable  issue  on  terms  highly  advantageous 
to  England,  and  which  would  have  prevented  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht  from  forming  a  stain  on  its  annals.* 

*  “I  have  as  much  mistrust  for  the  sincerity  of  France  as  any  body  living 
can  have  ;  but  I  will  own  to  you,  that  in  my  opinion,  if  France  had  delivered 
the  towns  promised  by  the  plenipotentiaries,  and  demolished  Dunkirk  and 
the  other  towns  mentioned,  they  must  have  been  at  our  discretion ;  so  that 
if  they  had  played  tricks,  so  much  the  worse  for  themselves.” — Marlbor¬ 
ough  to  Lord  Godolphin,  June  10,  1709.  Coxe,  iv.,  405. 


214 


THE  LIFE  OF 


The  rigorous  terms  demanded,  however,  by  the  allied  cab- 
7.  inets,  and  the  resolute  conduct  of  the  King  of  France 
ofLouifto*  in  rejecting  them,  had  an  important  effect  upon  the 
save  France.  waX)  an(j  caneff  for  more  vigorous  efforts  on  the 
part  of  the  confederates  than  they  had  yet  put  forth,  or  were 
even  now  disposed  to  make.  Louis  made  a  touching  appeal 
to  the  patriotic  spirit  of  Iris  people,  in  an  eloquent  circular 
which  he  addressed  to  the  prelates  and  nobles  of  his  realm. 
He  there  set  forth  the  great  sacrifices  which  he  had  offered  to 
make  to  secure  a  general  peace  ;  showed  how  willing  he  had 
been  to  divest  himself  of  all  his  conquests,  and  abandon  all 
his  dreams  of  ambition  ;  and  concluded  by  observing,  that  he 
was  now  compelled  to  continue  the,  contest,  because  the  allies 
insisted  upon  his  descending  to  the  humiliation  of  joining  his 
armies  to  theirs,  for  the  purpose  of  dispossessing  his  own  grand¬ 
son.  The  appeal  was  not  made  in  vain  to  the  spirit  of  a  gal- 
Lnt  nobility,  and  the  patriotism  of  a  brave  people.  It  kindled 
a  flame  of  general  enthusiasm  and  loyalty.  All  ranks  and 
parties  vied  with  each  other  in  contributing  their  property 
and  personal  service  for  the  maintenance  of  the  war  ;  and  the 
campaign  which  opened  under  such  disastrous  auspices,  was 
commenced  with  a  degree  of  energy  and  unanimity  on  the 
part  of  the  French  people  which  had  never  hitherto  been 
evinced  in  the  course  of  the  contest.*  As  afterward,  in  the 
wars  of  the  Revolution,  too,  the  misfortunes  of  the  state  tend¬ 
ed  to  the  increase  of  its  military  forces.  The  stoppage  of 
commerce,  and  shock  to  credit,  threw  numbers  out  of  employ¬ 
ment  ;  and  starving  multitudes  crowded  to  the  frontier,  to 
find  that  subsistence  amid  the  dangers  of  war  which  they 
could  no  longer  find  in  the  occupations  of  peace. f 

Skillfully  availing  themselves  of  this  burst  of  patriotic  fer- 
8-  vor,  the  ministers  of  Louis  were  enabled  to  open 

Forcesonboth 

sides  at  the  the  campaign  with  greater  forces  than  they  had 
campaign.  6  ever  collected  since  the  beginning  of  the  war.  The 
principal  effort  was  made  in  Flanders,  where  the  cliief  danger 
*  Coxe,  iv.,  401  t  Capefigue,  Histoirt  de  Louis  XIV.,  vi.,  42-46. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


215 


was  to  be  apprehended,  and  the  enemy’s  most  powerful  army 
and  greatest  general  were  to  he  faced.  Fifty-one  battalions 
and  forty-nine  squadrons  were  drawn  from  the  Rhine  to  Flan¬ 
ders  ;  and  this  large  re-enforcement,  joined  to  the  crowds  of 
recruits  which  the  public  distress  impelled  to  his  standards, 
enabled  the  renowned  Marshal  Villars,  who  had  received  the 
command  of  the  French,  to  take  the  field  at  the  head  of  one 
hundred  and  twelve  thousand  men.  With  this  imposing 
force,  he  took  a  position,  strong  both  by  nature  and  art,  ex¬ 
tending  from  Douay  to  the  Lye,  the  right  resting  on  the  canal 
of  Douay,  the  center  covered  by  the  village  of  La  Bassie,  the 
left  supported  by  Bethune  and  its  circumjacent  marshes.  The 
whole  line  was  strengthened  by  redoubts  and  partial  inunda¬ 
tions.  Never  at  any  former  period  had  France  sent  such  an 
army  into  the  field  ;  never  had  she  one  animated  with  so  en¬ 
thusiastic  and  gallant  a  spirit.  The  soldiers,  equally  with  the 
nobles,  were  aware  that  this  was  the  last  effort  for  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  France.  All  felt,  in  the  words  afterward  used  by 
Napoleon  at  Waterloo,  “that  the  moment  had  arrived  when 
it  behooved  every  Frenchman  to  conquer  or  die.” 

Aware  of  the  great  augmentation  of  the  enemy’s  force  whicli 
was  in  progress  in  Flanders,  seeing  clearly  that  it  9- 

x  a  .  .  Marlborough's 

was  there  that  the  vital  point  of  the  contest  was  efforts  to  obtain 
,  ,  „  .  an  augmenta- 

to  be,  and  not  less  convinced  ol  the  necessity  ol  tion  of  force  in 

re-enforcements  to  stem  the  progress  of  disaster  in  tries. 

Spain,  Marlborough  made  the  most  vigorous  efforts  to  obtain, 

both  from  the  British  government  and  the  allied  powers,  an 

increase  of  forces  for  carrying  on  the  war.  He  knew  well 

that  the  enemy  was  bringing  forth  his  last  reserve  ;  that  the 

ban  and  arriere-ban  of  France  was  in  the  field  ;  that  this  was 

their  final  effort ;  and  that  victory  in  this  protracted  struggle 

would  remain  with  the  party  in  war,  as  in  a  battle,  which 

could  throw  in  a  reserve,  to  which  the  enemy  had  nothing  at 

the  moment  to  oppose.  By  dint  of  vigorous  representations, 

and  by  still  having  the  majority  of  the  cabinet  and  House  of 

Commons  on  his  side,  though  in  a  minority  at  court,  he  sue- 


216 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ceeded  in  obtaining  a  re-enforcement  of  ten  thousand  men  to 
the  English  army ;  and  the  supplies  voted  for  the  ensuing 
year  reached  the  unprecedented,  and,  as  it  was  then  thought, 
enormous  amount  of  <£7, 000, 000  sterling.*  But  the  other 
powers  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  make  any  similar  addi¬ 
tions  to  their  contingents  :  and  so  little  was  the  British  gov¬ 
ernment  aware  of  the  necessity  of  augmenting  the  forces  at 
the  vital  point,  that  instead  of  making  any  addition  to  their 
troops  in  the  Netherlands,  they  proposed  to  withdraw  seven 
regiments  from  Antwerp,  and  send  them  to  Spain.  Marlbor¬ 
ough  expressed,  as  well  he  might,  the  utmost  uneasiness  at 
this  extravagant  proposal :  a  proposal  which  shows  what  so 
many  other  events  in  English  history  demonstrate,  how  igno¬ 
rant  its  government  in  general  is  of  the  first  principles  of  mil¬ 
itary  operations.* 

But  all  that  he  could  obtain  from  the  British  government 

*  Coxe,  iv.,  351. 

t  “  I  received  last  niglit  the  favor  of  yours  of  the  7th  of  January,  in  which 
you  continue  of  opinion  that  the  seven  regiments  at  Antwerp  should  be  sent 
to  England.  I  can  say  no  more  on  that  subject.  You  will  see  what  the  in¬ 
closed  letter  says  as  to  the  designs  of  France.  As  they  draw  their  troops 
from  all  parts  to  strengthen  their  army  in  this  country',  if  we,  at  the  same 
time,  are  to  be  obliged  to  leave  our  troops  where  they  can  not  be  of  much 
use,  there  can  he  no  doubt  but  at  length  my  Lord  Faversham  will  be  grat¬ 
ified  by  our  being  beaten,  for  so  great  a  superiority  will  undo  us.  X  am  of 
your  opinion,  that  one  reason  for  the  enemy  marching  their  troops  from  all 
parts  so  early  into  this  country  is  in  hope  they  may  incline  the  Dutch  to 
hearken  to  peace.” — Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  Brussels,  Feb.  7,  1710. 
Coxe,  iv.,  37-2.  Again:  “  I  know  not  what  you  may  reason  in  England,  but 
I  am  fully  persuaded  that  it  is  of  the  last  consequence  to  have  the  troops  of 
Wirtemberg  and  the  seven  regiments  serve  in  this  country  in  the  next  cam¬ 
paign  ;  for  with  those  all  the  troops  that  we  may  be  able  to  get  for  the  sum 
of  money  voted  by  Parliament  for  the  troops  of  augmentation,  will  fall  very 
much  short  of  the  number  of  men  the  enemy  will  have  in  this  country.  Is 
it  possible  that  men  of  good  sense,  and  that  mean  sincerely  well  to  the  com¬ 
mon  cause,  can  be  in  the  least  doubt,  that  if  the  enemy  make  their  greatest, 
indeed  their  only  effort  in  this  country',  we  must  do  the  same,  or  expect  to 
be  beaten  !  which  I  pray  Almighty  God  to  avert,  for  it  would  be  a  fatal  blow. 
If  any  orders  have  been  sent  for  the  march  of  these  seven  regiments,  I  do 
most  earnestly  beg  you  will  lay  before  her  majesty  and  the  lords  of  the  cab¬ 
inet  my  apprehensions.” — Marlborough  to  the  Lord  Treasurer,  Brussels, 
February  11,  1710.  Coxe,  iv.,  372. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


217 


was  a  promise  that  the  seven  battalions  should  he  10. 
retained  in  Flanders,  and  shoidd  not  he  removed  i^thVrc  par- 
at  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  in  the  Low  nSl' Theforces 
Countries.  At  the  same  time,  he  made  such  vig-  at  i113  disposal, 
orous  representations  to  the  Dutch  ministry  of  the  danger  of 
taking  the  field  with  an  inferior  force,  that  he  succeeded  in 
obtaining  a  re-enforcement  of  four  thousand  Wirtemberghers, 
in  their  pay,  who  were  to  be  drawn  from  the  Rhine.  Yet 
with  all  this  he  was  still  inferior  to  the  enemy  when  the  cam¬ 
paign  commenced  ;  and  hut  for  the  re-enforcements  thus  tar¬ 
dily  yielded  to  his  urgent  representations,  he  would  have  been 
so  much  so,  that  the  campaign,  so  far  from  leading  to  a  pros¬ 
perous  result,  would  in  all  probability  have  terminated  in 
nothing  but  disaster.*  At  length,  however,  Marlborough 
took  the  field  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand 
men  ;  and  although  his  force  was  composed  of  a  heterogeneous 
mixture  of  the  troops  of  different  nations,  yet,  like  the  colluvies 
omnium  gentium  which  followed  the  standards  of  Hannibal, 
it  was  held  together  by  the  firm  bond  of  military  success,  and 
inspired  with  that  unbounded  confidence  which  is  founded  on 
experience  of  the  resources  and  capacity  of  its  chief.  Events 
of  the  greatest  and  most  interesting  kind  could  not  but  be  an¬ 
ticipated,  from  the  contest  of  two  armies  of  such  magnitude, 
headed  by  such  leaders,  and  when  the  patriotic  ardor  of  the 
French  nation,  now  roused  to  the  uttermost,  was  matched 
against  the  military  strength  of  the  confederates,  matured  by 
a  series  of  victories  so  long  and  brilliant. f 

Though  relying  with  confidence  on  the  skill  and  intrepidity 
of  his  troops,  Marlborough,  according  to  his  usual  11. 
system,  resolved,  if  possible,  to  circumvent  the  measurestode- 
enemy  by  maneuvering,  so  as  to  reserve  his  hard  ceive  v  lllare‘ 
blows  for  the  time  when  success  was  to  be  won  in  no  other 
way.  His  design  was  to  begin  the  campaign  either  with  a 
general  battle  or  by  the  reduction  of  Tournay,  lying  on  the 
direct  road  from  Brussels  by  Mons  to  Paris,  which  would 
*  Coxe,  iv.,  371,  372  t  Ibid.,  i.,  5. 

T 


218 


THE  LIFE  OS’ 


break  through,  in  the  most  important  part,  the  barrier  for 
tresses.  To  prepare  for  either  event,  and  divert  the  enemy’s 
attention,  strong  demonstrations  were  made  against  Villars’s 
intrenched  position.  If  it  had  been  practicable,  he  would  have 
been  attacked ;  but  after  a  close  reconnoiter,  both  generals 
deemed  it  too  hazardous  an  enterprise,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
besiege  the  fortress.  On  the  23d  of  June,  the  right  under 
Eugene  crossed  the  lower  Dyle  below  Lille ;  while  the  left, 
with  which  were  the  whole  English  and  Dutch  contingents, 
crossed  the  upper  Dyle,  and  Marlborough  fixed  his  head-quar¬ 
ters  at  the  castle  of  Looz.  So  threatening  were  the  masses 
which  the  allies  now  accumulated  in  his  front,  that  Villars 
never  doubted  he  was  about  to  be  attacked ;  and,  in  conse¬ 
quence,  he  strengthened  his  position  to  the  utmost  of  his  power, 
called  in  all  his  detachments,  and  drew  considerable  re-en- 
forcements  from  the  garrisons  of  Tournay  and  the  other  for¬ 
tresses  in  his  vicinity. 

Having  thus  fixed  his  antagonist’s  attention,  and  concen- 

12.  trated  his  force  in  his  intrenched  lines  between  Douay 

And  lays  i  i  i  J 

siege  to  and  Bethune,  Marlborough  suddenly  moved  off  to  the 
27th  June,  left,  in  the  direction  of  Tournay.  This  was  done, 
however,  -with  every  imaginable  precaution  to  impose  upon  the 
enemy.  The  allied  army  decamped  at  nightfall  on  the  27th 
in  dead  silence,  and  advanced  part  of  the  night  straight  toward 
the  French  lines  ;  but  at  two  in  the  morning,  the  troops  were 
suddenly  halted,  wheeled  to  the  left,  and  marched  in  two  col¬ 
umns,  by  Pont  a  Bovines  and  Pont  a  Tressins,  toward  Tour¬ 
nay.  So  expeditiously  was  the  change  in  the  line  of  march 
managed,  and  so  complete  the  surprise,  that  by  seven  in  the 
morning  the  troops  were  drawn  round  Tournay,  and  the  in¬ 
vestment  complete,  while  half  of  the  garrison  being  absent  in 
the  lines  of  Marshal  Villars,  it  was  thereby  rendered  incapable 
of  making  any  effectual  defense.  Meanwhile,  that  commander 
was  so  deceived,  that  he  was  congratulating  himself  that  the 
enemy  had  “  fixed  on  the  siege  of  Tournay,  winch  should  oc¬ 
cupy  them  the  whole  remainder  of  the  campaign,  when  it  is 


MARLBOROUGH. 


219 


evident  their  design  had  been,  after  defeating  me,  to  thunder 
against  Aire  la  Venant  with  their  heavy  artillery,  penetrate 
as  far  as  Boulogne,  and,  after  laying  all  Picardy  under  contri¬ 
bution,  push  on  even  to  Paris.”* 

Tournay  is  an  old  town,  the  ancient  walls  of  which  are  of 
wide  circuit ;  but  it  had  a  series  of  advanced  works  13. 

Description 

erected  by  Vauban,  and  its  citadel,  a  regular  pent  a-  of  Tournay. 
gon,  was  considered  by  the  great  Conde  as  one  of  the  most 
perfect  specimens  of  modem  fortification  in  existence.  So  little 
did  the  governor  expect  their  approach,  that  many  of  the  of¬ 
ficers  were  absent,  and  a  detachment  of  the  garrison,  sent  out 
to  forage,  were  made  prisoners  by  General  Lumlcy,  who  com¬ 
manded  the  investing  corps.  The  fortifications,  however, 
were  in  the  best  state,  and  the  magazines  well  stored  with 
ammunition  and  military  stores.  It  was  the  ancient  capital 
of  the  Nervii,  so  celebrated  for  their  valor  in  the  wars  with 
Caisar ;  *and  an  inscription  on  its  walls  testified  that  Louis 
XIV.,  after  taking  it  in  four  days,  had  assisted  in  the  con¬ 
struction  of  additional  works  which  it  was  supposed  would 
render  it  impregnable.  The  attempt  to  take  such  a  place 
with  a  force  no  greater  than  that  which  Villars  had  at  hand 
to  interrupt  the  operations,  would  have  been  an  enterprise  of 
the  utmost  temerity,  and  probably  terminated  in  disaster,  had 
it  not  been  for  the  admirable  skill  with  which  the  attention 
of  the  enemy  had  been  fixed  on  another  quarter,  and  the  siege 
commenced  with  one  half  of  its  garrison  absent,  and  the  other 
imperfectly  supplied  with  provisions.! 

The  heavy  artillery  and  siege  equipage  required  to  be 
brought  up  the  Scheldt  from  Ghent,  which  in  the  M. 

1  •  i  ii-i  •  -it,  Sief?e  and 

outset  occasioned  some  delay  m  the  operations.  Marl-  captured 
borough- commanded  the  attacking,  Eugene  the  cov-  29th  July! 
ering  forces.  By  the  6th  of  July,  however,  the  approaches 
were  commenced;  on  the  10th  the  battering  train  arrived, 

*  M(m.  dc  Villars,  ii.,  G3.  Marlborough  to  Godolpliin,  June  27,  1709. 
Coxe,  iv.,  5,  6. 

t  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle,  27th  of  June,  1709.  Disp.,  iv.. 
520  Coxe,  v.,  7,  8. 


220 


THE  LIFE  OF 


and  the  trenches  were  armed ;  repeated  sallies  of  the  enemy 
to  interrupt  the  operations  were  repulsed,  and  several  of  the 
outworks  were  carried  between  that  time  and  the  21st,  on 
which  last  occasion  the  besiegers  succeeded  in  establishing 
themselves  in  the  covered  ways.  The  breaching  batteries 
continued  to  thunder  with  terrible  effect  upon  the  walls  ;  and 
on  the  27  th,  a  strong  horn- work,  called  the  Seven  Fountains, 
was  carried,  and  the  allies  were  masters  of  nearly  the  whole 
line  of  the  counterscarp.  Meanwhile,  Villars  made  no  seri¬ 
ous  movement  to  interrupt  the  besiegers,  contenting  himself 
with  making  demonstrations  between  the  Scarpe  and  the 
Scheldt  to  alarm  the  covering  forces.  Eugene,  however, 
narrowly  watched  all  his  proceedings ;  and,  in  truth,  the 
French  marshal,  far  from  really  intending  to  disquiet  the  allies 
iu  their  operations,  was  busied  with  an  immense  army  of  pi¬ 
oneers  and  laborers  in  constructing  a  new  set  of  lines  from 
Douay  along  the  Scarpe  to  the  Scheldt  near  Conde,  hi  order 
to  arrest  their  progress  in  the  direction  they  had  now  taken. 
Seeing  no  prospect  of  being  relieved,  the  governor,  on  the  29  th, 
surrendered  the  town,  and  retired  with  the  remains  of  the 
garrison,  still  four  thousand  strong,  into  the  citadel.* 

On  the  surrender  of  the  town,  no  time  was  lost  in  prosecu- 
15.  ting  operations  against  the  citadel,  and  the  line  of 
citadel  and  circumvallation  was  traced  out  that  very  evening. 
chances.rdte  But  this  undertaking  proved  more  difficult  than  had 
been  expected,  and  several  weeks  elapsed  before  any  material 

*  Marlborough  to  Lord  Galway,  4th  of  July,  1709  ;  and  to  the  Queen,  29th 
of  July,  1709.  Disp.,  iv.,  530  aud  556.  Coxe,  v.,  8-13.  Marlborough’s  pri¬ 
vate  letters  to  the  duchess  at  this  period,  as,  indeed,  throughout  all  his  cam¬ 
paigns,  prove  how  tired  he  was  of  the  war,  and  how  ardently  he  sighed  for 
repose  at  Blenheim.  "The  taking  of  the  citadel  of  Toumay  will,  I  fear, 
cost  us  more  men  aud  time  than  that  of  the  town ;  but  that  which  gives  me 
the  greatest  prospect  for  the  happiness  of  being  with  you  is,  that  certainly 
the  misery  of  France  increases,  which  must  bring  us  a  peace.  The  misery 
of  the  poor  people  we  see  is  such,  that  one  must  be  a  brute  not  to  pity 
them.  May  you  be  ever  happy,  and  I  enjoy  some  few  years  of  quiet  with 
you,  is  what  I  daily  pray  for.” — Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  July  30,  1709 
Coxe,  v.,  12. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


221 


progress  was  made  in  the  operations,  during  which  Villars 
made  good  use  of  his  time  in  completing  his  new  lines  to  cover 
Valenciennes  and  Conde.  The  garrison  of  the  citadel,  though 
unequal  to  the  defense  of  the  town  of  Toumay,  was  quite  ad¬ 
equate  to  that  of  the  citadel ;  and  the  vast  mines  with  which 
the  whole  outworks  and  glacis  were  perforated,  rendered  the 
approaches  in  the  highest  degree  perilous  and  difficult.  The 
governor,  M.  De  Surville,  proposed,  on  the  5th  of  August,  to 
capitulate  in  a  month  if  not  relieved  ;  and  to  this  proposition 
Marlborough  and  Eugene,  with  praiseworthy  humanity,  at 
once  agreed;  hut  the  King  of  France  refused  to  ratify  the 
terms  proposed,  unless  the  suspension  of  arms  was  made  gen¬ 
eral  to  the  whole  Netherlands,  to  which  the  allied  general 
would  not  accede.  The  military  operations  consequently 
went  on,  and  soon  acquired  a  degree  of  horror  hitherto  unpar¬ 
alleled  even  in  that  long  and  bloody  contest. 

The  art  of  countermining,  and  of  counteracting  the  danger 
of  mines  exploding,  was  then  very  imperfectly  un-  16. 

i  ill,  -  ,  .  /  f  J  Alarms  of  the 

uerstood,  though  that  ol  besieging  above  ground  troops  at  the 

had  been  brought  to  the  very  highest  degree  of  per-  warfare, 
fection.  The  soldiers,  in  consequence,  entertained  a  great  and 
almost  superstitious  dread  of  the  perils  of  that  subterraneous 
warfare,  where  prowess  and  courage  were  alike  unavailing, 
and  the  bravest,  equally  with  the  most  pusillanimous,  were 
liable  to  he  at  any  moment  blown  into  the  air,  or  smothered 
under  ground,  by  the  explosions  of  an  unseen,  and,  therefore, 
appalling  enemy.  The  allies  were  inferior  in  regular  sappers 
and  miners  to  the  besieged,  who  were  singularly  well  supplied 
with  that  important  arm  of  the  service.  The  ordinary  sol¬ 
diers,  how  brave  soever  hi  the  held,  evinced  a  repugnance  at 
engaging  in  this  novel  and  terrihe  species  of  warfare  ;  and  it 
was  only  by  the  officers  personally  visiting  the  trenches  hi  the 
very  hottest  of  the  lire,  and  offering  high  rewards  to  the  sol¬ 
diers  who  would  enter  hito  the  mhies,  that  men  could  be  got 
to  venture  on  the  perilous  service.* 

*  Dumont’s  Military  History,  ii.,  104.  Coxe,  v.,  15,  16. 

T  2 


222 


THE  LIFE  OF 


It  was  not  surprising  that  even  the  bravest  of  the  allied 
!7  troops  were  appalled  at  the  new  and  extraordina- 
rors,'  August  H  dangers  which  now  awaited  them,  for  they  were 
truly  of  the  most  formidable  description.  What 
rendered  them  peculiarly  so  was,  that  the  perils  in  a  peculiar 
maimer  affected  the  hold  and  the  forward.  The  first  to 
mount  a  breach,  to  effect  a  lodgment  in  a  horn-work,  to  pene¬ 
trate  into  a  mine,  was  sure  to  perish.  First  a  hollow,  rum¬ 
bling  noise  was  heard,  which  froze  the  bravest  hearts  with 
horror  ;  a  violent  rush  as  of  a  subterraneous  cataract  succeed¬ 
ed  ;  and  immediately  the  earth  heaved,  and  whole  companies, 
and  even  battalions,  were  destroyed  in  a  frightful  explosion. 
On  the  15th  of  August  a  sally  by  M.  De  Surville  was  brave¬ 
ly  repulsed,  and  the  besiegers,  pursuing  their  advantage,  effect¬ 
ed  a  lodgment  in  the  outwork  ;  but  immediately  a  mine  was 
sprung,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  blown  into  the  air. 
In  the  night  between  the  16th  and  17th,  a  long  and  furious 
conflict  took  place  below  ground  and  in  utter  darkness,  be¬ 
tween  the  contending  parties,  which  at  length  terminated  to 
the  advantage  of  the  besiegers.*  On  the  23d  a  mine  was 
discovered,  sixty  feet  long  by  twenty  broad,  which  would  have 
blown  up  a  wdrole  battalion  of  Hanoverian  troops  placed  above 
it ;  but  while  the  allies  were  in  the  mine,  congratulating 
themselves  on  the  discovery,  a  mine  below  it  was  suddenly 
sprang,  and  all  within  the  upper  one  w'ere  buried  in  the  ru¬ 
ms.  On  the  night  of  the  25th,  three  hundred  men,  posted  in 

*  A  very  striking  incident  occurred  in  the  siege,  which  shows  to  what  a 
height  the  heroic  spurt  with  which  the  troops  were  animated  had  risen. 
An  officer  commanding  a  detachment  was  sent  by  Lord  Albemarle  to  occu 
py  a  certain  lunette  which  had  been  captured  from  the  enemy  ;  and  though 
it  was  concealed  from  the  men,  the  commander  told  the  officer  he  had 
every  reason  to  believe  the  post  was  undermined,  and  that  the  party  would 
be  blown  up.  Knowing  this,  he  proceeded  with  perfect  calmness  to  the 
place  of  his  destination  ;  and  when  provisions  and  wine  were  served  out  to 
the  men,  he  desired  them  to  fill  their  calashes,  and  said,  “Here  is  a  health 
to  those  who  die  the  death  of  the  brave.”  The  mine  was  immediately  after 
sprung ;  but,  fortunately,  the  explosion  failed,  and  his  comrades  survived  to 
relate  their  commander’s  noble  conduct. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


223 


a  large  mine  discovered  to  the  allies  by  an  iidiabitant  of  Tour- 
nay,  were  crushed  in  a  similar  maimer  by  the  explosion  of  an¬ 
other  mine  directly  below  ;  and  on  the  same  night,  one  hund¬ 
red  men  posted  hi  the  town  ditch  were  suddenly  buried  under 
a  bastion  blown  out  upon  them. 

Great  was  the  dismay  which  these  dreadful  and  unheard- 
of  disasters  produeed  among  the  allied  troops.  But  ig. 
at  length  the  resolution  and  energy  of  Marlbor-  at  length  tak* 
ough  and  Eugene  triumphed  over  every  obstacle.  en’  Sept  3‘ 
Early  on  the  morning  of  the  31st  of  August,  the  white  flag 
was  displayed,  and  a  conference  took  place  between  the  two 
commanders  in  the  house  of  the  Earl  of  Albemarle  ;  but  the 
governor  having  refused  to  accede  to  the  terms  demanded — 
that  the  garrison  should  surrender  as  prisoners  of  war — the 
fire  recommenced,  and  a  tremendous  discharge  from  all  the 
batteries  took  place  for  the  next  three  days.  This  compelled 
the  brave  Do  Surville  to  submit ;  and  Marlborough,  in  con¬ 
sideration  of  Ills  gallant  defense,  permitted  the  garrison  to 
march  out  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  return  to  France,  on 
condition  of  not  serving  again  till  they  were  exchanged.  On 
the  3d  of  September  the  gates  were  surrendered,  and  the  en¬ 
tire  command  of  this  strong  fortress  and  rich  city,  which  en¬ 
tirely  covered  Spanish  Flanders,  was  gained  by  the  aides.* 

No  sooner  was  Toumay  taken  than  the  allied  generals 

turned  tlieir  eyes  to  Mons,  the  next  great  for-  i9- 

.  .  Vigorous  move- 

tl’ess  on  the  road  to  Pans,  and  which,  with  Va-  ments  of  Mari- 
.  -iii  •  •  borough  toward 

lcnciennes,  constituted  the  only  remaining  strong-  Mons. 
holds  that  lay  on  that  hue  between  them  and  Paris.  So 
i.nxious  was  Marlborough  to  hasten  operations  against  this 
important  town,  that  on  the  very  day  on  which  the  white  flag 
was  displayed  from  the  citadel  of  Toumay,  he  dispatched 
Lord  Orkney  with  all  the  grenadiers  of  the  army,  and  twen¬ 
ty  squadrons,  to  surprise  Ghislam,  and  secure  the  passage  of 

*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle,  31st  of  August  and  3d  of  Sep 
tember,  1709.  Disp.,  iv.,  585-588.  Coxe,  v.,  14-18.  Dumont's  Military 
History,  ii.,  103. 


224 


THE  LIFE  OF 


the  Haine.  On  the  3d,  the  Prince  of  Hesse-Cassel  was  dis¬ 
patched  after  him  with  four  thousand  foot  and  sixty  squadrons. 
Lord  Orkney,  on  arriving  on  the  banks  of  the  Haine,  found 
the  passage  so  strongly  guarded  that  he  did  not  deem  it  pru¬ 
dent  to  alarm  the  enemy  by  attempting  to  force  it.  The 
Prince  of  Hesse-Cassel,  however,  was  more  fortunate.  He 
marched  Math  such  extraordinary  diligence,  that  he  got  over 
forty-nine  English  miles  in  fifty-six  successive  hours  ;  a  rapid¬ 
ity  of  advance,  for  such  a  distance,  that  had  never  been  pre¬ 
viously  surpassed,  though  it  has  been  outdone  in  later  times.* 
By  this  means  he  reached  the  Haine  on  the  other  side  of 
Mons,  and  surprised  the  passage  near  Obourg,  at  two  in  the 
morning  of  the  6th,  and  at  noon  entered  the  French  hues  of 
the  Trouble  without  opposition,  the  enemy  retiring  with  pre¬ 
cipitation  as  he  advanced.  He  immediately  extended  his 
■forces  over  the  valley  of  the  Trouble,  fixed  his  head-quarters 
at  the  abbey  of  Behan,  and  with  his  right  occupied  in  strength 
the  important  plateau  of  Jemappes,  which  intercepted  the 
communication  between  Mons  and  Valenciennes.  It  was  on 
this  height  that  the  famous  battle  was  fought  with  the  French 
Republicans  under  Dumourier  in  1792  :  another  proof,  among 
the  many  winch  history  affords,  how  frequently  the  crisis  of 
war,  at  long  distances  of  time  from  each  other,  takes  place  in 
the  same  vicinity.  By  this  decisive  movement,  Marlborough 
gained  an  immense  advantage  ;  Mons  was  now  passed  and 
invested  on  the  side  of  France;  and  the  formidable  lures, 
thirty  leagues  in  length,  on  which  Marshal  Villars  had  been 
laboring  with  such  assiduity  during  the  two  preceding  months, 
were  turned,  and  made  of  no  avail.! 

While  the  Prince  of  Hesse-Cassel,  with  the  advanced  guard 
of  the  army,  gained  this  brilliant  success,  Marlborough  wras 
rapidly  following  with  the  main  body  in  the  same  direction. 

*  Mackenzie’s  brigade,  which  joined  W ellington’s  army  after  the  battle  of 
Talavera,  marched  sixty-two  English  miles  in  twenty-six  hours. — Napier, 
ii.,  412. 

t  Coxe,  v.,  20-25.  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle,  7th  of  Septem¬ 
ber,  1709.  Disp.,  iv„  590. 


MARL  BO  ROUGH. 


225 


The  force  besieging  Tournay  crossed,  the  Scheldt  20. 
at  the  bridge  of  that  town,  and  joined  the  covering  lars’s  lines,  and 
force  under  Eugene.  From  thence  they  advanced  fhemMi'i een 
to  Sirant,  where  they  were  joined  by  Lord  Orkney  France- 
with  his  detachment,  which  had  failed  in  passing  the  Haine. 
On  the  6th,  having  learned  the  success  of  the  Prince  of  Hesse- 
Cassel  in  turning  the  enemy’s  lines,  and  getting  between  Mons 
and  France,  the  allied  generals  pushed  on  with  the  utmost  ex¬ 
pedition,  and  leaving  their  army  to  form  the  investment  of 
Mons,  joined  the  prince  in  the  abbey  of  Belian.  Both  com¬ 
manders  complimented  his  royal  highness  highly  on  the  ad¬ 
vantages  he  had  gained;  but  he  replied,  “  The  French  have 
deprived  mo  of  the  glory  due  to  such  a  compliment,  since  they 
have  not  even  waited  my  arrival.”  In  truth,  such  had  been 
the  celerity  and  skill  of  his  dispositions,  that  they  had  render¬ 
ed  resistance  hopeless,  and  achieved  success  without  the  neces¬ 
sity  of  striking  a  blow.  Meanwhile,  Marshal  Boufflers,  hear¬ 
ing  a  battle  was  imminent,  arrived  in  the  camp  as  a  volunteer, 
to  serve  under  Villars,  his  junior  in  military  service  ;  a  noble  ex¬ 
ample  of  disinterested  patriotism,  which,  not  less  than  the  just¬ 
ly  popular  character  of  that  distinguished  general,  raised  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  French  soldiers  to  the  very  highest  pitch.* 
Every  thing  announced  a  more  important  and  sanguinary  con¬ 
flict  between  the  renowned  commanders  and  gallant  armies 
now  arrayed  on  the  opposite  sides  than  had  yet  taken  place 
since  the  commencement  of  the  war.f 

During  those  rapid  and  vigorous  movements,  which  entirely 
turned  and  broke  through  his  much-vaunted  lines  21. 

.  ,  Concentration 

of  defense,  Villars  remained  with  the  great  body  of  the  allied 

.  .  .  °  •'and  Villars’s 

of  Ins  forces  in  a  state  of  inactivity.  Aware  that  army.TthSept. 

*  A  similar  incident  occurred  in  the  British  service  when  Sir  Henry,  now 
Lord  Hardinge,  and  Governor-general  of  India,  served  as  second  in  command 
to  Sir  Hugh  Gough,  his  senior  in  military  rank,  but  subordinate  in  station, 
at  the  glorious  battles  of  Ferozepore  and  Sobraon,  with  the  Sikhs.  How 
identical  is  the  noble  and  heroic  spirit  in  all  ages  and  countries  !  It  forms 
a  freemasonry  throughout  the  world. 

t  Coxe,  v.,  24,  25.  Disp.,  iv.,  588-595. 


226 


THE  LIFE  OF 


he  was  to  he  attacked,  hut  ignorant  where  the  blow  was  likely 
to  fall  first,  he  judged,  and  perhaps  rightly,  that  it  would  he 
hazardous  to  weaken  his  fines  at  any  one  point  by  accumulat¬ 
ing  forces  at  another.  No  sooner,  however,  did  he  receive  in¬ 
telligence  of  the  march  of  the  Prince  of  Hesse-Cassel,  than  he 
broke  up  from  the  lines  of  Douay,  and,  hastily  collecting  his 
forces,  advanced  toward  that  adventurous  commander.  At 
two  in  the  morning  of  the  4th,  Ins  cavalry  approached  the 
front  of  the  prince’s  position  ;  hut,  conceiving  the  whole  allied 
army  was  before  him,  he  did  not  venture  to  make  an  attack 
at  a  time  when  his  great  superiority  of  force  would  have  en¬ 
abled  him  to  do  it  with  every  chance  of  success.  The  move¬ 
ment  of  Villars,  however,  and  the  general  feu-de-joie  which 
resounded  through  the  French  lines  on  the  arrival  of  Marshal 
Boufflers,  warned  the  allied  leaders  that  a  general  battle  was 
at  hand,  and  orders  were  in  consequence  given  to  the  whole 
army  to  advance  at  four  o’clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  7th. 
A  detachment  of  Eugene’s  troops  was  left  to  watch  Mons,  the 
garrison  of  which  consisted  only  of  eleven  weak  battalions  and 
a  regiment  of  horse,  not  mustering  above  five  thousand  com¬ 
batants  ;  and  the  whole  remainder  of  the  allied  army,  ninety 
thousand  strong,  pressed  forward  in  dense  masses  into  the  level 
and  marshy  plain  in  the  middle  of  which  Mons  is  situated. 
They  advanced  in  different  columns,  headed  by  Marlborough 
and  Eugene ;  and  never  was  a  more  magnificent  spectacle 
presented  than  when  the  troops,  consisting  of  cavalry,  artille¬ 
ry,  and  infantry,  defiled  in  the  finest  order  from  the  woods  into 
the  plain,  and  ascended  the  undulating  ground  which  lies  to 
the  south  of  that  town.  They  arrived  at  night,  and  bivou¬ 
acked  in  a  line  stretching  along  the  heights  of  Quaregnon,  near 
Genly,  to  the  village  of  Quevy,  about  three  miles  in  length, 
and  only  five  distant  from  the  enemy ;  so  that  it  was  evident 
that  a  general  battle  would  take  place  on  the  following  day, 
unless  Villars  was  prepared  to  abandon  Mons  to  its  fate.* 

*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle,  7th  and  11th  of  September,  1709. 
Disp.,  iv.,  591,  592.  Coxe,  v.,  25,  26. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


227 


The  French  marshal,  however,  had  no  intention  of  declin¬ 
ing  the  combat.  His  army  was  entirely  fresh,  and  22. 

.  ,  .  2  1  J  .  Composition 

in  the  finest  order  ;  it  had  engaged  in  no  previous  and  strength 
.  .  ii  of  the  French 

operations  ;  whereas  a  bloody  siege,  and  subsequent  army. 

fatiguing  marches  in  had  weather,  had  sensibly  weakened  the 
strength,  though  they  had  not  depressed  the  spirits,  of  the 
allied  soldiers.  The  vast  efforts  of  the  French  government, 
joined  to  the  multitude  of  recruits  which  the  public  distress 
had  impelled  into  the  army,  had  in  an  extraordinary  degree 
strengthened  its  ranks.  After  making  provision  for  all  the 
garrisons  and  detached  posts  with  which  he  was  charged,  Vil- 
lars  could  bring  into  the  field  no  less  than  one  hundred  and 
thirty  battalions  and  two  hundred  and  sixty  squadrons,  and 
all  raised  to  their  full  complement,  mustering  sixty-five  thou¬ 
sand  infantry  and  twenty-six  thousand  horse,  with  eighty  guns  ; 
in  all,  witli  the  artillery,  ninety-five  thousand  combatants. 
This  vast  array  had  the  advantages  of  being  almost  entirely 
of  one  nation,  speaking  one  language,  and  animated  by  one 
spirit ;  while  the  allied  force  was  a  motley  assemblage  of  many 
different  races  and  nations  of  men,  held  together  only  by  the 
strong  tie  of  military  success  and  confidence  in  their  generals. 
Both  armies  were  of  nearly  equal  strength  ;  they  were  under 
the  command  of  the  ablest  and  most  intrepid  commanders  of 
their  day  ;  the  soldiers  of  both  had  long  acted  together,  and 
acquired  confidence  in  each  other ;  and  each  contained  that 
intermixture  of  the  fire  of  young,  with  the  caution  of  veteran 
troops,  which  affords  the  happiest  augury  of  military  success. 
It  was  hard  to  predict,  between  such  antagonists,  to  which 
side  the  scales  of  victory  would  incline.* 

The  face  of  the  country  occupied  by  the  French  army,  soon 


*  Mini.  M.  de  Villars,  ii.,  167-184.  Coxe,  v.,  26-28. 
The  relative  force  of  the  two  armies  was  as  follows : 


Allies. 

Battalions 
Squadrons 
Gnns  .  . 


Men. 


.  139  ) 
.  252  5 
.  105. 


93,000. 


French  and  Bavarians.  Men. 

Battalions  .  .  130  ) 
Squadrons  .  .  260  )  95'000- 
Guns  ....  80. 


Kausler,  769. 


228 


THE  LIFE  OF 


23  to  lie  the  theater  of  the  great  battle  which  was  ap- 
ofthe  Held  of  preaching,  is  an  irregular  plateau,  interspersed  by 
battle.  woods,  intersected  by  streams,  and  elevated  from  a 
hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  feet  above  the  meadows  of 
the  Trouille.  Mons  and  Bavay,  the  villages  of  Quevrain  and 
Giory,  formed  the  angular  points  of  this  broken  surface.  Ex¬ 
tensive  woods  on  all  the  principal  eminences  gave  diversity 
and  beauty  to  the  landscape,  and,  in  a  military  point  of  view, 
added  much  to  the  strength  of  the  position  as  defensible  ground 
against  an  enemy.  Near  Malplaquet,  on  the  west  of  the 
ridge,  is  a  small  heath,  and  immediately  to  the  south  of  it  the 
ground  descends  by  a  rapid  slope  to  the  Hon,  which  finds  its 
way  to  the  Trouille,  which  it  joins  near  Conde,  by  a  circuit¬ 
ous  route  in  the  rear  of  the  French  position.  The  streams 
from  Malplaquet  to  the  northward  all  flow  by  a  gentle  slope 
through  steep  wooded  banks  to  the  Trouille,  into  which  they 
fall  near  Mons.  The  woods  on  the  plateau  are  the  remains 
of  a  great  natural  forest  which  had  formerly  covered  the 
whole  of  these  uplands,  and  out  of  which  the  clearings  round 
the  villages  and  hamlets  which  now  exist  have  been  cut  by 
the  hands  of  laborious  industry.  Two  woods  near  the  sum¬ 
mit  level  of  the  ground  are  of  great  extent,  and  deserve  par¬ 
ticular  notice.  The  first,  called  the  wood  of  Louviere,  stretch¬ 
es  from  Longueville  in  a  northeasterly  direction  to  Cauchie ; 
the  second,  named  the  wood  Taisniere,  of  still  larger  size,  ex¬ 
tends  from  the  Chaussee  de  Bois  to  the  village  of  Bouson. 
Between  these  woods  are  two  openings,  or  Trouees,  as  they 
are  called  in  the  country — the  Trouee  de  la  Louviere,  and 
the  Trouee  d’Aulnoet.  Generally  speaking,  the  ground  occu¬ 
pied  by  the  French,  and  which  was  to  be  the  theater  of  the 
battle,  may  be  described  as  a  rough  and  woody  natural  bar¬ 
rier,  stretching  across  the  high  plateau  which  separates  the 
Haine  and  the  Trouille,  and  pervious  only  by  the  two  open¬ 
ings  of  Louviere  and  Aulnoet,  both  of  which  were  in  a  very 
great  degree  susceptible  of  defense.* 

*  Coxe,  v.,  29,  30.  The  author  has  passed  over  the  ground,  and  can  at¬ 
test  the  noon  racy  of  the  description  here  given. 


I.  RS  ,  NEW  YORK. 


jRn  c  .  Vv’ W!  Kemble . 


MARLBOROUGH. 


229 


The  allied  army  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine 
battalions  and  two  hundred  and  fifty-two  squad-  24. 

J  ,  Noble  force 

rons,  with  one  hundred  and  five  guns,  mustering  ou  both  sides, 
ninety-three  thousand  combatants.  The  two  armies,  there¬ 
fore,  were  as  nearly  as  possible  equal  in  point  of  military 
strength,  a  slight  numerical  superiority  on  the  part  of  the 
French  being  compensated  by  a  superiority  of  twenty-five  guns 
ou  that  of  the  allies.  Among  the  French  nobles  present  at 
the  battle  were  no  less  than  twelve  who  were  afterward  mar¬ 
shals  of  France.*  The  son  of  James  II.,  under  the  name  of 
the  Chevalier  de  St.  George,  who  combined  the  graces  of  youth 
with  the  hereditary  valor  of  his  race,  was  there  ;  St.  Hilaire 
and  Folard,  whose  works  afterward  threw  such  light  on  mili¬ 
tary  science,  were  to  be  found  in  its  ranks.  The  Garde-du- 
corps,  Mousquctaires  gris,  Grenadiers  a  cheval,  French,  Swiss, 
and  Bavarian  guards,  as  well  as  the  Irish  brigade,  stood  among 
the  combatants.  The  Montmorencies  were  there,  and  the  De 
Guiches,  the  De  Grammonts,  and  De  Coignys.  The  reverses 
of  Louis  had  called  forth  the  flower  of  the  nobility,  as  well  as 
the  last  reserves  of  the  monarchy.! 

Early  ou  the  morning  of  the  9th,  Marlborough  and  Eugene 
were  on  the  look-out  at  the  Mill  of  Sart,  with  25. 

Preparatory 

a  strong  escort,  consisting  ol  thirty  squadrons  ol  movements  on 

.  both  sides,  and 

horse,  krona  the  reports  brought  in,  it  was  soon  interference  of 
ascertained  that  the  whole  forces  of  the  French  utie?.Ut  l  d 
were  marching  toward  the  plain  of  Malplaquet,  on  the  west 
of  the  plateau,  and  that  Villars  himself  was  occupying  the 
woods  of  Lasniero  and  Taisniere.  His  head-quarters  were  at 
Blaugnics,  in  the  rear  of  the  center.  The  two  armies  were 
now  only  a  league  and  a  half  separate,  and  Marlborough  and 
Eugene  were  clear  for  immediately  attacking  the  enemy,  be¬ 
fore  they  could  add  to  the  natural  strength  of  their  position  by 

*  Viz.,  Artagnan,  Marechal  de  Montesquieu;  De  Guiche,  Marshal  do 
Grammont;  Puysegur,  Montmorenci,  Coigny,  Broglio,  Chaulnes,  Nangis, 
Isenghien,  Duras,  Houdancourt,  and  Sanneterre.  The  monarchy  never  sent 
fortli  a  nobler  array. 

t  Coxe,  v.,  32.  M6m.  M.  de  Villars,  ii.,  280. 

u 


230 


THE  LIFE  OF 


mtrenchments.  But  the  Dutch  deputies,  Hooft  and  Goslinga, 
interfered,  as  they  had  done  on  a  similar  occasion  between 
Wavre  and  Waterloo,  and  so  far  modified  this  resolution  as 
to  induce  a  council  of  war,  summoned  on  the  occasion,  to  de¬ 
termine  not  to  fight  till  the  troops  from  Tournay  were  within 
reach,  and  St.  Ghislain,  which  commanded  a  passage  over  the 
Haine,  was  taken.  This  was  done  next  day,  the  fort  being 
carried  by  escalade,  and  its  garrison  of  two  hundred  men  made 
prisoners  ;  and  on  the  day  following,'  all  the  reserves  from 
Tournay  came  up.  But  these  advantages,  which  in  them¬ 
selves  were  not  inconsiderable,  were  dearly  purchased  by  the 
time  which  Villars  gamed  for  strengthening  his  position.  In¬ 
stead  of  pushing  on  to  attack  the  allies,  as  Marlborough  and  Eu¬ 
gene  had  expected,  in  order  to  raise  the  siege  of  Mons,  that  able 
commander  employed  himself  with  the  utmost  skill  and  vigor 
in  throwing  up  intrenchments  in  every  part  of  his  position. 

The  nature  of  the  ground  singularly  favored  Iris  efforts. 

sc.  The  heights  he  occupied,  plentifully  interspersed 
Villars  fortifies  °  .  r  J  r 

his  position,  with  woods  and  eminences,  formed  a  concave  semi¬ 
circle,  the  artillery  from  which  enfiladed  on  all  sides  the  little 
plain  of  Malplaquet,  so  as  to  render  it  literally,  in  Dumont’s 
words,  “  une  trouee  d’enfer.”  Around  this  semicircle,  re¬ 
doubts,  palisades,  abattis,  and  stockades  were  disposed  with 
such  skill  and  judgment,  that,  literally  speaking,  there  was 
not  a  single  inequality  of  ground  (and  there  were  many)  which 
was  not  turned  to  good  account.  The  two  trouees  or  open¬ 
ings,  in  particular,  already  mentioned,  by  which  it  was  fore¬ 
seen  the  allies  would  endeavor  to  force  an  entrance,  were  so 
enfiladed  by  cross  batteries  as  to  be  wellnigh  unassailable. 
Twenty  pieces  of  artillery  were  placed  on  a  redoubt  situated 
on  an  eminence  near  the  center  of  the  field ;  the  remainder 
were  arranged  along  the  field-works,  constructed  along  the 
lines.  Half  the  army  labored  at  these  works  without  a  mo¬ 
ment’s  intermission  during  the  whole  of  the  9th  and  10th, 
wdiile  the  other  wrere  under  arms,  ready  to  repel  any  attack 
which  might  be  hazarded.  With  such  vigor  were  the  opera- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


231 


lions  conducted,  that  by  the  night  of  the  10th  the  position  was 
deemed  impregnable.* 

The  allied  forces  passed  these  two  days  in  inactivity,  await¬ 
ing  the  arrival  of  the  re-enforcements  from  Tour- 

°  _  .  Plan  of  attack 

nav,  which  the  council  of  war  had  deemed  indispen-  by  the  allied 

J  #  generals,  10th 

sable  to  the  commencement  of  operations.  Mean-  Sept, 
while,  Marlborough  and  Eugene  had  repeatedly  reconnoitered 
the  enemy’s  position,  and  were  fully  aware  of  its  growing 
strength.  Despairing  of  openly  forcing  such  formidable  hues, 
defended  by  an  army  so  numerous  and  gallant,  they  resolved 
to  combine  their  first  attack  Avith  a  powerful  demonstration  in 
rear.  With  this  view,  the  rear  guard,  of  nineteen  battalions 
and  ten  squadrons,  which  was  coming  up  from  Tournay  un¬ 
der  General  Withers,  received  orders  not  to  join  the  main 
body  of  the  army,  hut,  stopping  short  at  St.  Ghislain,  to  cross 
the  Haine  there,  and,  traversing  the  wood  of  Blangris  by  a 
country  road,  assail  the  extreme  left  of  the  enemy  at  the  farm 
of  La  Folie,  when  the  combat  had  been  seriously  begun  in 
front.  Baron  Schulemberg  was  to  attack  the  wood  of  Tais¬ 
niere  with  forty  of  Eugene’s  battalions,  supported  by  forty 
pieces  of  cannon,  so  placed  that  their  shot  reached  every  part 
of  the  wood.  To  distract  the  enemy’s  attention,  other  attacks 
were  directed  along  the  whole  line  ;  but  the  main  effort  was 
to  be  made  by  Eugene’s  corps  on  the  wood  of  Taisniere  ;  and 
it  was  from  the  co-operation  of  the  attack  of  Schulemberg  on 
its  flank  that  decisive  success  was  expected.!  All  the  corps 
had  reached  their  respective  points  of  destination  on  the  even¬ 
ing  of  the  10th.  Schulemberg  was  near  La  Folie  ;  Eugene 
was  grouped,  in  four  lines,  in  front  of  Taisniere  ;  and  the  men 
lay  down  to  sleep,  anxiously  aAvaiting  the  dawn  of  the  event¬ 
ful  morrow.! 

At  tlnee  in  the  morning  of  the  lltli,  divine  service  was 

*  Coxe,  v.,  34-37.  Dumont’s  Military  History,  ii.,  381-387.  Kauslek, 
770. 

t  Marlborough' s  General  Orders,  Sept.  10,  1709.  Kausler,  784,  785. 

t  Coxe,  v.,  40-44. 


232 


THE  LIFE  OF 


28.  performed  with  the  utmost  decorum  at  the  head 
soidier^on" both  °f  every  regiment,  and  listened  to  by  the  soldiers, 
sides,  lith  sept.  after  ^he  example  of  their  chief,  with  the  most 
devout  attention.  The  awful  nature  of  the  occasion,  the  mo¬ 
mentous  interests  at  stake,  the  uncertainty  who  might  survive 
to  the  close  of  the  day,  the  protracted  struggle  soon  to  be 
brought  to  a  decisive  issue,  had  banished  all  lighter  feelings, 
and  impressed  a  noble  character  on  that  impressive  solemnity. 
A  tliick  fog  overspread  the  field,  under  cover  of  which  the 
troops  marched,  with  the  utmost  regularity,  to  their  appoint¬ 
ed  stations  :  the  guns  were  brought  forward  to  the  grand  bat¬ 
tery  in  the  center,  which  was  protected  on  either  side  by  an 
epaidement  to  prevent  an  enfilade.  No  sooner  did  the  French 
outposts  give  notice  that  the  allies  were  preparing  for  an  at¬ 
tack,  than  the  whole  army  stood  to  their  arms,  and  all  the 
working  parties,  who  were  still  toiling  in  the  trenches,  cast 
aside  their  tools,  and  joyfully  resumed  their  places  in  the 
ranks.  Never,  since  the  commencement  of  the  war,  had  the 
spirit  of  the  French  soldiers  been  so  high,  or  had  so  enthu¬ 
siastic  a  feeling  been  infused  into  every  bosom.  They  looked 
forward  with  confidence  to  regaining,  under  their  beloved  com¬ 
mander,  Marshal  Villars,  the  laurels  which  had  been  wither¬ 
ed  in  eight  successive  campaigns,  and  arresting  the  flood  of 
conquest  which  threatened  to  overwhelm  their  country.  When 
the  general  mounted  his  horse  at  seven,  loud  cries  of  “  Vive 
le  lloi !”  “  Vive  le  Marechal  de  Villars  !”  burst  from  their 

ranks.  He  himself  took  the  command  of  the  left,  giving  the 
post  of  honor  on  the  right,  in  courtesy,  to  Marshal  Boufflers. 
On  the  allied  side,  enthusiasm  was  not  so  loudly  expressed, 
but  confidence  was  not  the  less  strongly  felt.  They  relied 
with  reason  on  the  tried  and  splendid  abilities  of  their  chiefs, 
on  their  own  experienced  constancy  and  success  hi  the  field. 
They  had  the  confidence  of  veteran  soldiers,  who  had  long 
fought  and  conquered  together.  In  allusion  to  the  numerous 
field-works  before  them,  which  almost  concealed  the  enemy’s 
ranks  from  their  view,  the  sarcastic  expression  passed  through 


MARLBOROUGH. 


233 


the  ranks,  “  We  are  again  about  to  make  war  on  moles.” 
The  log  still  lingered  on  the  ground,  so  as  to  prevent  the  gun¬ 
ners  seeing  to  take  aim ;  but  at  half  past  seven  it  cleared  up, 
the  sun  broke  forth  with  uncommon  brilliancy,  and  imme¬ 
diately  the  fire  commenced  with  the  utmost  vigor  from  the 
artillery  on  both  sides.* 

For  about  half  an  hour  the  cannon  continued  to  thunder, 
so  as  to  reach  every  part  of  the  field  of  battle  with  29. 
their  balls,  when  Marlborough  moved  forward  his  mentTo/nthe 
troops  in  echelon,  the  right  in  front,  in  order  to  com-  battle- 
mence  his  projected  attack  on  the  French  center  and  left. 
The  Dutch,  who  were  on  the  left,  agreeably  to  the  orders 
they  had  received,  halted  when  within  range  of  grape,  and  a 
violent  camionade  was  merely  exchanged  on  both  sides  ;  but 
Count  Lottum,  who  commanded  the  center  of  twenty  battal¬ 
ions,  continued  to  press  011,  regardless  of  the  storm  of  shot  and 
grape  with  which  he  was  assailed,  and  when  well  into  the  en¬ 
emy’s  line,  he  brought  up  his  left  shoulders,  and  in  three  lines 
attacked  the  right  of  the  wood  of  Taisniere.  Schulemberg, 
at  the  same  time,  with  his  forty  battalions  to  the  right  of 
Lottum,  advanced  against  the  wood  of  Taisniere  in  front, 
while  Lord  Orkney,  with  his  fifteen  battalions,  as  Lottum’s 
men  inclined  to  the  right,  marched  straight  forward  to  the 
ground  they  had  occupied,  and  attacked  the  intrenchment  be¬ 
fore  him  in  the  opening.  Eugene,  who  was  with  Schulem- 
berg’s  men,  advanced  without  firing  a  shot,  though  suffering 
dreadfully  from  the  grape  of  the  batteries,  till  within  pistol- 
shot  of  the  batteries.  They  were  there,  however,  received  by 
so  terrible  a  discharge  of  all  arms  from  the  intrenchments — 
the  French  soldiers  laying  their  pieces  deliberately  over  the 
parapet,  and  taking,  aim  within  twenty  yards  of  their  oppo¬ 
nents — that  they  recoiled  about  two  hundred  yards,  and  were 
only  brought  back  to  the  charge  by  the  heroic  efforts  of  Eu¬ 
gene,  who  exposed  his  person  in  the  very  front  of  the  line. 
During  this  conflict,  three  battalions,  brought  up  from  the 
*  Lediard,  Life  of  Marlborough,  ii.,  172-180.  Coxe,  v.,  45-47. 


234 


THE  LIFE  OF 


blockade  of  Mons,  stole  unperceived,  amid  the  tumult  in  front, 
into  the  southeastern  angle  of  the  wood  of  Taisniere,  and  were 
making  some  progress,  when  they  were  met  by  three  battal¬ 
ions  of  French  troops,  and  a  vehement  fire  of  musketry  soon 
rang  in  the  recesses  of  the  wood.* 

Meanwhile,  Marlborough  in  person  led  on  D’Auvergne’s 
30-  cavalry  in  support  of  Lottnm’s  men,  who  speedily 

Marlborough,  J  .  .  1  J 

alter  a  despe-  were  engaged  in  a  most  terrific  conflict.  They 

rate  conflict,  oit-i  . 

carries  the  bore  without  flinching  the  fire  of  the  French  bri- 

niere.  gade  du  Roi,  which  manned  the  opposite  works, 

and,  crossing  a  ravine  and  small  morass,  rushed  with  fixed 
bayonets,  and  the  most  determined  resolution,  right  against 
the  intrenchment.  So  vehement  was  the  onset,  so  impetuous 
the  rush,  that  some  of  the  leading  files  actually  reached  the 
summit  of  the  parapet,  and  those  behind  pushing  vehemently 
on,  the  redoubt  was  carried  amid  deafening  cheers.  But  Vil- 
lars  was  directly  in  its  rear,  and  he  immediately  led  up  in  per¬ 
son  a  brigade  in  the  finest  order,  which  expelled  the  assailants 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  regained  the  work.  Marl¬ 
borough,  upon  this,  charged  at  the  head  of  D'Auvergne’s  cav¬ 
alry  ;  and  that  gallant  body  of  men,  three  thousand  strong, 
dashed  forward,  and  entered  the  intrenchments,  which  were, 
at  the  same  time,  surrounded  by  some  of  Lottum’s  battalions. 
While  this  desperate  conflict  was  going  on  hi  front  and  flank 
of  the  wood,  Withers,  with  his  corps  brought  up  from  Tour- 
nay,  was  silently,  and  with  great  caution,  entering  the  wood 
on  the  side  of  La  Folie,  and  had  already  made  considerable 
progress  before  any  great  efforts  were  made  to  expel  them. 
The  advance  of  this  corps  in  his  rear  rendered  it  impossible 
for  Villars  any  longer  to  maintain  the  advanced  line  of  works 
in  the  front  of  the  wood  ;  it  was  therefore  abandoned,  but 
slowly,  and  in  admirable  order,  the  troops  retiring  through  the 
trees  to  the  second  line  of  works  in  their  rear,  which  they  pre¬ 
pared  to  defend  to  the  last  extremity. f 

*  KaUSLER,  786,  787.  CoXE,  v.,  44-49. 

t  COXE,  v.,  48-52.  K.AUSEER,  786,  787. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


235 


While  this  bloody  conflict  was  raging  in  and  around  the 
wood  of  Taisniere,  the  half  hour  during  which  the  31. 

°  Bloody  repulse 

Prince  of  Orange  had  been  directed  to  suspend  of  the  Prince  of 

i  •  iiii  i  ii  .  f  .  Orange  on  the 

Ins  attack  had  elapsed,  and  that  gallant  chief  ini-  left 
patient  of  inactivity  when  the  battle  was  raging  with  such 
fury  on  his  right,  resolved  to  move  forward  in  good  earnest. 
The  Scotch  brigade,  led  on  by  the  Marquis  of  Tullibardine, 
headed  the  column  on  the  left ;  to  their  right  were  the  Dutch, 
under  Spaar  and  Oxenstiern  ;  while  the  Prince  of  Hesse-Cas- 
sel,  with  twenty-one  squadrons,  was  in  reserve  to  support  and 
follow  the  infantry  into  the  works,  when  an  opening  was  made. 
On  the  word  “  march”  being  given,  the  troops  of  these  various 
nations,  with  rival  courage,  advanced  to  the  attack.  The 
Scotch  Highlanders,  headed  by  the  gallant  Tullibardine,* 
rushed  impetuously  forward  to  the  attack,  despite  a  tremen¬ 
dous  fire  of  grape  and  musketry  which  issued  from  the  works, 
and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  top  of  the  intrenchment ;  hut, 
before  they  could  deploy,  they  were  charged  by  the  French 
infantry  in  close  order,  and  driven  out.  Tullibardine  met  a 
glorious  death  in  the  redoubt  he  had  won.  Equally  gallant 
was  the  assault,  and  unpropitious  the  result  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange’s  attack  on  the  right  of  the  left  toward  the  French 
center.  There,  too,  by  a  vehement  rush,  the  intrenchment 
was  carried ;  hut  the  troops  which  surmounted  it  had  no 
sooner  penetrated  it  than  they  were  attacked  by  Boufflers,  at 
the  head  of  fresh  troops  in  close  order  in  front,  while  a  power¬ 
ful  battery  opened  with  grape  on  their  flank.  This  double 
attack  proved  irresistible  ;  the  assailants  were  pushed  out  of 
the  works  with  dreadful  slaughter.  Spaar  lay  dead  on  the 
spot ;  Hamilton  was  carried  off  wounded,  f 

Seeing  his  men  recoil,  the  Prince  of  Orange  seized  a  stand¬ 
ard,  and,  advancing  alone  to  the  slc^e  of  the  intrencliment, 
said  aloud,  “  Follow  me,  my  friends  ;  here  is  your  post.”  But 
it  was  all  in  vain.  Boufflers’  men  from  the  French  second 

*  The  regiments  of  Tullibardine  and  Hepburn  were  almost  all  Atholl  High¬ 
landers.  t  Kausler,  788.  Coxe.  v.,  53,  54. 


236 


THE  LIFE  OF 


TT  .  .  ,  line  had  now  closed  up  with  the  first,  which  lined 

Heroic  butinef-  1 

fectuiJ  efforts  the  works,  and  a  dense  mass  of  bayonets,  six 

of  the  l’rince  of  * 

Orange  to  re-  deep,  bristled  at  their  siunmit  behind  the  em- 
store  the  com-  . 

bat.  brasures  of  the  guns.  A  dreadful  rolling  fire  is¬ 

sued  from  them  ;  their  position  could  be  marked  by  the  cease¬ 
less  line  of  flame,  even  through  the  volumes  of  smoke  which 
enveloped  them  on  all  sides  ;  and  at  length,  after  displaying 
the  most  heroic  valor,  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  obliged  to 
draw  off  Iris  men,  with  the  loss  of  three  thousand  killed,  and 
twice  that  number  wounded.  Instantly  the  brigade  of  Na¬ 
varre  issued  with  loud  shouts  out  of  the  intrenchments.  Sev¬ 
eral  Dutch  battalions  were  driven  back,  and  some  colors,  with 
an  advanced  battery,  fell  into  the  enemy’s  hands.  BoufRers 
supported  this  sally  by  Iris  grenadiers  a  clieval ;  but  the  Prince 
of  Hesse-Cassel  came  up  with  his  well-appointed  squadron  on 
the  other  side,  and,  after  a  short  struggle,  drove  the  French 
back  into  their  works.* 

Hearing  that  matters  were  in  this  precarious  state  on  the 
33.  left,  Marlborough  galloped  from  the  right  center, 
hS'enTtofhe  accompanied  by  his  staff,  where  Lottum’s  infantry 
storeethebat-  ailll  D’ Auvergne’s  horse  had  gained  such  important 
tJe-  advantages.  Matters  ere  long  became  so  alarm¬ 

ing,  that  Eugene  also  followed  in  the  same  direction.  On  his 
way  along  the  rear  of  the  line,  the  English  general  had  a 
painful  proof  of  the  enthusiastic  spirit  with  which  Iris  troops 
were  animated,  by  seeing  numbers  of  the  wounded  Dutch  and 
Hanoverians,  whose  hurts  had  just  been  bound  up  by  the 
surgeons,  again  hastening  to  the  front,  to  join  their  comrades, 
though  some,  fault  from  the  loss  of  blood,  yet  tottered  under 
the  weight  of  their  muskets.  The  reserves  were  hastily  di¬ 
rected  to  the  menaced  front,  and  by  their  aid  the  combat  was 
in  some  degree  restored  ffi  that  quarter,  while  Marlborough 
and  Eugene  labored  to  persuade  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who 
was  burning  with  anxiety  at  all  hazards  to  renew  the  attack, 
that  his  operations  were  only  intended  as  a  feint,  and  that  the 
*  Coxe,  V.,  55.  L  EDI  ART),  it,  182-185. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


237 


real  eflort  was  to  be  made  on  the  right,  where  considerable 
progress  had  already  been  made.* 

Order  was  hardly  restored  hi  this  quarter,  when  intelli¬ 
gence  arrived  from  the  right  that  the  enemy  were  .  .  34- 

•  A  vigorous  nt- 

assuming  the  initiative  in  the  wood  of  Taisniere,  tack  of  vmara 

°  on  the  right 

and  were  pressing  hard  upon  the  troops  both  at  La  weakens  his 

x.  ,  center,  which 

Folio  and  in  front  of  the  wood.  In  fact,  Vmars,  Marlborough 

.  ,  .  i  •  i  p  •  prepares  to  at- 

alarmed  at  the  progress  ot  the  enemy  on  Ins  left  in  tack, 
the  wood,  had  drawn  considerable  re-enforcements  from  his 
center,  and  sent  them  to  the  threatened  quarter.  Marlbor¬ 
ough  instantly  saw  the  advantage  which  this  weakening  of 
the  enemy’s  center  was  likely  to  give  him.  While  he  hasten¬ 
ed  back,  therefore,  with  all  imaginable  expedition  to  the  right, 
to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  enemy  in  that  quarter,  he  direct¬ 
ed  Lord  Orkney  to  advance,  supported  by  a  powerful  body  of 
horse  on  each  flaidr,  directly  in  at  the  opening  between  the 
two  woods,  and,  if  possible,  force  the  enemy’s  intrenchments 
in  the  center,  now  stripped  of  their  principal  defenders. 
These  dispositions,  adopted  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  and 
instantly  acted  upon,  proved  entirely  successful.  Eugene  gal¬ 
loped  to  the  extreme  right,  and  renewed  the  attack  with 
Schulemberg’s  men,  while  Withers  again  pressed  on  the  rear 
of  the  wood  near  La  Folic.  So  vigorous  was  the  onset,  that 
the  allies  gained  ground  on  both  sides  of  the  wood,  and  Villars, 
hastening  up  with  the  French  guards  to  restore  the  combat 
near  La  Folie,  received  a  wound  in  the  knee,  when  gallantly 
heading  a  charge  of  bayonets,  which  obliged  him  to  quit  the 
field.  Unable  any  longer  to  sit  on  horseback,  he  was  placed, 
at  his  earnest  desire,  in  a  chair,  that  he  might  see  the  battle, 
and  continue  in  the  field  ;  but  the  pain  of  the  wound  and  loss 
of  blood  soon  became  such  that  he  fainted,  and  was  carried 
senseless  to  Quesnoy.  Eugene  also  was  wounded  on  the  head 
while  rallying  his  men  and  leading  them  gallantly  to  the 
charge.  His  attendants  pressed  him  to  retire  that  the  wound 
might  be  dressed  ;  but  he  replied,  “  If  I  am  fated  to  die  here, 
*  CoXE,  v.,  56,  57.  Kausi.ER,  789,  790. 


238 


THE  LIFE  OF 


to  what  purpose  dress  the  wound  ?  If  I  survive,  it  will  he 
time  enough  in  the  evening.”  With  these  words  he  advanc¬ 
ed  again  to  the  head  of  the  line,  and  the  troops,  animated  by 
the  heroism  of  their  beloved  general,  who  pressed  on  though 
the  blood  was  streaming  over  his  shoulders,  followed  with  such 
impetuosity  that  the  wrorks  were  carried,  and  the  victors  re¬ 
entered  the  wood  pell-mell  with  the  broken  enemy.* 

In  the  center,  still  more  decisive  advantages  were  gamed. 

35.  Lord  Orkney  there  made  the  attack  with  such 

Decisive  attack  . 

by  Lord  Ork-  vigor,  that  the  intrenchments,  now  not  adequately 

ney  on  the  cen-  .  • 

ter.  manned,  were  at  once  carried  ;  and  the  horse,  fol- 

lowing  rapidly  on  the  traces  of  the  foot  soldiers,  broke  through 
at  several  openings  made  by  the  artillery,  and  spread  them¬ 
selves  over  the  plain,  cutting  down  the  fugitives  in  every  di¬ 
rection.  Marlborough,  upon  seeing  this  advantage,  instantly 
gave  the  grand  battery  of  forty  cannon  in  the  allied  center 
mders  to  advance.  With  the  utmost  rapidity  the  guns  were 
limbered  up,  and  moving  on  at  a  quick  trot.  They  soon 
passed  the  intrenchments  in  the  center,  and  facing  to  the  right 
and  left,  opened  a  tremendous  fire  of  canister  and  grape  on  the 
dense  masses  of  the  French  cavalry  which  stood  in  the  rear  of 
the  infantry,  who  were  almost  all  in  front  among  the  works. 
These  noble  troops,  however,  bore  up  gallantly  against  the 
storm,  and  even  charged  the  allied  horse  before  they  had  time 
to  form  within  the  lines  ;  but  they  were  unable  to  make  any 
impression,  and  retired  from  the  attack  sorely  shattered  by  the 
allied  artillery.! 

The  battle  was  now  gained.  Villars’s  position,  how  strong 

36.  and  gallantly  defended  soever,  was  no  longer  ten- 

Admirable  ef-  .  . 

forta  of  Bouf-  able.  Pierced  through  in  the  center,  with  a  for¬ 
th! dayfegam  midable  enemy’s  battery  on  either  side,  thundering 
on  the  reserve  squadrons,  in  the  very  heart  of  his  line,  and 
turned  and  menaced  with  rout  on  the  left,  it  was  no  longer 
possible  to  keep  the  field.  Boufflers,  upon  whom,  in  the  ab- 

*  CoXE,  v.,  57.  LEDlARD,-ii.,  289-291.  KausLER,  789. 
t  COXE,  v,  59,  60.  KaUSLER,  788,  799. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


239 


sence  of  Villars  in  consequence  of  his  wound,  the  direction  of 
affairs  had  devolved,  accordingly  prepared  for  a  retreat ;  and 
he  conducted  it  with  consummate  skill,  as  well  as  the  most 
undaunted  firmness.  Collecting  a  body  of  two  thousand  chos¬ 
en  horse  yet  fresh,  consisting  of  the  elite  of  the  horse-guards 
and  garde-du-corps,  he  charged  the  allied  horse  which  had 
penetrated  into  the  center,  at  this  time  much  blown  by  its 
severe  fatigues  in  the  preceding  part  of  the  day.  It  was  ac¬ 
cordingly  worsted  and  put  to  flight ;  but  all  the  efforts  of  this 
noble  body  of  horsemen  were  shattered  against  Orkney’s  in¬ 
fantry,  which,  posted  on  the  reverse  of  the  works  they  had 
won,  poured  in,  when  charged,  so  close  and  destructive  a  fire, 
that  half  of  the  gallant  cavaliers  were  stretched  on  the  plain, 
and  the  remainder  were  forced  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat.* 
Still  the  indefatigable  Boufflers  made  another  effort.  Draw¬ 
ing  a  large  body  of  infantry  from  the  works  on  his  .  3~- 

extreme  right,  which  had  been  little  engaged,  he  deriy  retreat, 
marched  them  to  the  left,  and,  re-forming  his  squadrons  again, 
advanced  to  the  charge  ;  but  Marlborough  no  sooner  saw  this, 
than  lie  charged  the  garde-du-corps  with  a  body  of  English 
horse  which  he  himself  led  on,  and  drove  them  back,  while 
the  infantry  staggered  and  reeled,  like  a  sinking  ship,  under 
the  terrific  fire  of  the  allied  guns,  which  had  penetrated  the 
center.  At  the  same  time,  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the 
Prince  of  Ilesse-Cassel,  perceiving  that  the  intrenchments  be¬ 
fore  them  were  stripped  of  great  part  of  their  defenders,  re¬ 
newed  the  attack  ;  in  ten  minutes  these  works  were  carried  ; 
and  a  tremendous  shout,  heard  along  the  whole  line,  announc¬ 
ed  that  the  whole  left  of  the  position  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  allies.  In  these  desperate  circumstances,  BoufRers  and 
his  brave  troops  did  all  that  skill  or  courage  could  to  arrest 
the  progress  of  the  victors,  and  withdraw  from  the  field  with¬ 
out  any  additional  losses.  Forming  his  troops  into  three  great 
masses,  with  the  cavalry  which  had  suffered  least  in  the  rear, 
he  slowly,  and  in  perfect  regularity,  commenced  his  retreat. 

*  CoXE,  v.,  59,  60.  Kacsler,  789,  790. 


240 


THE  LIFE  OF 


The  allies  had  suffered  so  much,  and  were  so  completely  ex¬ 
hausted  by  the  fatigue  of  this  bloody  and  protracted  battle, 
that  they  gave  them  very  little  molestation.  Contenting 
themselves  with  pursuing  as  far  as  the  heath  of  Malplaquet, 
and  the  level  ground  around  Taisniere,  they  halted,  and  the 
men  lay  down  to  sleep.  Meanwhile  the  French,  in  the  best 
order,  but  in  deep  dejection,  continued  their  retreat  still  in 
three  columns  ;  and  after  crossing  the  Hon  in  their  rear,  re¬ 
united  below  Quesnoy  and  Valenciennes,  about  twelve  miles 
from  the  field  of  battle.* 

Such  was  the  desperate  battle  of  Malplaquet,  the  most 
38  bloody  and  obstinately  contested  which  had  yet  oc- 
batSeto'&e6  curre^  m  the  war,  and  in  which  it  is  hard  to  say 
allies-  to  which  of  the  gallant  antagonists  the  palm  of 
valor  and  heroism  is  to  be  given.  The  victory  was  unques¬ 
tionably  gained  by  the  allies,  since  they  forced  the  enemy’s  po¬ 
sition,  drove  them  to  a  considerable  distance  from  the  field  of 
battle,  and  hindered  the  siege  of  Mons,  the  object  for  which 
both  parties  fought,  from  being  raised.  The  valor  they  dis¬ 
played  had  extorted  the  admiration  of  their  gallant  and  gen¬ 
erous  enemies.f  Both  Eugene  and  Marlborough  exposed 
themselves  more  constantly  than  they  had  ever  done  hi  any 
former  action  ;  and  cordial  as  had  been  their  understanding 
on  all  previous  occasions,  it  was  generally  observed  that  on 
this  they  seemed  animated  only  by  a  generous  emulation  which 
should  most  aid  and  support  the  other.  On  the  other  hand., 
these  advantages  had  been  purchased  at  an  enormous  sacrifice, 

*  Coxe,  v.,  54-63.  Disp.,  v.,  562,  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle, 
Sept.  11,  1709,  and  to  Mr.  Wauchopc,  same  date,  v.,  598. 

t  “  The  Eugenes  and  Marlboroughs  ought  to  be  well  satisfied  with  us 
during  that  day,  since  till  then  they  had  not  met  with  resistance  worthy  of 
them.  They  may  now  say  with  justice  that  nothing  can  stand  before  them ; 
and,  indeed,  what  shall  be  able  to  stay  the  rapid  progress  of  these  heroes, 
if  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men  of  the  best  troops,  strongly  posted 
between  two  woods,  trebly  intrenched,  and  performing  their  duty  as  well 
as  any  brave  men  could  do,  were  not  able  to  stop  them  one  day  ?  W  ill  you 
not  then  own  with  me  that  they  surpass  all  the  heroes  of  former  ages  V — 
Letter  of  a  French  Officer  who  fought  at  Malplaquet.  Coxe,  v.,  65. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


241 


and  never  since  the  commencement  of  the  contest  had  the 
scales  hung  so  even  between  the  contending  parties.  In  truth, 
the  battle  of  Malplaquet  was  a  desperate  duel  between  France 
and  England,  in  which  the  whole  strength  of  eafch  nation  was 
put  forth,  and  the  successful  result  was  rather  owing  to  the 
superior  talent  of  the  English  general,  and  the  unconquerable 
resolution  he  had  communicated  to  his  followers,  than  to  any 
superiority  either  of  military  skill  or  national  resources  enjoyed 
by  the  victorious  party.  Nothing  had  occurred  like  it  since 
Azincour ;  nothing  occurred  like  it  again  till  Waterloo.  Blen¬ 
heim  itself  was  not  nearly  so  hard  fought.  The  allies  lost, 
killed  in  the  infantry  alone,  five  thousand  five  hundred  and 
forty-four  ;  wounded  and  missing,  twelve  thousand  seven  hun¬ 
dred  and  six  ;  in  all,  eighteen  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty, 
of  whom  two  hundred  and  eighty-six  were  officers  killed,  and 
seven  hundred  and  sixty-two  wounded.  Including  the  casu¬ 
alties  in  the  cavalry  and  artillery,  their  total  loss  was  not  less  • 
than  twenty  thousand  men,  or  nearly  a  fifth  of  the  number 
engaged.* 

The  French  loss,  though  they  were  worsted  in  the  fight, 
was  less  considerable  ;  it  did  not  exceed  fourteen  39. 

Loss  ol  the 

thousand  men  :  an  unusual  circumstance  with  a  French, and hu- 
beaten  army,  but  easily  accounted  for,  if  the  for-  borough, 
midable  nature  of  the  intrenchments  which  the  allies  had  to 
storm  in  the  first  part  of  the  action  is  taken  into  considera¬ 
tion.  In  proportion  to  the  numbers  engaged,  the  loss  to  the 
victors  was  not,  however,  nearly  so  great  as  at  Waterloo.! 
Then  was  seen  the  prophetic  wisdom  with  which  Marlborough 
had  so  strongly  urged  upon  the  British  government  the  propri¬ 
ety  of  augmenting  the  allied  force  at  t  he  commencement  of  the 

*  Kausi.er,  791.  Coxe,  v.,  64. 

t  At  Waterloo,  there  were  sixty  nine  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty- 
six  men  in  Wellington’s  army,  and  the  loss  was  twenty-two  thousand  four 
hundred  and  sixty-nine,  or  one  in  three  nearly;  at  Malplaquet,  it  was  one 
in  five ;  at  Talavera,  one  in  four — five  thousand  being  killed  and  wounded 
out  of  nineteen  thousand  eight  hundred  engaged. — Sieorne’s  Waterloo,  ii., 

352  and  519. 


X 


242 


THE  LIFE  OF 


campaign.  But  for  these,  the  campaign  would  have  been  in¬ 
decisive,  or  terminated  in  misfortune.  With  the  additional 
troops  he  so  strongly  pleaded  for,  it  would  have  terminated  in 
a  decisive  victory,  and  Malplaquet  had  been  Waterloo.  Ferv 
prisoners,  not  above  five  hundred,  were  made  on  the  field  ;  but 
the  woods  and  intrenchments  wrere  filled  with  wounded  French, 
whom  Marlborough,  with  characteristic  humanity,  proposed 
to  Villars  to  remove  to  the  French  head-quarters,  on  condition 
of  their  being  considered  prisoners  of  war — an  offer  which  that 
general  thankfully  accepted.  A  solemn  thanksgiving  was  read 
in  all  the  regiments  of  the  army  two  days  after  the  battle, 
after  which  the  soldiers  of  both  armies  joined  in  removing  the 
wounded  French  on  two  hundred  wagons  to  the  French  camp. 
Thus,  after  the  conclusion  of  one  of  the  bloodiest  fights  re¬ 
corded  in  modern  history,  the  first  acts  of  the  victors  were  in 
raising  the  voice  of  thanksgiving,  and  doing  deeds  of  mercy.* 

No  sooner  were  these  pious  cares  concluded,  than  the  allies 
40.  resumed  the  investment  of  Mons ;  Marlborough, 
Mans)  and  con-  with  the  English  and  Dutch,  having  his  head- 
campaign,  26th  quarters  at  Belian,  and  Eugene,  with  the  Ger- 
October.  mans,  at  Quaregnon.  The  Prince  of  Orange, 
with  thirty  battalions  and  as  many  squadrons,  was  intrusted 
with  the  blockade.  Great  efforts  were  immediately  made  to 
get  the  necessary  stores  and  siege  equipage  up  from  Brussels ; 
but  the  heavy  rains  of  autumn  set  in  with  such  severity,  that 
it  was  not  till  the  25th  of  September  that  the  trenches  could 
be  opened.  Boufflers,  though  at  no  great  distance,  did  not 
venture  to  disturb  the  operations.  On  the  9th  of  October,  a 
lodgment  was  effected  in  the  covered  way  ;  on  the  17th,  the 
outworks  were  stormed ;  and  on  the  26th,  the  place  surren¬ 
dered  with  its  garrison,  still  three  thousand  five  hundred  strong. 
By  this  important  success,  the  conquest  of  Brabant  was  finish¬ 
ed  ;  the  burden  and  expense  of  the  war  removed  from  the 
Dutch  provinces  ;  the  harrier  which  they  had  so  long  sought 

*  Marlborough  to  Marshal  Villars ,  13tli  of  September,  1709,  and  to  Mr. 
Secretary  Boyle,  16th  of  September,  1709  ;  Disp.,  v.,  596-599.  Coxe,  v.,  64. 


MAUL  BORO  UGH. 


243 


after  was  rendered  nearly  complete  ;  and  the  defenses  of  France 
were  so  far  laid  bare,  that  by  the  reduction  of  Valenciennes  and 
Quesnoy,  hi  the  next  campaign,  no  fortified  place  would  re¬ 
main  on  this  great  road  between  the  allies  and  Paris.  Having 
achieved  this  important  success,  the  allied  generals  put  their 
army  into  winter  quarters  at  Ghent,  Bruges,  Brussels,  and  on 
the  Meuse,  while  fifty  battalions  of  the  French,  with  one  hund¬ 
red  squadrons,  were  quartered,  under  the  command  of  the  Duke 
of  Berwick,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Maubeuge,  and  the  remain¬ 
der  of  their  great  army  in  and  around  V alencieimes  and  Ques¬ 
noy.* 

During  the  progress  of  this  short  hut  brilliant  campaign, 
Marlborough  was  more  than  ever  annoyed  and  dis-  H. 

°  .  Continued  de- 

heartened  by  the  evident  and  increasiag  decline  dine  of  Mari- 
.  .  i  n/r  n/r  borough’s  influ- 

of  his  influence  at  home.  Harley  and  Mrs.  Ma-  ence  at  court, 
sham  continued  to  thwart  him  in  every  way  in  their  power, 
and  scarcely  disguised  their  desire  to  make  the  situation  of  the 
duke  and  Godolphin  so  uncomfortable,  that  out  of  spleen  they 
might  resign,  in  which  case  the  entire  direction  of  aflairs  would 
have  fallen  into  their  hands.!  Influenced  by  these  new  fa¬ 
vorites,  the  queen  became  cold  and  resentful  to  the  Duchess 
of  Marlborough,  to  whom  she  had  formerly  been  so  much  at¬ 
tached  ;  and  the  duke,  perceiving  this,  strongly  advised  her  to 
abstain  from  any  correspondence  with  her  majesty,  being  con¬ 
vinced  that  to  continue  it  would  be  more  likely  to  increase 
than  diminish  the  estrangement  so  rapidly  growing  between 
them.  The  duchess,  however,  was  herself  of  too  irritable  a 
temper  to  follow  this  wise  advice ;  reproaches,  explanations,  and 
renewed  complaints  ensued  on  both  sides ;  and,  as  usual  in  such 

*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  Boyle,  October  21,  1709.  Disp.,  v.,  617— 
621. 

t  “  Be  assured  that  Mrs.  Masham  and  Mr.  Harley  will,  underhand,  do  ev¬ 
ery  thing  that  can  make  the  business  uneasy,  particularly  to  you  the  lord- 
treasurer,  and  me,  for  they  know  well  that  if  we  were  removed  every  thing 
would  he  in  their  power.  This  is  what  they  labor  for,  believing  it  would 
make  them  both  great  and  happy  ;  but  I  am  very  well  persuaded  it  would  be 
their  destruction.” — Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  Nov.  1, 1709.  Coxe,  v.,  105. 


244 


THE  LIFE  OF 


cases,  where  excessive  fondness  has  heen  succeeded  by  cold¬ 
ness,  all  attempts  to  repair  the  breach  had  only  the  effect  of 
widening  it.  Numerous  events  at  court,  trifles  in  themselves, 
but  to  the  jealous  “  confirmation  strong,”  served  to  show  in 
what  direction  the  wind  was  setting.  The  duchess  took  the 
strong  and  injudicious  step  of  intruding  herself  on  the  queen, 
and  asking  what  crime  she  had  committed  to  produce  so  great 
an  estrangement  between  them.  This  drew  from  her  majes¬ 
ty  a  letter,  exculpating  her  from  any  fault,  but  ascribing  their 
alienation  to  a  discordance  in  political  opinion,  adding,  “  I  do 
not  think  it  a  crime  in  any  one  not  to  be  of  my  mind,  or  blam- 
able,  because  you  can  not  see  with  my  eyes,  or  hear  with  my 
ears.”  While  this  relieved  Marlborough  from  the  dread  of  a 
personal  quarrel  between  the  duchess  and  her  royal  mistress, 
it  only  aggravated  the  precarious  nature  of  his  situation,  by 
showing  that  the  split  was  owing  to  a  wider  and  more  irre¬ 
mediable  division  on  political  subjects.* 

Encouraged  by  this  powerful  support  at  court,  Harley  now 
42.  openly  pursued  his  design  of  effecting  the  downfall 

Unjust  criti-  1  J  1  6  ° 

cisms  and  cen-  of  Marlborough,  and  his  removal  from  office  and 

sures  on  the  ,  . 

campaign.  the  command  ot  the  armies.  The  whole  cam- 
paign,  which  had  terminated  so  gloriously,  was  criticised  in 
the  most  unjust  and  malignant  spirit.  The  siege  of  Tournay 
was  useless  and  expensive  ;  the  battle  of  Malplaquet  an  un¬ 
necessary  carnage.  It  was  even  insinuated  that  the  duke  had 
purposely  exposed  the  officers  to  slaughter,  that  he  might  ob¬ 
tain  a  profit  by  the  sale  of  their  commissions.  The  prelim¬ 
inaries  first  agreed  to  at  the  Hague  were  too  favorable  to 
France  ;  when  Louis  rejected  them,  the  rapture  of  the  nego¬ 
tiations  rested  with  Marlborough.  In  a  word,  there  was 
nothing  done  by  the  English  general,  successful  or  unsuccess¬ 
ful,  pacific  or  warlike,  which  was  not  made  the  subject  of 
strong  condemnation  and  unmeasured  invective.  Harley 
even  corresponded  with  the  disaffected  party  in  Holland, 
in  order  to  induce  them  to  cut  short  the  duke’s  career  of 


Cose,  v..  105-111. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


245 


victory  by  clamoring  for  a  general  peace.  Louis  was  repre¬ 
sented  as  invincible,  and  rising  stronger  from  every  defeat ; 
and  the  prolongation  of  the  war  was  alleged  to  be  entirely 
owing  to  the  selfish  interests  and  ambition  of  the  allied  chief. 
These  and  similar  accusations,  loudly  re-echoed  by  all  the  To¬ 
ries,  and  sedulously  poured  into  the  royal  ear  by  Harley  and 
Mrs.  Masham,  made  such  an  impression  on  the  queen,  that 
she  did  not  offer  the  smallest  congratulation  to  the  duchess  on 
the  victory  of  Malplaquet,  nor  express  the  least  satisfaction  at 
the  duke’s  escape  from  the  innumerable  dangers  which  he  had 
incurred.* 

An  ill-timed  and  injudicious  step  of  Marlborough  at  this 
juncture,  and  one  of  the  few  which  can  be  imputed  43. 
to  him  in  his  whole  public  career,  inflamed  against  quest'ot0  Mari- 
him  the  jealousy  of  the  queen  and  the  Tories.  Per-  ^de  captain^ 
ceiving  the  decline  of  his  influence  at  court,  and  senerallorllte- 
anticipating  his  dismissal  from  the  command  of  the  army  at 
no  distant  period,  he  solicited  from  the  queen  a  patent  consti¬ 
tuting  him  captain-general  for  life.  In  vain  he  was  assured 
by  the  lord-chancellor  that  such  an  appointment  was  wholly 
unprecedented  in  English  history ;  he  persisted  in  laying  the 
petition  before  her  majesty,  by  whom  it  was  of  course  refused. 
Piqued  at  this  disappointment,  he  wrote  an  acrimonious  letter 
to  the  queen,  in  which  he  reproached  her  with  the  neglect  of 
his  public  services,  and  bitterly  complained  of  the  neglect  of 
the  duchess,  and  the  transfer  of  the  royal  favor  to  Mrs.  Ma¬ 
sham.  So  deeply  did  Marlborough  feel  this  disappointment, 
that  on  leaving  the  Hague  to  return  to  England,  he  said  pub¬ 
licly  to  the  deputies  of  the  States,  “  I  am  grieved  that  I  am 
obliged  to  return  to  England,  where  my  services  to  your  re¬ 
public  will  be  turned  to  my  disgrace.”! 

Marlborough  was  received  in  the  most  flattering  manner 
by  the  people,  when  he  landed  on  the  1 5th  of  November,  and 

*  Coxe,  V.,  115-116. 

t  Swift,  Mem.  on  Queen’s  Change  of  Ministry  in  1710,  p.  37.  Coxe, 
v.,  117,  118. 

N  2 


246 


THE  LIFE  OF 


44.  the  thanks  of  both  houses  of  Parliament  were 
reception  from  tendered  to  him  for  his  great  and  glorious  serv- 
ParUament ,°f  ices.  The  queen  declared,  in  her  speech  from  the 

throne,  that  this  campaign  had  been  at  least  as  glo¬ 
rious  as  any  which  had  preceded  it  ;  and  the  chancellor,  in 
communicating  the  thanks  of  the  House  of  Lords,  added, 
“  This  high  eulogium  must  be  looked  upon  as  added  to,  and 
standing  upon  the  foundation  already  laid  in  the  records  of 
this  House,  for  preserving  your  memory  fresh  to  all  future 
times ;  so  that  your  grace  has  also  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
this  everlasting  monument  of  your  glory  rise  every  year  much 
higher.”  Such  was  the  effect  produced  on  both  houses  by  the 
presence  of  the  duke,  and  the  recollection  of  his  glorious  serv¬ 
ices,  that  liberal  supplies  for  carrying  on  the  war  were  grant¬ 
ed  by  them.  The  Commons  voted  £6,000,000  for  the  serv¬ 
ice  of  the  ensuing  year,  and  on  the  earnest  representation  of 
Marlborough,  an  addition  was  made  to  the  military  forces. 

But  in  the  midst  of  all  these  flattering  appearances,  the 

45.  hand  of  destruction  was  already  impending  over 
ousie^ofljim1  the  British  hero.  It  was  mainly  caused  by  the 
at  court  greatness  and  invaluable  nature  of  his  services. 
Envy,  the  invariable  attendant  on  exalted  merit,  had  already 
singled  him  out  as  her  victim ;  jealousy,  the  prevailing  weak¬ 
ness  of  little  minds,  had  prepared  his  ruin.  The  queen  had 
become  uneasy  at  the  greatness  of  her  subject.  There  had 
even  been  a  talk  of  the  Duke  of  Argyll  arresting  him  in  her 
name,  when  in  command  of  the  army.  Anne  lent  a  ready 
ear  to  an  insinuation  of  her  flatterers,  especially  Mrs.  Masham, 
that  she  was  inthralled  by  a  single  family  ;  that  Marlborough 
was  the  real  sovereign  of  England,  and  that  the  crown  was 
overshadowed  by  the  field-marshal’s  baton.  Godolphin  hav¬ 
ing  been  violently  libeled  in  a  sermon  by  Dr.  Sacheverell,  at 
St.  Savior’s,  Southwark,  the  doctor  was  impeached  before  the 
House  of  Lords  for  the  offense.  The  government  of  the  Tow¬ 
er,  usually  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
was,  to  mortify  Marlborough,  bestowed,  without  consulting 


MARLBOROUGH. 


247 


him,  on  Lord  Rivers.  At  length  matters  came  to  such  a 
pass,  and  the  ascendency  of  Mrs.  Masham  was  so  evident, 
while  her  influence  was  exercised  in  so  undisguised  a  manner 
to  humiliate  him,  that  he  prepared  the  draft  of  a  letter  of  res¬ 
ignation  of  his  commands  to  her  majesty,  in  which,  after  enu¬ 
merating  his  services,  and  the  abuse  which  Mrs.  Masham 
continued  to  heap  on  him  and  his  relations,  he  concluded  with 
saying,  “  I  hope  your  majesty  will  either  dismiss  her  or  my¬ 
self.”* 

Sunderland  and  several  of  the  Whig  leaders  warmly  ap¬ 
proved  of  this  vigorous  step  ;  hut  Godolphin,  who  46. 
foresaw  the  total  ruin  of  the  ministry  and  himself  ^nees^-ith 
in  the  resignation  of  the  general,  had  influence  1116  queen' 
enough  to  prevent  its  being  sent.  Instead  of  doing  so,  that 
nobleman  had  a  long  private  audience  with  her  majesty  on 
the  subject,  hi  which,  notwithstanding  the  warmest  profes¬ 
sions  on  her  part,  and  the  strong  sense  she  entertained  of  his 
great  and  lasting  services,  it  was  not  difficult  to  perceive  that 
a  reserve  as  to  future  intentions  was  manifested,  which  indi¬ 
cated  a  loss  of  confidence.  Marlborough  declared  he  would 
be  governed  in  the  whole  matter  by  the  advice  and  opinion 
of  his  friends,  but  strongly  expressed  Iris  own  opinion  “  that  all 
must  be  undone  if  this  poison  continues  about  the  queen. ”f 
Such,  however,  was  the  agony  of  apprehension  of  Godolphin 
at  the  effects  of  the  duke’s  resignation,  that  he  persuaded  him 
to  adopt  a  middle  course,  the  usual  resource  of  second-rate  men 
in  critical  circumstances;  but  generally  the  most  hazardous 
that  can  be  adopted.  This  plan  was  to  write  a  warm  remon¬ 
strance  to  the  queen,  but  without  making  Mrs.  Masham’s  re¬ 
moval  a  condition  of  his  remaining  in  office.  Li  this  letter, 
after  many  invectives  against  Mrs.  Masham,  and  a  full  enu¬ 
meration  of  his  grievances,  he  concludes  with  these  words : 
“  This  is  only  one  of  many  mortifications  that  I  have  met 

*  CoXE,  v.,  124-133. 

t  Duchess  of  Marlborough  to  Maymvaring,  January  18,  1710.  Cose,  v., 
134. 


248 


THE  LIFE  OF 


with ;  and  as  I  may  not  have  many  opportunities  of  writing 
to  you,  let  me  heg  of  your  majesty  to  reflect  what  your  own 
people  and  the  rest  of  the  world  must  think,  who  have  been 
witnesses  of  the  love,  zeal,  and  duty  with  which  I  have  serv¬ 
ed  you,  when  they  shall  see  that,  after  all  I  have  done,  it  has 
not  been  able  to  protect  me  against  the  malice  of  a  bed-chain- ' 
her  woman.  But  your  majesty  may  be  assured  that  my  zeal 
for  you  and  my  country  is  so  great,  that  in  my  retirement  I 
shall  daily  pray  for  your  prosperity,  and  that  those  who  servo 
you  as  faithfully  as  I  have  done  may  never  feel  the  hard  re¬ 
turn  I  have  met  with.”* 

These  expressions,  how  just  soever  in  themselves,  and  natu- 
47.  ral  in  one  whose  great  services  had  been  requited 

He  determines  y 

to  resign  it  Mrs.  as  Marlborough  s  had  been,  were  not  likely  to 
removed.  make  a  favorable  impression  on  the  royal  mind, 
and,  accordingly,  at  a  private  audience  which  he  had  soon 
after  of  the  queen,  he  was  received  in  the  coldest  manner.! 
He  retired,  in  consequence,  to  Blenheim,  determined  to  resign 
all  his  commands  unless  Mrs.  Masham  was  removed  from  the 
royal  presence.  Matters  seemed  so  near  a  rupture,  that  the 
queen  personally  applied  to  several  of  the  Tories,  and  even 
Jacobites,  who  had  long  kept  aloof  from  court,  to  support  her 
in  opposition  to  the  address  expected  from  both  houses  of  Par¬ 
liament  on  the  duke’s  resignation. 

Godolpliin  and  Somers,  however,  did  their  utmost  to  bend 
the  firm  general ;  and  they  so  far  succeeded  in  opposition  to 
his  better  judgment,  and  the  decided  opinions  of  the  duchess, 


*  Marlborough  to  Queen  Anne,  January  19, 1710. 

t  “  On  Wednesday  se’nnight  I  waited  upon  the  queen,  in  order  to  repre¬ 
sent  the  mischief  of  such  recommendations  in  the  army,  and  before  I  came 
away  I  expressed  all  the  concern  for  her  change  to  me  that  is  natural  to  a 
man  that  has  served  her  so  faithfully  for  many  years,  which  made  no  im¬ 
pression,  nor  was  her  majesty  pleased  to  take  so  much  notice  of  me  as  to 
ask  my  lord-treasurer  where  I  was  upon  her  missing  me  at  council.  I  have 
had  several  letters  from  him  since  I  came  here,  and  I  can  not  find  that  her 
majesty  has  ever  thought  me  worth  naming ;  when  my  lord-treasurer  once 
endeavored  to  show  her  the  mischief  that  would  happen,  she  made  him  no 
answer  hut  a  how.” — Marlborough  to  Lord  Somers,  January  21,  1710. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


249 


as  to  induce  him  to  continue  in  office  without  re-  48. 
quiring  the  removal  of  Mrs.  Masham  from  court,  edtd j?eid™smd 
The  queen,  delighted  at  this  victory  over  so  for-  recondSelYo 
midable  an  opponent,  received  him  at  his  next  au-  tlle  quee!1' 
dience  in  the  most  flattering  maimer,  and  with  a  degree  of 
apparent  regard  which  she  had  scarcely  ever  evinced  to  him 
in  the  days  of  liis  highest  favor.  But  in  the  midst  of  these 
deceitful  appearances  his  ruin  was  secretly  resolved  on ;  and 
in  order  to  accelerate  Iris  departure  from  court,  the  queen  in¬ 
serted  in  her  reply  to  the  address  of  the  Commons  at  the  close 
of  the  session  of  Parliament,  a  statement  of  her  resolution  to 
send  him  immediately  to  Holland,  as  “  I  shall  always  esteem 
him  the  chief  instrument  of  my  glory  and  of  my  people’s  hap¬ 
piness.”  He  embarked  accordingly,  and  landed  at  the  Brill 
on  the  18th  of  March,  in  appearance  possessing  the  same 
credit  and  authority  as  before,  but  in  reality  thwarted  and  op¬ 
posed  by  a  jealous  and  ambitious  faction  at  home,  which  re¬ 
strained  liis  most  important  measures,  and  prevented  him  from 
effecting  any  thing  in  future  on  a  level  with  his  former  glori¬ 
ous  achievements. 

The  year  1709  was  signalized  by  the  decisive  victory  of 
the  Czar  Peter  over  Charles  XII.  at  Pultowa,  49. 

1,  1  ,  .  ,  Battle  of  Pul- 

who  was  totally  routed  and  irretrievably  rumed  by  towa,  and 
the  Muscovite  forces,  commanded  by  the  Czar  in  Charles  xii. 
person  on  that  disastrous  day.  This  overthrow  was  one  of 
the  most  momentous  which  has  occurred  in  modern  times. 
Not  only  was  a  great  and  dreaded  conqueror  at  once  over¬ 
turned,  and,  ere  long,  reduced  to  captivity,  but  a  new  balance 
of  power  was  established  in  the  north  which  has  never  since 
been  shaken.  Sweden  was  reduced  to  her  natural  rank  as  a 
third-rate  power,  from  which  she  had  been  only  raised  by  the 
extraordinary  valor  and  military  talents  of  a  series  of  warlike 
sovereigns,  who  had  succeeded  in  rendering  the  Scandinavian 
warriors,  like  the  Macedonians  of  old,  a  race  of  heroes.  Rus¬ 
sia,  by  the  same  event,  acquired  the  entire  ascendency  over 
the  other  Baltic  powers,  and  obtained  that  preponderance 


250 


THE  LIFE  OF 


which  she  has  ever  since  maintained  in  the  affairs  of  Europe 
Marlborough  sympathized  warmly  with  the  misfortunes  of  the 
heroic  sovereign,  for  whose  genius  and  gallantry  he  had  con¬ 
ceived  the  highest  admiration.  But  he  was  too  sagacious  not 
to  see  that  his  disasters,  like  those  of  Napoleon  afterward  in 
the  same  regions,  were  entirely  the  result  of  his  own  impru¬ 
dence,  and  that,  if  he  had  judiciously  taken  advantage  of  the 
terror  of  his  name  and  the  success  of  his  arms  in  the  outset 
of  his  invasion,  he  might  have  gained  all  the  objects  for  which 
he  contended  without  incurring  any  serious  evil.* 

Peter  the  Great,  who  gained  this  astonishing  and  decisive 
50.  success,  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  who 
PeterTho  Great  ever  appeared  on  the  theater  of  public  affairs. 

He  was  nothing  by  halves.  For  good  or  for  evil 
he  was  gigantic.  Vigor  seems  to  have  been  the  great  char¬ 
acteristic  of  his  mind  ;  hut  it  was  often  fearfully  disfigured  by 
passion,  and  he  was  not  unfrequently  misled  by  the  example 
of  more  advanced  states.  To  elevate  Russia  to  an  exalted 
place  among  nations,  and  give  her  the  influence  which  her 
vast  extent  and  physical  resources  seemed  to  put  within  her 
reach,  was  throughout  life  the  great  object  of  his  ambition  ; 
and  he  succeeded  in  it  to  an  extent  which  naturally  acquired 
for  him  the  unbounded  admiration  of  mankind.  His  over¬ 
throw  of  the  Strelitzes,  long  the  Prsetorian  guards  and  terror 
of  the  czars  of  Muscovy,  was  effected  with  a  vigor  and  stain¬ 
ed  by  a  cruelty  similar  to  that  with  which  Sultan  Mah¬ 
moud,  a  century  after,  destroyed  the  Janizaries  at  Constant  i- 
nople.  The  sight  of  a  young  and  despotic  sovereign  leaving 
the  glittering  toys  and  real  enjoyments  of  royalty  to  labor  in 
the  dock-yards  of  Saardem  with  Iris  own  hands,  and  instruct 

*  "  If  this  unfortunate  king  liad  been  so  well  advised  as  to  have  made 
peace  the  beginning  of  this  summer,  he  might,  in  a  great  measure,  have  in¬ 
fluenced  the  peace  between  France  and  the  allies,  and  made  other  king¬ 
doms  happy.  I  am  extremely  touched  with  the  misfortunes  of  this  young 
king.  His  continued  successes,  and  the  contempt  he  had  of  his  enemies, 
have  been  his  ruin.” — Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  August  26,  1709.  Disp., 
v..  510. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


25* 


his  subjects  in  ship-building  by  first  teaching  himself,  was  too 
striking  and  remarkable  not  to  excite  universal  attention. 
And  when  the  result  of  this  was  seen — when  the  Czar  was 
found  introducing  among  his  subjects  the  military  discipline, 
naval  architecture,  nautical  skill,  as  well  as  other  arts  and 
warlike  institutions  of  Europe,  and,  in  consequence,  long  re¬ 
sisting,  and  at  length  destroying,  the  mighty  conqueror  who 
had  so  long  been  the  terror  of  Northern  Europe,  the  astonish¬ 
ment  of  men  knew  no  bounds.  He  was  celebrated  as  at  once 
the  Solon  and  Scipio  of  modern  times ;  and  literary  servility, 
vying  with  great  and  disinterested  admiration,  extolled  him 
as  one  of  the  greatest  heroes  and  benefactors  of  liis  species 
who  had  ever  appeared  among  men. 

But  time,  the  great  dispeller  of  illusions,  whose  mighty  arm 
no  individual  greatness,  how  great  soever,  can  long  51, 
withstand,  has  begun  to  abate  much  of  this  colos-  deTusionre-n<1 
sal  reputation.  His  temper  was  violent  in  the  eanlln°  him‘ 
extreme ;  frequent  acts  of  hideous  cruelty,  and  occasional  op¬ 
pression,  signalized  his  reign :  he  was  often  impelled,  by  ill- 
directed  zeal  for  the  advancement  of  his  people,  into  measures 
which  in  reality  and  in  the  end  retarded  their  improvement. 
More  than  any  other  man,  he  did  evil  that  good  might  come 
of  it.  He  impelled  his  people,  as  he  thought,  to  civilization, 
though,  while  launching  into  the  stream,  hundreds  of  thousands 
perished  in  the  waves.  “  Peter  the  Great,”  says  Mackintosh, 
“  did  not  civilize  Russia  :  that  undertaking  was  beyond  liis 
genius,  great  as  it  was  ;  he  only  gave  the  Russians  the  art  of 
civilized  war.”  The  truth  was,  he  attempted  what  was  al¬ 
together  impracticable.  No  one  man  can  at  once  civilize  a 
nation :  he  can  only  put  it  in  the  way  of  civilization.  To 
complete  the  fabric  must  be  the  work  of  continued  effort  and 
sustained  industry  during  many  successive  generations.  That 
Peter  failed  in  raising  liis  people  to  a  level  with  the  other  na¬ 
tions  of  Europe  in  refinement  and  industry,  is  no  reproach  to 
him.  It  was  impossible  to  do  so  hi  less  than  several  centu¬ 
ries.  The  real  particular  in  which  he  erred  was,  that  he  de- 


252 


THE  LIFE  OF 


parted  from  the  national  spirit,  that  he  tore  up  the  national 
institutions,  and  violated,  hi  numerous  instances,  the  strongest 
national  feelings.  He  clothed  his  court  and  capital  in  Eu¬ 
ropean  dresses  ;  hut  men  do  not  put  off  old  feelings  with  the 
costume  of  their  fathers. 

Peter’s  civilization  extended  no  further  than  the  surface. 

5-i.  lie  succeeded  in  inducing  an  extraordinary  degree 

Real  character  .  °  ~ 

of  bis  changes,  of  discipline  m  his  army,  and  the  appearance  of 

considerable  refinement  among  his  courtiers.  He  effected  no 
material  ameliorations  in  the  condition  of  his  subjects ;  and 
by  endeavoring  to  force  them  at  once  up  to  a  level  with  the 
states  of  Western  Europe,  he  not  only  rendered  his  govern¬ 
ment  unpopular  with  the  rural  population,  but  also  prevented 
his  improvements  from  penetrating  the  great  body  of  the  peo¬ 
ple.  It  is  easier  to  remodel  an  army  than  change  a  nation ; 
and  the  celebrated  bon-mot  of  Diderot,  that  the  Russians  were 
“  rotten  before  they  were  ripe,”  is  too  happy  an  expression, 
indicating  how  much  easier  it  is  to  introduce  the  vices  than 
the  virtues  of  civilization  among  an  unlettered  people.  To 
this  day  the  civilization  of  Russia  has  never  descended  below 
the  higher  ranks  ;  and  the  efforts  of  the  really  patriotic  czars 
who  have  since  'wielded  the  Muscovite  scepter,  Alexander  and 
Nicholas,  have  been  mainly  in  abandoning  the  fictitious  ca¬ 
reer  into  which  Peter  turned  the  people,  and  the  reviving 
with  the  old  institutions  the  true  spirit  and  inherent  aspira 
tions  of  the  nation.  The  immense,  though  less  obtrusive  suc¬ 
cess  with  which  their  efforts  have  been  attended,  and  the 
gradual,  though  still  slow  descent  of  civilization  and  improve¬ 
ment  through  the  great  body  of  the  people,  prove  the  wisdom 
of  the  principles  on  which  they  have  proceeded.  Possibly 
Russia  is  yet  destined  to  afford  another  illustration  of  the 
truth  of  Montesquieu’s  maxim,  that  no  nation  ever  yet  rose 
to  durable  greatness  but  through  institutions  hi  harmony  with 
its  spirit.  Yet  was  Peter’s  attempt,  though  hi  many  respects 
a  mistaken,  a  great  and  glorious  one  :  it  was  the  effort  of  a 
rude,  but  lofty  and  magnanimous  mind,  which  attributes  to 


MARLBOROUGH. 


253 


mankind  in  general  that  vigor  and  ambition  of  which  it  is 
itself  conscious.  And  without  shutting  our  eyes  to  his  many 
and  serious  errors,  in  charity  let  us  hope  that  the  words  of 
Peter  on  his  death-bed  have  been  realized  :  “I  trust  that,  in 
respect  of  the  good  I  have  striven  to  do  my  people,  God  will 
pardon  my  sins.” 


.  CHAPTER  VI. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1710. - PASSAGE  OF  VILLARs’s  LINES. - CAPTURE 

OF  DOUAY,  AIRE,  BETHUNE,  AND  ST.  VENANT. - LAST  CAMPAIGN 

OF  MARLBOROUGH  IN  1711. - SECOND  PASSAGE  OF  VILLARs’s 

LINES. - CAPTURE  OF  BOUCHAIN. - FALL  AND  DEATH  OF  MARL¬ 

BOROUGH. 

On  his  arrival  in  Holland  on  the  18th  of  March,  1710, 
Marlborough  again  found  himself  practically  in-  i. 
volved  hi  the  still  pending  negotiations  for  peace,  negotiations1'^ 
over  which,  from  the  decline  of  his  influence  at  the  Ha=uo- 
court,  he  had  ceased  to  have  any  real  control.  Still  exposed 
to  the  blasting  imputation  of  seeking  to  prolong  the  war  for 
his  own  private  purposes,  he  was,  in  reality,  doing  his  utmost 
to  terminate  hostilities.  As  the  negotiation  with  the  osten¬ 
sible  plenipotentiaries  of  the  different  courts  was  at  an  end, 
though  Louis  still  continued  to  make  private  overtures  to  the 
Dutch,  in  the  hope  of  detaching  them  from  the  confederacy, 
Marlborough  took  advantage  of  this  circumstance  to  endeavor 
to  effect  an  accommodation.  At  his  request,  the  Dutch  agent, 
Petcum,  had  again  returned  to  Paris  hi  the  end  of  1709,  to 
resume  the  negotiation ;  and  the  Marlborough  Papers  con¬ 
tain  numerous  letters  from  him  to  the  duke,  detailing  the 
progress  of  the  overtures.*  On  the  very  day  after  Marlbor- 

*  Marlborough  to  the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  8th  of  Nov.,  1709.  Disp.,  iv., 
047.  COXE,  iv.,  167. 


Y 


254 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ough’s  arrival  at  the  Hague,  the  plenipotentiaries  made  their 
report  of  the'  issue  of  the  negotiation ;  hut  the  views  of  the 
parties  were  still  so  much  at  variance,  that  it  was  evident  no 
hopes  of  peace  could  he  entertained.  Louis  was  not  yet  suffi¬ 
ciently  humbled  to  submit  to  the  arrogant  demands  of  the  al¬ 
lies,  which  went  to  strip  him  of  nearly  all  his  conquests ;  and 
the  different  powers  of  the  confederacy  were  each  set  upon 
turning  the  general  success  of  the  alliance  to  their  own  pri¬ 
vate  advantage. 

Zenzindorf,  on  the  part  of  Austria,  insisted  that  not  the 
2.  smallest  portion  of  the  Spanish  territories  in  Italy 
mands  of  the  should  he  ceded  to  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Bour- 
aUies'  bon,  and  declared  the  resolution  of  liis  Imperial  mas¬ 
ter  to  perish  with  arms  in  his  hands  rather  than  submit  to 
a  partition  which  would  lead  to  his  inevitable  ruin.  King 
Charles  expressed  the  same  determinatioti,  and  contended 
further  for  the  cession  of  Roussillon,  winch  had  been  -wrested 
from  Spam  since  the  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees.  The  Duke  of 
Savoy,  who  aimed  at  the  acquisition  of  Sicily  from  the  spoils 
of  the  fallen  monarch,  was  equally  obstinate  for  the  prosecu¬ 
tion  of  the  war.  Godolphin,  Somers,  and  the  Dutch  Pen¬ 
sionary  inclined  to  peace,  and  were  willing  to  purchase  it  by 
the  cession  of  Sicily  to  Louis  ;  and  Marlborough  gave  this  his 
entire  support,  provided  the  evacuation  of  Spain,  the  great  ob¬ 
ject  of  the  war,  could  he  secured.*  But  all  their  efforts  were 
in  vain.  The  ambitious  designs  of  Austria  and  Savoy  pre¬ 
vailed  over  their  pacific  counsels ;  and  we  have  the  valuable 
authority  of  De  Torcy,  who  in  the  former  congress  had  ac¬ 
cused  the  duke  of  breaking  off  the  negotiation,  that  in  this 
year  the  rupture  was  entirely  owing  to  the  efforts  of  Count 
Zenzindorf.f  Marlborough,  however,  never  ceased  to  long 
for  a  termination  of  hostilities,  and  took  the  field  with  a  heavy 
heart,  relieved  only  by  the  hope  that  one  more  successful  cam* 

*  Coxe,  iv.,  169.  Lamberti,  vi.,  37-49. 

t  Note  to  Petcum,  August  10,  1710.  Marlborough  Papers;  and  Coxe, 
iv.,  173. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


255 


paign  would  give  him  what  he  so  ardently  desired,  the  rest 
consequent  upon  a  general  peace.* 

War  being  resolved  on,  Marlborough  and  Eugene  met  at 
Tournay  on  the  28tli  of  April,  and  commenced  3. 
the  campaign  by  besieging  the  fort  of  Mortagne,  pl^^reeifon 
which  capitulated  on  the  same  day.  Their  force  and^arliol6116 
already  amounted  to  sixty  thousand  men,  and  as  oush- 
the  troops  were  daily  coming  up  from  their  cantonments,  it 
was  expected  soon  to  amount  to  double  that  number.  The 
plan  of  operations  was  soon  settled  between  these  two  great 
men  ;  no  difference  of  opinion  ever  occurred  between  them,  no 
jealousy  ever  marred  their  co-operation.  They  determined  to 
commence  serious  operations  by  attacking  Douay,  a  strong 
fortress,  and  one  of  the  last  of  the  first  order  which  in  that 
quarter  guarded  the  French  territory.  To  succeed  in  this, 
however,  it  was  necessary  to  pass  the  French  lines,  which 
were  of  great  strength,  and  were  guarded  by  Marshal  Mon¬ 
tesquieu  at  the  head  of  forty  battalions  and  twenty  squadrons. 
Douay  itself  was  also  strongly  protected  both  by  nature  and 
art.  On  the  one  side  lay  the  Haine  and  the  Scarpe  ;  in  the 
center  was  the  canal  of  Douay ;  on  the  other  side  were  the 
lines  of  La  Bassie,  which  had  been  strengthened  with  addi¬ 
tional  works  since  the  close  of  the  campaign.  Marlborough 
was  very  sanguine  of  success,  as  the  French  force  was  not  yet 
collected,  and  he  was  considerably  superior  in  number  ;  and  he 
wrote  to  Godolphin  on  the  same  night,  “  The  orders  are  giv¬ 
en  for  marching  this  night,  so  that  I  hope  my  next  will  give 
you  an  account  of  our  being  in  Artois. ”f 

*  “I  am  very  sorry  to  tell  you  that  the  behavior  of  the  French  looks  as  if 
they  had  no  other  desire  than  that  of  carrying  on  the  war.  I  hope  God  will 
bless  this  campaign,  for  I  see  nothing  else  that  can  give  us  peace  either  at 
home  or  abroad.  I  am  so  discouraged  by  every  thing  I  see,  that  I  have  nev¬ 
er,  during  this  war,  gone  into  the  field  with  so  heavy  a  hearths  at  this  time. 
I  own  to  you  that  the  present  hnmor  in  England  gives  me  a  good  deal  of 
trouble,  for  I  can  not  see  how  it  is  possible  they  should  mend  till  every 
thing  is  yet  worse.” — Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  Hague,  14  th  of  April,  1710. 
Coxe,  iv.,  179. 

t  Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  20th  of  April,  1710.  Coxe,  iv.,  182. 


256 


THE  LIFE  OF 


The  duke  operated  at  once  by  both  wings.  On  the  one 

4.  wing  he  detached  the  Prince  of  Wirtemberg,  with 
Passage  of  the 

lines  of  the  fifteen  thousand  men,  hv  Pont-a-Tessiu  to  Pont-a- 
Scarpe,  28th  J  .  . 

April.  V  endin,  where  the  French  lines  met  the  Dyle  and 

the  canal  of  Douay,  while  on  the  other  Prince  Eugene  moved 
forward  Count  F els,  -with  a  considerable  corps,  toward  Pont 
Auby  on  the  same  canal.  The  whole  army  followed  in  two 
columns,  the  right  commanded  by  Eugene,  and  the  left  by 
Marlborough.  The  English  general  secured  the  passage  at 
Pont-a-Vendin  without  resistance ;  and  Eugene,  though  baf¬ 
fled  at  Pont  Auby,  succeeded  in  getting  over  the  canal  at 
Sant  and  Courieres  without  serious  loss.  The  first  defenses 
were  thus  forced  ;  and  that  night  the  two  wings  having  form¬ 
ed  a  junction,  lay  on  their  arms  in  the  plain  of  Lens,  while 
Montesquieu  precipitately  retired  behind  the  Scarpe,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Vitry.  Next  morning,  the  troops,  overjoyed 
at  their  success,  continued  their  advance.  Marlborough  sent 
forward  General  Cadogan,  at  the  head  of  the  English  troops, 
to  Pont-a-Rache,  to  circumscribe  the  garrison  of  Douay,  on 
the  canal  of  Marchieimes,  on  the  north,  while  Eugene,  en¬ 
camping  on  the  other  side  of  the  Scarpe,  completed  the  invest 
ment  on  the  west.  The  perfect  success  of  this  enterprise  with¬ 
out  any  loss  was  matter  of  equal  surprise  and  joy  to  the  duke, 
who  wrote  to  the  duchess  in  the  highest  strain  of  satisfaction 
at  his  bloodless  triumph.  It  was  entirely  owing  to  the  sud¬ 
denness  and  secrecy  of  his  movements,  which  took  the  enemy 
completely  unawares  ;  for  had  the  enterprise  been  delayed 
four  days  longer,  its  issue  would  have  been  extremely  doubt¬ 
ful,  and  thousands  of  men  must,  at  all  events,  have  been  sac¬ 
rificed.* 

*  "  In  my  last  I  had  but  just  time  to  tell  you  we  had  passed  the  lines.  I 
hope  this  happj^beginning  will  produce  such  success  this  campaign  as  must 
put  an  end  to  the  war.  I  bless  God  for  putting  it  into  their  heads  not  to  de¬ 
fend  their  lines  ;  for  at  Pont-a-Vendin,  when  I  passed,  the  Marshal  D'Artag- 
na.u  was  with  twenty  thousand  men,  which,  if  he  had  stayed,  must  have 
rendered  the  event  very  doubtful.  But,  God  be  praised,  we  are  come  with¬ 
out  the  loss  of  any  men.  The  excuse  the  French  make  is,  that  we  came 


MARLBOROUGH. 


257 


Douay,  which  was  immediately  invested  after  this  success, 

is  a  fortress  of  considerable  strength,  in  the  second  5. 

•  Description 

line  which  covers  the  French  province  of  Artois,  of  Douay. 
Less  populous  than  Lille,  it  embraces  a  wider  circuit  within 
its  ample  walls.  Its  principal  defense  consists  in  the  marshes, 
which,  on  the  side  of  Tournay,  where  the  attack  might  be  ex¬ 
pected,  render  it  extremely  difficult  of  approach,  especially  in 
the  rainy  season.  Access  to  it  is  defended  by  Fort  Scarpe,  a 
powerful  outwork,  capable  of  standing  a  separate  siege.  The 
garrison  consisted  of  eight  thousand  men  under  the  command 
of  the  Marquis  Albergotti,  an  officer  of  the  highest  talent  and 
bravery  ;  and  under  him  were  the  renowned  Valory,  to  direct 
the  engineers,  and  the  not  less  celebrated  Chevalier  de  Jau- 
court,  to  command  the  artillery.  From  a  fortress  of  such 
strength,  so  defended,  the  most  resolute  resistance  might  be 
expected,  and  no  efforts  were  spared  on  the  part  of  the  allied 
generals  to  overcome  it. 

The  investment  was  completed  on  the  4th,  and  the  trenches 
opened  on  the  5th  of  May.  On  the  7th,  the  head  e. 
of  the  sap  was  advanced  to  within  two  hundred  andsfe^1611.1 
and  fifty  yards  of  the  exterior  palisades ;  hut  the  toYdse3 
besiegers  that  night  experienced  a  severe  check  from  llth  May- 
a  vigorous  sally  of  the  besieged  with  twelve  hundred  men,  by 
which  two  English  regiments  were  nearly  cut  to  pieces.  But, 
on  the  Gth,  a  great  train  of  artillery,  consisting  of  two  hund¬ 
red  pieces,  with  a  large  supply  of  ammunition,  arrived  from 
Tournay  ;  on  the  1 1  th,  the  advanced  works  were  strongly 
armed,  and  the  batteries  were  pushed  up  to  the  covered  way, 
where  they  thundered  across  the  ditch  against  the  rampart. 
The  imminent  danger  of  this  important  stronghold  now  seri¬ 
ously  alarmed  the  French  court ;  and  Marshal  Villars,  who 
commanded  their  great  army  on  the  Flemish  frontier,  received 
the  most  positive  orders  to  advance  to  its  relief.  By  great  ex¬ 
ertions,  he  had  now  collected  one  hundred  and  fifty-three  bat- 


four  days  before  they  expected  us  .''—Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  21st  of 
April,  1710.  Coxe,  ix.,  184. 

Y  2 


258 


THE  LIFE  OF 


talions  and  two  hundred  and  sixty-two  squadrons,  which  were 
pompously  announced  as  mustering  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou¬ 
sand  combatants,  and  certainly  amounted  to  more  than  ninety 
thousand.  The  allied  force  was  almost  exactly  equal  in  bat¬ 
talions  and  squadrons ;  it  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
five  battalions  and  two  hundred  and  sixty-one  squadrons,  but 
the  number  of  men  was  less  than  that  of  the  French,  being 
only  eighty  thousand. 

Villars  broke  up  from  the  vicinity  of  Cambray  on  the  21st 
7  of  May,  and  advanced  in  great  strength  toward 
expecTSf8  Don  ay.  Marlborough  and  Eugene  immediately 
other  battle.  macje  the  most  vigorous  preparations  to  receive  him. 
Thirty  battalions  only  were  left  to  prosecute  the  siege  ;  twelve 
squadrons  were  placed  in  observation  at  Pont-a-Rache ;  and 
the  remainder  of  the  army,  about  sixty  thousand  strong,  were 
concentrated  in  a  strong  position,  so  as  to  cover  the  siege,  on 
which  all  the  resources  of  art,  so  far  as  the  short  time  would 
admit,  had  been  lavished.  Every  thing  was  prepared  for  a 
mighty  struggle.  The  whole  guns  were  mounted  on  batteries 
four  hundred  paces  from  each  other  ;  the  infantry  was  drawn 
up  in  a  single  line  along  the  intrenchment,  and  filled  up  the 
entire  interval  between  the  artillery;  the  cavalry  were  ar¬ 
ranged  in  two  lines,  seven  hundred  paces  in  rear  of  the  foot 
soldiers.  It  seemed  another  Malplaquet,  in  which  the  rela¬ 
tive  position  of  the  two  armies  was  reversed,  and  the  French 
were  to  storm  the  intrenched  position  of  the  allies.  Every 
man  in  both  armies  expected  a  decisive  battle  ;  and  Marlbor¬ 
ough,  who  was  heartily  tired  of  the  war,  wrote  to  the  duchess 
that  he  hoped  for  a  victory  which  should  at  once  end  the  war 
and  restore  him  to  private  life.* 

*  “  I  hope  God  will  so  bless  our  efforts,  that  if  the  queen  should  not  he  so 
happy  as  to  have  a  prospect  of  peace  before  the  opening  of  the  next  session 
of  Parliament,  she  and  all  her  subjects  may  be  convinced  we  do  our  best 
here  in  the  army  to  put  a  speedy  and  good  period  to  this  bloody  war.” — 
Marl-borough  to  the  Duchess,  May  12,  1710. 

"  1  hear  of  so  many  disagreeable  things,  that  make  it  very  reasonable,  both 
for  myself  and  you,  to  take  no  steps  but  what  may  lead  to  a  quiet  life.  This 
being  the  case,  am  I  not  to  be  pitied  that  am  every  day  in  danger  of  expos 


MARLBOROUGH. 


259 


Yet  there  was  no  battle.  The  luster  of  Blenheim  and 
Ramillies  played  round  Marlborough’s  bayonets,  g. 
and  the  recollection  of  Turin  tripled  the  effective  without  fight3 
force  of  Eugene’s  squadrons.  Villars  advanced  on  ln=' 
the  1st  of  June,  with  all  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war, 
to  within  musket-shot  of  the  allied  position ;  and  he  had  not 
only  the  authority,  but  the  recommendation  of  Louis  to  hazard 
a  battle.  He  boasted  that  his  force  amounted  to  a  hundred 
and  sixty  thousand  men.*  But  lie  did  not  venture  to  make 
the  attack.  To  Marlborough’s  great  regret,  he  retired  with¬ 
out  fighting  ;  and  the  English  general,  at  the  age  of  threescore, 
was  left  to  pursue  the  fatigues  and  the  labors  of  a  protracted 
campaign,  in  which,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  he  was  doubt- 
lid  of  success,  from  knowing  the  malignant  eyes  with  which 
he  was  regarded  by  the  ruling  factions  in  his  own  country. 
“  I  long,”  said  he,  “  for  an  end  of  the  war,  so  God’s  will  be 
done ;  whatever  the  event  may  be,  I  shall  have  nothing  to 
reproach  myself  with,  having,  with  all  my  heart,  done  my 
duty,  and  being  hitherto  blessed  with  more  success  than  was 
ever  known  before.  My  wishes  and  duty  are  the  same  ;  but 
I  can’t  say  I  have  the  same  prophetic  spirit  I  used  to  have ; 
for  in  all  the  former  actions  I  never  did  doubt  of  success,  we 
having  had  constantly  the  great  blessing  of  being  of  one  mind. 
I  can  not  say  it  is  so  now  ;  for  I  fear  some  are  run  so  far  into 
villainous  faction,  that  it  would  more  content  them  to  see  us 
beaten  ;  but  if  I  live,  I  will  be  watchful  that  it  shall  not  be 
in  their  power  to  do  much  hurt.  The  discourse  of  the  Duke 
of  Argyll  is,  that  when  I  please  there  will  then  be  peace.  I 
suppose  his  friends  speak  the  same  language  in  England ;  so 
that  I  must  every  summer  venture  my  life  in  a  battle,  and  be 
found  fault  with  in  winter  for  not  bringing  home  peace.  No, 
I  wish  for  it  with  all  my  heart  and  soul.”f 

ing  my  life  for  the  good  of  those  who  are  seeking  my  rain  ?  God's  will  be 
done.  If  I  can  bo  so  blessed  as  to  end  this  campaign  with  success,  things 
must  very  much  alter  to  persuade  me  to  come  again  at  the  head  of  the  army.” 
— Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  19th  of  May,  1710.  Coxe,  iv.,  191,  192. 

*  Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  26th  of  May  and  2d  of  June,  1710. 

t  Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  12th  of  June,  1710.  Coxe,  iv.,  197. 


26U 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Villars  having  retired  without  fighting,  the  operations  of 

9-  the  siege  were  resumed  with  redoubled  vigor.  On 
Fall  of  Douay,  °  ... 

2Gth  June.  the  16th  of  June,  signals  of  distress  were  sent  up 

from  the  town,  which  the  French  marshal  perceived,  and  he 
made,  in  consequence,  a  show  of  returning  to  interrupt  the 
siege  ;  but  Ins  movements  came  to  nothing.  Marlborough, 
to  comiteract  his  movement,  repassed  the  Scarpe  at  Yitry, 
and  took  up  a  position  directly  barring  the  line  of  advance  of 
the  French  marshal,  while  Eugene  prosecuted  the  siege.  Vil¬ 
lars  again  retired  without  fighting.  On  the  22d,  the  fort  of 
Scarpe  was  breached,  and  the  sap  was  advanced  to  the  coun¬ 
terscarp  of  the  fortress,  the  walls  of  which  were  violently  shak¬ 
en  ;  and  on  the  26th,  Albergotti,  who  had  no  longer  any  hope 
of  being  relieved,  and  who  saw  preparations  made  for  a  gen¬ 
eral  assault,  capitulated  with  the  garrison,  now  reduced  to 
four  thousand  five  hundred  men.* 

On  the  surrender  of  Douay,  the  allied  generals  intended  to 

10.  besiege  Arras,  the  last  of  the  triple  line  of  fortress- 
uuableto reach  es  which  on  that  side  covered  F ranee,  and  between 
sie e'e'  Be thmi'e  which  and  Paris  no  fortified  place  remained  to  ar- 
lotu  July.  rest  the  march  of  an  invader.  On  the  10th  of 
July,  Marlborough  crossed  the  Scarpe  at  Yitry,  and,  joining 
Eugene,  their  united  forces,  nearly  ninety  thousand  strong, 
advanced  toward  Arras.  But  Villars,  who  felt  the  extreme 
importance  of  this  last  stronghold,  had  exerted  himself  to  the 
utmost  for  its  defense.  He  had  long  employed  his  troops  on 
the  construction  of  new  lines  of  great  strength  on  the  Crin- 
clion,  stretching  from  Arras  to  the  Somme,  and  here  he  had 
collected  nearly  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and  a  hundred  and 
thirty  pieces  of  camion.  After  reconnoitering  tliis  position, 
the  allied  generals  concurred  in  thinking  that  it  was  equally 
impossible  to  force  it,  and  to  undertake  the  siege  of  Arras, 
while  the  enemy,  hi  such  strength  and  so  strongly  posted,  lay 
on  its  flank.  Their  first  intention,  oil  finding  themselves  baf¬ 
fled  in  this  project,  was  to  seize  Hesdin  on  the  Cancher,  which 

*  Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  26th  of  June,  1710.  Di$p-,  iv,  696. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


261 


would  have  left  the  enemy  no  strong  place  between  them  and 
the  coast.  But  the  skillful  dispositions  of  Villars,  who  on  this 
occasion  displayed  uncommon  abilities  and  foresight,  rendered 
this  design  abortive,  and  it  was  therefore  determined  to  attack 
Bethune.  This  place,  which  was  surrounded  with  very  strong 
works,  was  garrisoned  by  nine  thousand  men,  under  the  com¬ 
mand  of  M.  Puy  Vauban,  nephew  of  the  celebrated  marshal 
of  the  same  name.  But  as  an  attack  on  it  had  not  been  ex¬ 
pected,  the  necessary  supplies  for  a  protracted  resistance  had 
not  been  fully  introduced  when  the  investment  was  completed 
on  the  15th  of  July.* 

Villars,  upon  seeing  the  point  of  attack  now  fully  declared, 

moved  in  right  columns  upon  Horbarques,  near  U- 
6  1  a  >  Great  skm 

Montenencourt.  Eugene  and  Marlborough,  upon  with  which  Vil- 
.  .  lars  averted  the 

this,  assembled  their  covering  army,  and  changed  invasion  of 

France  on  this 

their  iront,  taking  up  a  new  line  stretching  irom  occasion.  Fall 
Mont  St.  Eloi  to  Lc  Comte.  Upon  advancing  to  re-  28th  August, 
coimoiter  the  enemy,  Marlborough  discovered  that  the  French, 
advancing  to  raise  the  siege,  were  busy  constructing  a  new 
set  of  lines,  which  stretched  across  the  plain  from  the  rivulet 
Ugie  to  the  Lorraine,  and  the  center  of  which,  at  Avesnes  le 
Comte,  was  already  strongly  fortified.  It  now  appeared  how 
much  Villars  had  gained  by  the  skillful  measures  which  had 
diverted  the  allies  from  their  projected  attack  upon  Arras.  It 
lay  upon  the  direct  road  to  Paris.  Bethune,  though  of  im¬ 
portance  to  the  ultimate  issue  of  the  war,  was  not  of  the  same 
present  moment.  It  lay  on  the  flank  on  the  second  line,  Ar¬ 
ras  in  front,  and  was  the  only  remaining  fortress  in  the  last. 
By  means  of  the  new  lines  which  he  had  constructed,  the 
able  French  marshal  had  erected  a  fresh  protection  for  his 
country,  when  its  last  defenses  were  wellnigh  broken  through. 
By  simply  holding  them,  the  interior  of  France  was  covered 
from  incursion,  time  was  gained  not  only  for  raising  fresh  ar¬ 
maments  in  the  interior  for  its  defense,  but,  what  was  of  more 

*  Considerat.  sur  la  Comp,  de  1710,  par  M,  le  Marshal  Villars;  and 
Coxe,  iv.,  192. 


r 


262 


THE  LIFE  OF 


importance  to  Louis,  for  waiting  the  issue  of  the  intrigues  in 
England,  which  were  soon  expected  to  overthrow  the  Whig 
cabhiet.  Yillars,  on  this  occasion,  proved  the  salvation  of  his 
country,  and  justly  raised  himself  to  the  very  highest  rank 
among  its  military  commanders.  His  -measures  were  the 
more  to  be  commended  that  they  exposed  him  to  the  obloquy 
of  leaving  Bethune  to  its  fate,  which  surrendered  by  capitu¬ 
lation,  with  its  numerous  garrison  and  accomplished  com¬ 
mander,  on  the  28th  of  August.* 

Notwithstanding  the  loss  of  so  many  fortresses  on  the  cn- 
12.  dangered  frontier  of  his  territory,  Louis  XIV.  was 

Increasing  ani- 

mosity  to  Mari-  so  much  encouraged  by  what  he  knew  of  the  great 

borough  in  En-  ,  .  ,  .  .  .  „  r 

gland.  Hein-  change  which  was  gomg  on  m  the  councils  ol 
siege  Calais.  Queen  Anne,  that,  expectmg  daily  an  entire  rev¬ 
olution  in  the  ministry,  and  the  overthrow  of  the  war  party 
in  the  cabinet,  he  resolved  on  the  most  vigorous  prosecution 
-f  the  contest.  He  made  clandestine  overtures  to  the  secret 
advisers  of  the  queen,  in  the  hope  of  establishing  that  separate 
negotiation  which  at  no  distant  period  proved  so  successful. 
Torcy,  the  duke’s  enemy,  triumphantly  declared,  “  what  we 
lose  in  Flanders,  we  shall  gain  in  England.”!  To  frustrate 
these  machinations,  and,  if  possible,  rouse  the  national  feeling 
more  strongly  in  favor  of  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war, 
Marlborough  determined  to  lay  siege  to  Aire  and  St.  Venant, 
which,  though  off  the  line  of  direct  attack  on  France,  laid 
open  the  way  to  Calais,  which,  if  supported  at  home,  he 
hoped  to  reduce  before  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign.!  He 
entertained  the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  success  from  this  de¬ 
sign,  which  was  warmly  approved  of  by  Godolphin ;  hut  he 
*  Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  29th  of  August,  1710.  Disp.,  iv.,  581. 
Coxe,  iv.,  294.  t  Coxe,  iv.,  343,  344. 

t  "  I  am  of  opinion  that,  after  the  siege  of  Airo,  I  shall  have  it  in  my  pow¬ 
er  to  attack  Calais.  This  is  a  conquest  which  would  very  much  prejudice 
France,  and  ought  to  have  a  good  effect  for  the  queen’s  service  in  England  ; 
but  I  see  so  much  malice  leveled  at  me,  that  I  am  afraid  it  is  not  pafe  for 
me  to  make  any  proposition,  lest,  if  it  should  not  succeed,  my  enemies 
should  turn  it  to  my  disadvantage.” — Marlborough  to  Godolphin ,  11th  of 
August,  1710.  Coxe,  iv..  343. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


263 


received  at  this  tune  such  discouraging  accounts  of  the  preca¬ 
rious  condition  of  his  influence  at  court,  that  he  justly  conclud¬ 
ed  he  would  not  receive  adequate  support  from  England,  out 
of  Avhich  the  main  supplies  for  the  enterprise  must  be  drawn. 
He,  in  concert  with  Eugene,  therefore,  wisely  resolved  to  fore¬ 
go  this  dazzling  hut  perilous  project  for  the  present,  and  to 
content  himself  with  the  solid  advantages,  unattended  with 
risk,  of  reducing  Aire  and  St.  Yenant. 

Having  taken  their  resolution,  the  confederate  generals  be¬ 
gan  their  march  in  the  beginning  of  September,  13. 

b  °  °  1  Siege  and  cap- 

and  on  the  Gth  of  that  month  both  places  were  ture  of  st. Re¬ 
invested,  Aire,  which  is  comparatively  of  small  tember.  1 
extent,  was  garrisoned  by  only  five  thousand  seven  hundred 
men ;  but  Yenant  was  a  place  of  great  size  and  strength,  and 
had  a  garrison  of  fourteen  battalions  of  foot  and  three  regi¬ 
ments  of  dragoons,  mustering  eight  thousand  combatants. 
They  were  under  the  command  of  the  Count  do  Guebriant,  a 
brave  and  skillful  commander.  Both  were  at  this  time  pro¬ 
tected  by  inundations,  which  retarded  extremely  the  opera¬ 
tions  of  the  besiegers,  the  more  especially  as  the  autumnal 
rains  had  set  in  early  this  year,  and  with  more  than  usual  se¬ 
verity.  While  anxiously  awaiting  the  cessation  of  this  obsta¬ 
cle,  and  the  arrival  of  a  great  convoy  of  heavy  cannon  and 
ammunition  which  was  coming  up  from  Ghent,  the  allied  gen¬ 
erals  received  the  disheartening  intelligence  of  the  total  defeat 
of  this  important  convoy,  which,  though  guarded  by  sixteen 
hundred  men,  was  attacked  and  destroyed  by  a  French  corps 
on  the  19th  of  September.  This  loss  affected  Marlborough 
the  more  sensibly,  that  it  was  the  first  disaster  of  moment 
winch  had  befallen  him  during  nine  years  of  incessant  war¬ 
fare.*  But,  notwithstanding  this  loss,  St.  Yenant  was  so  se- 

*  11  Till  within  these  few  days,  during  these  nine  years  I  have  never  had 
occasion  to  send  ill  news.  Our  powder  and  other  stores,  for  the  carrying  on 
these  two  sieges,  left  Ghent  last  Thursday,  under  the  convoy  of  twelve 
hundred  foot  and  four  hundred  and  fifty  horse.  They  were  attacked  by  the 
enemy  and  beaten,  so  that  they  blew  up  the  powder  and  sunk  the  store 
boats.” — Marlborough  to  the  Duchess.  22d  Sept ,  1710.  Coxe,  iv.,  365 


264 


THE  LIFE  OF 


verely  pressed  by  the  fire  of  the  besiegers,  under  the  Prince  of 
Anhalt,  who  conducted  the  operations  with  uncommon  vigor 
and  ability,  that  the  garrison  was  compelled  to  capitulate  on 
the  29th,  on  condition  of  being  conducted  to  St.  Omer,  not  to 
serve  again  till  regularly  exchanged. 

Aire  still  held  out,  as  the  loss  of  the  convoy  from  Ghent, 

and  the  dreadful  rains  which  fell  almost  without  in- 
And  of  Aire,  .  .  . 

12th  Nov.  termission  during  the  whole  of  October,  very  greatly 
retarded  the  progress  of  the  siege.  The  garrison,  too,  under 
the  command  of  the  brave  governor,  made  a  most  resolute  de¬ 
fense.  Sickness  prevailed  to  a  great  extent  in  the  allied 
army ;  the  troops  were  for  the  most  part  up  to  the  knees  in 
mud  and  water  ;  and  the  rains,  which  fell  night  and  day  with¬ 
out  intermission,  precluded  the  possibility  of  finding  a  dry 
place  for  their  lodging.  It  was  absolutely  necessary,  however, 
to  continue  the  siege ;  for,  independent  of  the  credit  of  the 
army  being  staked  on  its  success,  it  had  become  impossible,  as 
Marlborough  himself  said,  to  draw'  the  camion  from  the  trench¬ 
es.*  The  perseverance  of  the  allied  commanders  was  at  length 
rewarded  by  success.  On  the  12th  of  November  the  fortress 
capitulated,  and  the  garrison,  still  three  thousand  six  hundred 
and  twenty-eight  strong,  marched  out  prisoners,  leaving  six¬ 
teen  hundred  sick  and  wounded  in  the  town.  This  conquest, 
which  concluded  the  campaign,  was,  however,  dearly  pur¬ 
chased  by  the  loss  of  nearly  seven  thousand  men  killed  and 
wounded  in  the  allied  ranks,  exclusive  of  the  sick,  who,  amid 
those  pestilential  marshes,  had  now  swelled  to  double  that 
number.!  «- 

Although  the  capture  of  four  such  important  fortresses  as 
Douay,  Bethune,  St.  Venant,  and  Aire,  with  their  garrisons, 
amounting  to  thirty  thousand  men,  who  had  been  taken  in 

*  “  Take  it  we  must,  for  we  can  not  draw  the  guns  from  the  batteries. 
But  God  knows  when  we  shall  have  it;  night  and  day  our  poor  men  are  up 
to  the  knees  in  mud  and  water.” — Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  27th  of  Octo¬ 
ber,  1710. 

t  Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  13th  of  November,  1710.  Disp.,  iv.,  685- 
689.  Coxe,  iv.,  366,  367. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


265 


them  during  the  campaign,  was  a  most  substantial  ,  15-  , 

°  r  n  Increase  of 

advantage,  and  could  not  fail  to  have  a  most  im-  Marlborough's 

u  #  difficulties  at 

portant  effect  on  the  final  issue  of  the  war,  yet  these  home, 
results  were  not  productive  of  so  much  natural  exultation  as 
the  victories  of  the  preceding  campaigns.  There  had  been  no 
brilliant  victory  like  Blenheim,  Ramillies,  or  Oudenarde,  to 
silence  envy  and  defy  malignity  ;  the  successes,  though  little 
less  real,  had  not  been  so  dazzling.  The  intriguers  about  the 
court,  the  malcontents  in  the  country,  eagerly  seized  on  this 
circumstance  to  calumniate  the  duke,  and  accused  him  of  un¬ 
worthy  motives  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  :  he  was  protract¬ 
ing  it  for  his  own  private  purposes,  reducing  it  to  a  strife  of 
lines  and  sieges,  when  he  might  at  once  terminate  it  by  a  de¬ 
cisive  battle,  and  gratifying  his  ruling  passion  of  avarice  by 
the  lucrative  appointments  which  he  enjoyed  himself,  or  di¬ 
vided  among  his  friends. 

The  great  increase  in  the  public  burdens  of  the  country,  a 
subject  which  never  fails  to  find  a  responsive  echo  16. 

t.  General  alarm 

in  the  English  breast,  added  tenfold  weight  to  at  the  augmen- 
.  ",  _  tation  of  the 

these  representations.  such  was  the  clamor  public  burdens, 

against  the  augmentation  of  the  public  debt  and  taxes,  that 
it  had  become  absolutely  stunning.  It  must  be  confessed  there 
was  great  foundation  for  the  complaints  so  generally  made  on 
this  subject.  The  annual  expenditure  of  the  nation  in  the 
last  year  of  the  reign  of  James  II.  had  been,  as  Bolingbroke 
tells  us,  about  £2,000,000  ;  and  the  supplies  voted  by  the 
Commons  had  already  for  several  years  been  six,  and  had  this 
year  reached  the  unprecedented  amount  of  seven  millions. 
Large  loans  were  annually  contracted,  the  interest  of  which 
was  not  only  burdensome  in  itself,  but  threatened,  as  it  was 
thought,  at  no  distant  period  entirely  to  swallow  up  the  whole 
landed  and  realized  property  of  the  country.  Men  could  see 
no  end  to  this  constant  increase  of  taxation  and  such  additions 
to  the  public  debt.  They  began  to  think  they  might  pay  too 
dear  for  glory,  for  independence,  or  even  for  freedom.  The 
public  debt,  which  was  only  £664,000  at  the  Revolution,  had 

Z 


266 


THE  LIFE  OF 


since  increased  so  rapidly  that  it  was  swelled  by  £16,000,000 
during  the  reign  of  William,  and  that  contracted  in  the  reign 
of  Anne  already  exceeded  £34,000,000,  while  at  her  death  it 
amounted  to  £37,000,000.*  The  public  taxes  had  nearly 
tripled  during  the  same  period.  Where,  it  was  asked,  is  this 
to  end  ?  Of  twenty-two  years  which  have  elapsed  since  the 
Revolution,  eighteen  have  been  spent  in  constant  and  expens¬ 
ive  wars.  What  national  resources,  what  public  freedom 
can  stand  such  a  strain  ? 

“  It  is  impossible,”  says  Bolingbroke,  “  to  look  back  without 
17.  indignation  at  the  mysterious  iniquity  by  which 
Bolingbroke^  this  system  has  been  matured,  or  horror  to  the  con- 
on  the  subject.  gequences  that  may  ensue  from  it.  The  ordinary 
expenses  of  government  are  defrayed,  even  in  time  of  peace, 
in  great  part  by  anticipations  and  mortgages.  In  time  of 
peace — in  days  of  prosperity,  as  we  boast  them  to  be — we 
contract  new  debts,  we  create  new  funds.  What  must  hap¬ 
pen  when  we  go  to  war,  or  are  in  national  distress  ?  What 
will  happen  when  we  have  mortgaged  and  funded  all  we 
have  to  mortgage  and  fund ;  when  we  have  mortgaged  all 
the  produce  of  land,  and  all  the  land  itself?  Who  can  an¬ 
swer  that,  when  we  come  to  such  extremities,  or  have  them 
more  nearly  in  prospect,  ten  millions  of  people  will  consent  to 
be  mere  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,  to  maintain 
the  two  hundredth  part  of  that  number  in  ease  and  plenty  ? 
Who  can  answer  that  the  whole  body  of  the  people  will  sutler 
themselves  to  be  treated,  in  favor  of  a  handful  of  men,  as  the 
poor  Indians  are  in  favor  of  the  Spaniards  ;  to  be  parceled 
out  in  lots,  as  it  were,  and  to  be  assigned,  like  these  Indians, 
to  the  Spanish  planters,  to  toil  and  starve  for  the  proprietors 

Debt.  Interest.  Revenue. 

*  National  Debt  at  the  Revolution  .  .  £664,253  £39,865  £2,001,865 

Increase  during  William’s  reign  .  ..  15,730,439  1,271,087 

Debt  at  Anne’s  accession  ....  16,394,702  1,310,952 

Increase  during  Anne’s  reign  .  .  .  37,750,661  2,040,216 
Debt  at  the  death  of  Anne  .  .  .  .  54,145,363  3,351,368  5,641,803 

Alison’s  Europe .  v.,  538.  Revenue  Tables,  70-891 


MARLBOROUGH. 


267 


of  the  several  funds  ?”*  Probably  most  persons  will  be  of 
opinion  that  these  questions  suggest  matter  for  serious  and 
anxious  thought,  even  with  all  the  experience  we  have  since 
had  of  the  prodigious  resources  which  the  industry  and  activ¬ 
ity  of  Great  Britain  can  develop.  It  may  he  conceived,  then, 
what  a  sensation  they  produced,  when  the  funding  system, 
introduced  with  the  Revolution,  was  yet  in  its  infancy  ;  when 
the  capability  of  the  nation  to  bear  an  increase  of  burdens 
was  unknown,  and  when  all  the  obloquy  arising  from  so  rapid 
and  alarming  an  increase  of  the  public  debts  and  burdens 
was,  alike  by  friends  and  enemies,  directed  against  the  victo¬ 
rious  general,  who  alone,  it  was  said,  profited  by  them  ! 

And,  in  truth,  Marlborough  bore  the  brunt  of  the  whole. 
Yet  nothing  could  be  more  unjust  than  this  con-  lg 
centration  of  the  public  discontent  on  his  head,  u^e^ia^om- 
when,  in  reality,  the  evils  complained  of  were  the  plamcd  ot- 
direct  and  unavoidable  consequences  of  the  great  revulsion  by 
which  the  family  on  the  throne  had  been  changed.  It  was 
no  fault  of  Marlborough  that  the  nation  since  the  Revolution 
had  been  involved  in  almost  constant  wars  :  they  had  only  to 
thank  him  for  having  rendered  them  for  the  last  ten  years 
constantly  successful.  The  real  cause  of  the  warfare,  and  of 
the  enormous  increase  of  the  debt  to  which  it  had  given  rise, 
was  the  ambition  of  Louis  XIV.,  which  had  arrayed  all  Eu¬ 
rope  in  a  league  against  him,  and  the  Revolution  of  1688, 
which  had  placed  England  at  its  head.  Great  as  had  been, 
and  were  destined  to  be,  the  benefits  of  that  change,  it  was 
attended  in  the  first  instance  by  most  disastrous  consequences. 
No  nation,  even  for  the  most  just  of  causes,  can  overturn  an 
existing  government  without  suffering  deeply  for  it,  especially 
in  its  pecuniary  interests.  France  felt  this  bitterly  after  its 
two  successful  revolutions  in  1789  and  1830  ;  England  felt  it 
with  almost  equal  severity  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Stuarts. 
The  “  unbought  loyalty  of  men,  the  cheap  defense  of  nations,” 

*  A  Dissertation  upon  Parties.  Bolingbroke’s  Works,  iii.,  296,  297. 
Ed.  1809. 


268 


THE  LIFE  OF 


was  at  an  end.  Generous  attachment  to  the  crown  being  no 
longer  to  he  relied  on,  the  foundations  of  government  required 
to  he  laid  in  the  selfish  interests  of  its  supporters.  Corruption 
on  a  great  scale  became  necessary  to  maintain  the  authority 
of  government ;  the  contraction  of  debt  became  a  part  of  its 
policy  to  interest  the  public  creditors  in  the  existing  order  of 
things.  Parliamentary  influence  had  come  in  place  of  pre¬ 
rogative.  The  king  did  nothing  of  his  own  authority,  but  he 
got  an  obsequious  Parliament  to  do  whatever  he  desired.  The 
national  debt  and  public  taxes  grew  alike  with  the  external 
dangers  and  internal  insecurity  of  the  new  government. 
These  evils  had  no  connection  with  Marlborough ;  but  they 
were  all  imputed  to  him,  because  of  his  great  influence  and 
colossal  fame,  and  because  he  was  the  visible  head  of  the  war 
party.  Hence  the  general  obloquy  with  which  he  was  as¬ 
sailed.  Men  will  impute  evils  under  which  they  suffer  to 
any  tiling  but  the  real  cause — their  own  conduct. 

But  it  was  not  only  among  the  populace  and  his  political 
29  opponents  that  these  prejudices  prevailed  ;  his  great- 
among  Ws™  ness  an(l  fame  had  become  an  object  of  envy  to  his 
jwn  party.  own  party.  Orford,  Wharton,  and  Halifax  had  on 
many  occasions  evinced  their  distrust  of  him  ;  and  even  Som¬ 
ers,  who  had  long  stood  his  friend,  was  inclined  to  think  the 
power  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  too  great,  and  the  emolu¬ 
ments  and  offices  of  his  family  and  connections  immoderate.* 
The  duchess  inflamed  the  discord  between  him  and  the  queen 
by  positively  refusing  to  come  to  any  conciliation  with  her 
rival,  Mrs.  Masham.  The  discord  increased  daily,  and  great 
were  the  efforts  made  to  aggravate  it.  To  the  queen,  the 
never- failing  device  was  adopted  of  representing  the  victorious 
general  as  lording  it  over  the  throne  ;  as  likely  to  eclipse  even 
the  crown  by  the  luster  of  his  fame ;  as  too  dangerous  and 
powerful  a  subject  for  a  sovereign  to  tolerate.  Matters  came 
to  such  a  pass,  in  the  course  of  the  summer  of  1710,  that 
Marlborough  found  himself  thwarted  in  every  request  he 
*  Cunningham,  ii.,  305. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


269 


made,  every  project  he  proposed  ;  and  he  expressed  his  entire 
nullity  to  the  duchess  by  the  emphatic  expression  that  he  was 
a  “  mere  sheet  of  white  paper,  upon  which  his  friends  might 
write  what  they  pleased.”* 

The  envy  at  the  duke  appeared  in  the  difficulties  which 
were  now  started  by  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury  in  20. 
regard  to  the  prosecution  of  the  works  at  Bleu-  p^hrown'in 
heim.  This  noble  monument  of  a  nation’s  grat-  tomriirticni'of 
itude  had  hitherto  proceeded  rapidly ;  the  stately  Blenheim- 
design  of  Vanbrugh  was  rapidly  approaching  its  completion  ; 
and  so  anxious  had  the  queen  at  first  been  to  see  it  finished, 
that  she  got  a  model  of  it  placed  in  the  royal  palace  of  Ken¬ 
sington.  Now,  however,  petty  and  unworthy  objections  were 
started  on  the  score  of  expense,  and  attempts  were  made,  by 
delaying  payment  of  the  sums  from  the  treasury,  to  throw  the 
cost  of  completing  the  building  on  the  great  general.  lie  had 
penetration  enough,  however,  to  avoid  falling  into  the  snare, 
and  actually  suspended  the  progress  of  the  work  when  the 
treasury  warrants  were  withheld.  He  constantly  directed 
that  the  management  of  the  building  should  be  left  to  the 
queen’s  officers  ;  and,  by  steadily  adhering  to  tins  system,  he 
shamed  them  into  continuing  the  work.f 

Marlborough’s  name  and  influence,  however,  were  too  great 
to  be  entirely  neglected,  and  the  party  which  was  21. 

.  1  J  *  Attempts  to 

now  rising  into  supremacy  at  court  were  anxious,  if  pain  over 

1  J  .  Marlborougl 

possible,  to  secure  them  for  their  own  side.  They  to  the  Tories 
made,  accordingly,  secret  overtures  to  him ;  and  it  was  even 
insinuated  that,  if  he  would  abandon  the  Whigs  and  coalesce 
with  them,  he  would  entirely  regain  the  royal  favor,  axrd 
might  aspire  to  the  highest  situation  which  a  subject  could 
hold.  Lord  Bolingbroke  has  told  us  what  the  conditions  of 
this  alliance  were  to  be  :  “  He  was  to  abandon  the  Whigs, 
Ills  new  friends,  and  take  up  with  the  Tories,  his  old  friends ; 

*  Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  26th  of  July,  1710.  CoxE,  iv.,  299. 
t  Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  23th  of  October  and  24th  of  November. 
1710.  Coxe,  iv.,  351,  352. 

Z  2 


270 


THE  LIFE  OF 


to  engage  heartily  in  the  true  interests,  and  no  longer  leave 
his  country  a  prey  to  rapine  and  faction.  He  was,  besides, 
required  to  restrain  the  rage  and  fury  of  his  wife.  Their  of¬ 
fers  were  coupled  with  threats  of  an  impeachment,  and  boasts 
that  sufficient  evidence  could  he  adduced  to  carry  a  prosecu¬ 
tion  through  both  houses.”*  To  terms  so  degrading,  the 
duke  answered  in  a  manner  worthy  of  his  high  reputation. 
He  declared  his  resolution  to  he  of  no  party,  to  vote  according 
to  his  conscience,  and  to  he  as  hearty  as  his  new  colleagues  in 
support  of  the  queen’s  government  and  the  welfare  of  the  coun¬ 
try.  This  manly  reply  increased  the  repulsive  feelings  with 
which  he  was  regarded  by  the  ministry,  who  seem  now  to 
have  finally  resolved  on  his  ruin  ;  while  the  intelligence  that 
such  overtures  had  been  made  having  got  wind,  sowed  distrust 
between  him  and  the  Whig  leaders,  which  was  never  after¬ 
ward  entirely  removed.  But  he  honorably  declared  that  he 
would  he  governed  by  the  Whigs,  whom  he  would  never  de¬ 
sert  ;  and  that  they  could  not  suspect  the  purity  of  his  mo¬ 
tives  in  so  doing,  as  they  had  now  lost  their  majority  in  the 
House  of  Commons.! 

Parliament  met  on  the  25th  of  November ;  and  Marlbor- 
22.  ough,  in  the  end  of  the  year,  returned  to  London. 
^ptionomSi-  But  he  soon  received  decisive  proof  of  the  altered 
m!nUU'rsbande  temper  both  of  government  and  the  country  toward 
country.  him.  The  majority  in  the  House  of  Commons 
was  now  against  him,  as  it  had  for  some  time  been  in  the 
country.  The  last  election  had  turned  the  scale  in  favor  of 
the  Tories.  In  the  queen’s  speech,  no  notice  was  taken  of  the 
late  successes  in  Flanders,  no  vote  of  thanks  for  his  services 

*  Bolingbroke’s  Corresp.,  i.,  41 ;  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John  to  Mr.  Drum¬ 
mond,  20th  of  Dec.,  1710. 

t  “  I  beg  you  to  lose  no  time  in  sending  me,  to  the  Hague,  the  opinion 
of  our  friend  mentioned  in  my  letter  ;  for  I  would  be  governed  by  the  Whigs, 
from  whose  principle  and  interest  I  will  never  depart.  While  they  had  a 
majority  in  the  House  of  Commons,  they  might  suspect  it  might  be  my  in¬ 
terest  ;  but  now  they  must  do  me  the  justice  to  see  that  it  is  my  inclination 
and  principle  which  makes  me  act.” — Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  Nov.  9 
1710.  Coxe,  iv.,  360. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


271 


in  the  campaign  was  moved  by  the  ministers ;  and  they  even 
contrived,  by  a  side  wind,  to  get  quit  of  one  proposed,  to  their 
no  small  embarrassment,  by  Lord  Scarborough.  The  duch¬ 
ess,  too,  was  threatened  with  removal  from  her  situation  at 
court ;  and  Marlborough  avowed  that  he  knew  the  queen  was 
“  as  desirous  for  her  removal  as  Mr.  Harley  and  Mrs.  Masham 
can  be.”  The  violent  temper,  and  proud,  unbending  spirit 
of  the  duchess,  were  ill  calculated  to  heal  such  a  breach, 
which  in  the  course  of  the  winter  became  so  wide,  that  her 
removal  from  the  situation  she  held,  as  mistress  of  the  robes, 
was  only  prevented  by  the  fear  that,  in  the  vehemence  of  her 
resentment,  she  might  publish  the  queen’s  correspondence,  and 
that  the  duke,  whose  military  services  could  not  yet  be  spared, 
might  resign  his  command.  Libels  against  both  the  duke  and 
the  duchess  daily  appeared,  and  passed  entirely  unpunished, 
though  the  freedom  of  the  press  was  far  from  being  established. 
Three  officers  were  dismissed  from  the  army  for  drinking  his 
health.  When  he  waited  on  the  queen,  on  his  arrival  in  En¬ 
gland,  in  the  end  of  December,  she  said,  “  I  must  request  you 
will  not  sutler  any  vote  of  thanks  to  you  to  be  moved  in  Par¬ 
liament  this  year,  as  my  ministers  ivill  certainly  oppose  it .” 
Such  was  the  return  made  by  government  to  the  hero  who  had 
raised  the  power  and  glory  of  England  to  an  unprecedented 
pitch,  and  who,  in  that  very  campaign,  had  cut  deeper  into 
the  iron  frontier  of  France  than  had  ever  been  done  in  any 
former  one.* 

The  female  coterie  who  aided  at  St.  James’s  the  male  op¬ 
ponents  of  Marlborough,  were  naturally  extremely  23- 

...  .  -  ,  .  .  J  ,  .  Dismissal  of 

solicitous  to  get  the  duchess  removed  Irom  her  situ-  the  Duchess 
ations  as  head  of  the  queen’s  household  and  keeper  ough. 
of  the  privy  purse ;  and  ministers  were  only  prevented  from 
carrying  their  wishes  into  effect  by  their  apprehension,  if  these 
wishes  were  executed,  of  the  duke’s  resigning  liis  command  of 
the  army.  In  an  audience  on  the  17th  of  January,  1711, 
Marlborough  presented  a  letter  to  her  majesty  from  the  duch- 
*  Coke,  iv.,  405. 


272 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ess,  couched  :w  terms  of  extreme  humility,  m  which  she  declar¬ 
ed  that  his  anxiety  was  such  at  the  requital  his  services  had 
received,  that  she  apprehended  he  would  not  live  six  months.* 
The  queen  at  first  refused  to  read  it ;  and  when  at  length,  at 
the  duke’s  earnest  request,  she  agreed  to  do  so,  she  coldly  ob¬ 
served,  “  I  can  not  change  my  resolution.”  Marlborough,  in 
the  most  moving  terms,  and  with  touching  eloquence,  entreat¬ 
ed  her  majesty  not  to  dismiss  the  duchess  till  she  had  no  more 
need  of  her  services,  by  the  war  being  finished,  which,  he  hop¬ 
ed,  would  he  in  less  than  a  year  ;  but  he  received  no  other  an¬ 
swer  than  a  peremptory  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  gold 
key,  the  symbol  of  her  office,  within  three  days.  Unable  to 
obtain  any  relaxation  in  his  sovereign’s  resolution,  Marlbor¬ 
ough  withdrew  with  the  deepest  emotions  of  indignation  and 
sorrow.  The  duchess,  in  a  worthy  spirit,  immediately  took 
her  resolution  ;  she  sent  in  her  resignation,  with  the  gold  key, 
that  very  night.  So  deeply  was  Marlborough  hurt  at  this  ex¬ 
traordinary  ingratitude  for  all  his  services,  that  he  at  first  re¬ 
solved  to  resign  his  whole  commands,  and  retire  altogether  into 
private  fife. 

From  this  intention  he  was  only  diverted,  and  that  with 
24.  great  difficulty,  by  the  efforts  of  Godolphin  and 

Marlborough  J  J  r 

with  great  re-  the  Whigs  at  home,  and  Prince  Eugene  and  the 
holds  his  hi-  Pensionary  Heinsius  abroad,  who  earnestly  be- 
nation.  sought  him  not  to  abandon  the  command,  as  that 

would  at  once  dissolve  the  Grand  Alliance,  and  ruin  the  com¬ 
mon  cause.  We  can  sympathize  with  the  feelings  of  a  vic¬ 
torious  warrior  who  felt  reluctant  to  forego,  by  one  hasty  step, 
the  fruit  of  nine  years  of  victories  :  we  can  not  but  respect  the 
self-sacrifice  of  the  patriot  who  preferred  enduring  mortifica¬ 
tions  himself  to  endangering  the  great  cause  of  religious  free- 


*  "Though  I  never  thought  of  troubling  your  majesty  again  in  this  man¬ 
ner,  yet  the  circumstances  I  see  my  Lord  Marlborough  iu,  and  the  appre¬ 
hension  I  have  that  he  can  not  live  six  months,  if  there  is  not  some  end  put 
to  his  sufferings  on  my  account,  make  it  impossible  for  me  to  resist  doing 
every  thing  in  my  power  to  ease  him.” — Duchess  of  Marlborough  to  Queen 
Anne,  17th  of  Jan.,  1711.  Coxe,  iv.,  410. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


273 


dom  and  European  independence.  Influenced  by  these  con¬ 
siderations,  Marlborough  withheld  his  intended  resignation. 
The  Duchess  of  Somerset  was  made  mistress  of  the  robes,  and 
Mrs.  Masham  obtained  the  confidential  situation  of  keeper  of 
the  privy  purse.  Malignity,  now  sure  of  impimity,  heaped  up 
invectives  on  the  falling  hero.  His  integrity  was  calumniated, 
his  courage  even  was  questioned,  and  the  most  consummate 
general  of  that,  or  perhaps  any  other  age,  was  represented  as 
the  lowest  of  mankind.*  It  soon  appeared  how  unfounded 
had  been  the  aspersions  cast  upon  the  duchess,  as  well  as  the 
duke,  for  their  conduct  in  office.  Her  accounts,  after  being 
rigidly  scrutinized,  were  returned  to  her  without  any  objec¬ 
tion  being  stated  against  them  ;  and  Marlborough,  anxious  to 
quit  that  scene  of  ingratitude  and  intrigue  for  the  real  thea¬ 
ter  of  his  glory,  soon  after  set  out  for  the  army  in  Flanders. t 

He  arrived  at  the  Hague  on  the  4th  of  March  ;  and,  al¬ 
though  no  longer  possessing  the  confidence  of  gov-  05 
eminent,  or  intrusted  with  any  control  over  diplo-  co"£of 
matic  measures,  he  immediately  set  himself  with  111 

the  utmost  vigor  to  prepare  for  military  operations.  Countries- 
Great  efforts  had  been  made  by  both  parties,  during  the 
winter,  for  the  resumption  of  hostilities  on  even  a  more  ex¬ 
tended  scale  than  in  the  preceding  campaign.  Marlborough 
found  the  army  in  the  Low  Countries  extremely  efficient  and 
powerful ;  diversions  were  promised  on  the  side  both  of  Spain 
and  Piedmont ;  and  a  treaty  had  been  concluded  with  the  Span¬ 
ish  malcontents,  in  consequence  of  which  a  large  part  of  the 
Imperial  forces  were  rendered  disposable,  and  Prince  Eugene 
was  preparing  to  lead  them  into  the  Low  Countries.  But,  in 
the  midst  of  these  flattering  prospects,  an  event  occurred  winch 
suddenly  deranged  them  all,  postponed  for  above  a  month  the 
opening  of  the  campaign,  and,  in  its  final  result,  changed  the 
fate  of  Europe. 

This  w'as  the  death,  by  the  small-pox,  of  the  Emperor  Jo- 

*  Smollet,  c.  X.,  §  20. 

t  1 Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  24th  of  May,  1711.  Coxe,  v.,  417-431. 


274 


THE  LIFE  OF 


26.  seph,  which  happened  at  Vienna  on  the  16th  of 
Emperor  Jo-  April an  event  which  was  immediately  followed 
tion  of  Charles  by  Charles,  king  of  Spain,  declaring  himself  a  can- 
or,  i6th  ApS.  didate  for  the  Imperial  throne.  As  his  pretensions 
required  to  he  supported  by  a  powerful  demonstration  of  troops, 
the  march  of  a  large  part  of  Eugene’s  men  to  the  Netherlands 
was  immediately  stopped,  and  that  prince  himself  was  hastily 
recalled  from  Mentz,  to  take  the  command  at  Ratisbon,  as 
marshal  of  the  forces  of  the  empire.  Charles  was  soon  after 
elected  emperor.  Thus  Marlborough  was  left  to  commence 
the  campaign  alone,  which  was  the  more  to  be  regretted,  as 
the  preparations  of  Louis,  during  the  winter,  for  the  defense 
of  his  dominions,  had  been  made  on  the  most  extensive  scale, 
and  Marshal  Villars’s  lines  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  the 
ne  plus  ultra  of  field  fortification.  Yet  were  Marlborough’s 
forces  most  formidable  ;  for,  when  reviewed  at  Orchies  on  the 
30th  of  April,  between  Lille  and  Douay,  they  were  found,  in 
eluding  Eugene’s  troops  which  had  come  up,  to  amount  to  one 
hundred  and  eighty-four  battalions  and  three  hundred  and  six 
ty-four  squadrons,  mustering  above  one  hundred  thousand  com¬ 
batants.*  But  forty-one  battalions  and  forty  squadrons  were 
m  garrison,  wliich  reduced  the  effective  force  in  the  field  to 
eighty  thousand  men. 

The  great  object  of  Louis  and  his  generals  had  been  to  con- 
27.  struct  such  a  fine  of  defenses  as  might  prevent  the 
corsn-ucted  irruption  of  the  enemy  into  the  French  territory, 
by  v  iiiars.  now  ^hat  the  interior  and  last  fine  of  fortresses  was 
so  nearly  broken  through.  In  pursuance  of  this  design,  Vil- 
lars  had,  with  the  aid  of  all  the  most  experienced  engineers 
in  France,  and  at  a  vast  expense  of  labor  and  money,  construct¬ 
ed  during  the  winter  a  series  of  lines  and  field-works,  exceeding 
any  thing  yet  seen  in  modern  Europe  in  magnitude  and  strength, 
and  to  which  the  still  more  famous  works  of  Torres  Vedras 
have  alone,  in  subsequent  times,  afforded  a  parallel.  The  for- 

*  Eugene  to  Marlborough,  23d  of  April,  1710 ;  Marlborough  to  St.  John, 
29th  of  April,  1710.  Coxe,  vi.,  16.  Disp.,  v.,  319. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


27b 


tifications  extended  from  Namur  on  the  Meuse,  by  a  sort  of 
irregular  line,  to  the  coast  of  Picardy.  Running  first  along 
the  marshy  line  of  the  Canche,  they  rested  on  the  forts  of 
Montreuil,  Hesdin,  and  Trevant ;  while  the  great  fortresses  of 
Ypres,  Calais,  Gravelines,  and  St.  Omer,  lying  in  their  front, 
and  still  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  rendered  any  attempt  to 
approach  them  both  difficult  and  hazardous.  Along  the  whole 
of  this  immense  line,  extending  over  so  great  a  variety  of 
ground,  for  above  forty  miles,  every  effort  had  been  made,  by 
joining  the  resources  of  art  to  the  defenses  of  nature,  to  rcu 
dcr  the  position  impregnable.  The  lines  were  not  continuous, 
as  in  many  places  the  ground  was  so  rugged,  or  the  obstacles 
of  rocks,  precipices,  and  ravines  were  so  formidable,  that  it  was 
evidently  impossible  to  overcome  them  ;  but,  wherever  a  pas¬ 
sage  was  practicable,  the  approaches  to  it  were  protected  in 
the  most  imposing  manner.  If  a  streamlet  ran  along  the  lino, 
it  was  carefully  dammed  up,  so  as  to  become  impassable. 
Every  morass  was  deepened,  by  stopping  up  its  drains,  or  let¬ 
ting  in  the  water  of  the  larger  rivers  hy  artificial  canals  ;  re¬ 
doubts  were  placed  on  the  heights,  so  as  to  enfilade  the  plaint, 
between  them ;  while  in  the  open  country,  where  no  advan¬ 
tage  of  ground  was  to  be  met  with,  field-works  were  erected, 
armed  with  abundance  of  heavy  cannon.  To  man  these  for¬ 
midable  lines,  Villars  had  under  his  command  one  hundred 
and  fifty-six  battalions  and  two  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
squadrons  in  the  field,  numbering  seventy  thousand  infantry 
and  twenty  thousand  horse.  He  had  ninety  field  guns  and 
twelve  howitzers.  There  were,  besides,  thirty-five  battalions 
and  eighty  squadrons  detached  or  in  the  forts  ;  and,  as  Eugene 
soon  took  away  twelve  battalions  and  fifty  squadrons  from  tho 
allied  army,  the  forces  on  the  opposite  sides,  when  they  came 
to  blows,  were  very  nearly  equal.* 

Marlborough  took  the  field  on  the  1st  of  May  with  eighty 
thousand  men  ;  and  his  whole  force  was  soon  group- 

b  1  Plan  of  the 

ed  hi  and  around  Douay.  The  head-quarters  of  campaign. 

#  Lediard,  ii.,  42G.  Coxe,  vi.,  21,  22. 


276 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Villars  were  at  Cambray ;  but,  seeing  the  forces  of  his  adver¬ 
sary  thus  accumulated  at  one  point,  he  made  a  corresponding 
concentration,  and  arranged  his  whole  disposable  forces  be¬ 
tween  Bouchain  on  the  right,  and  Monchy  le  Preux  on  the 
left.  The  position  of  the  French  marshal,  which  extended  in 
a  concave  semicircle,  with  the  fortresses  covering  either  flank, 
he  considered,  and  with  reason,  as  heyond  the  reach  of  attack. 
The  English  general  was  meditating  a  great  enterprise,  which 
shoidd  at  once  deprive  the  enemy  of  all  Iris  defenses,  and  re¬ 
duce  him  to  the  necessity  of  fighting  a  decisive  battle,  or  losing 
his  last  frontier  fortresses.  But  he  was  overwhelmed  with 
gloomy  anticipations ;  he  felt  his  strength  sinking  under  his 
incessant  and  protracted  fatigues,  and  knew  well  he  was  serv¬ 
ing  a  party  who,  envious  of  Ids  fame,  were  only  ready  to  de¬ 
cry  his  achievements.*  He  lay,  accordingly,  for  three  weeks, 
waiting  for  his  illustrious  colleague,  Prince  Eugene,  who  ar¬ 
rived  on  the  23d  of  May,  in  time  to  engage  hi  a  great  celebra¬ 
tion  of  the  anniversary  of  the  victory  at  Ramillies,  which  had 
taken  place  on  that  day. 

The  plans  of  the  allied  generals  were  soon  formed  ;  and, 
29-  talcing  advantage  of  the  enthusiasm  excited  bv  that 

Fatal  separa-  .  .  J 

tionofEu-  commemoration,  and  the  arrival  of  so  illustrious  a 

gene  with  his  .  . 

troops  from  warrior,  preparations  were  made  tor  the  immediate 

Marlborough,  „  .  ^ 

13th  June.  commencement  ol  active  operations.  On  the  28th, 
the  two  generals  reviewed  the  whole  army.  But  their  de¬ 
signs  were  soon  interrupted  by  an  event  which  changed  the 
whole  fortune  of  the  campaign.  Early  in  June,  Eugene  re 
ceived  positive  orders  to  march  to  Germany,  with  a  consider¬ 
able  part  of  his  troops,  to  oppose  a  French  force  which  was 
moving  toward  the  Rhine  to  influence  the  approaching  elec- 

*  "I  see  my  Lord  Rochester  has  gone  where  we  all  must  follow.  I  be¬ 
lieve  my  journey  will  be  hastened  by  the  many  vexations  I  meet  with.  I 
am  sure  I  wish  well  to  my  country,  and  if  I  could  do  good,  I  should  think 
no  pains  too  great ;  but  I  find  myself  decay  so  very  fast,  that  from  my  heart 
and  soul  I  wish  the  queen  and  my  country  a  peace  by  which  I  might  have 
the  advantage  of  enjoying  a  little  quiet,  which  is  my  greatest  ambition.” — 
Marlborough  to  the  Duchess,  25th  of  May.  1711  Coxe,  vi.,  28. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


277 


tion  of  the  emperor.  On  the  13th  of  June,  Eugene  and 
Marlborough  separated,  for  the  last  time,  with  the  deepest  ex¬ 
pressions  of  regret  on  both  sides,  and  with  gloomy  forebodings 
oi'the  future.  The  former  marched  toward  the  Rhine  with 
twelve  battalions  and  fifty  squadrons,  while  Marlborough’s 
whole  remaining  force  moved  to  the  right  in  six  divisions.* 
Though  Villars  was  relieved  by  the  departure  of  Eugene 
from  a  considerable  part  of  the  force  opposed  to  3a 
him,  and  he  naturally  felt  desirous  of  now  measur-  '  Hattie  by  or" 
ing  his  strength  with  his  great  antagonist  in  a  de-  ders  ot  Lou18, 
cisive  affair,  yet  he  was  restrained  from  hazarding  a  general 
engagement.  Louis,  trusting  to  the  progress  of  the  Tory  in¬ 
trigues  in  England,  and  daily  expecting  to  see  Marlborough 
and  the  war  party  overthrown,  sent  him  positive  orders  not  to 
fight ;  and  soon  after  detached  twenty-five  battalions  and  forty 
squadrons,  in  two  divisions,  to  the  Upper  Rhine,  to  watch  the 
movements  of  Eugene.  Villars  encouraged  this  separation, 
representing  that  the  strength  of  his  position  was  such  that  he 
could  afiord  to  send  a  third  detachment  to  the  Upper  Rhine, 
if  it  was  thought  proper.  Marlborough,  therefore,  in  vain  of¬ 
fered  battle,  and  drew  up  Ins  army  in  the  plain  of  Lens  for 
that  purpose.  Villars  cautiously  remained  on  the  defensive  ; 
and,  though  he  threw  eighteen  bridges  over  the  Scarpe,  and 
made  a  show  of  hitending  to  fight,  he  cautiously  abstained 
from  any  steps  which  might  bring  on  a  general  battle.!  It 
was  not  without  good  reason  that  Louis  thus  enjoined  his  lieu¬ 
tenant  to  avoid  compromising  his  army.  The  progress  of  the 
negotiations  with  England  gave  him  the  fairest  ground  for 
believing  that  he  would  obtain  nearly  all  he  desired,  from  the 
favor  with  which  he  was  regarded  by  the  British  cabinet, 
without  ruiming  any  risk.  He  had  commenced  a  separate 
negotiation  with  the  court  of  St.  James,  which  had  been  fa¬ 
vorably  received ;  and  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John  had  already 
transmitted  to  Lord  Raby,  the  new  plenipotentiary  at  the 

*  Marlborough  to  St.John,  14th  of  June,  1711.  Disp.,  v.,  428.  Coxe, 
vi.,  29,  30.  t  VlLLARS’s  Mem.,  tom.  ii.,  ami.  171] 

A  A 


278 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Hague,  a  sketch  of  six  preliminary  articles  proposed  by  the 
French  king,  which  were  to  he  the  basis  of  a  general  peace.* 
The  high  tone  of  these  proposals  proved  how  largely  Louis 

31.  counted  upon  the  altered  dispositions  of  the  British 
gun  a  separate  cabinet.  The  Spanish  succession,  the  real  object 
gofJtion^th  °f  the  wrar,  was  evaded.  Every  thing  was  direct¬ 
ed  to  British  objects,  and  regulated  by  the  desire 

to  tempt  the  commercial  cupidity  of  England  to  the  abandon¬ 
ment  of  the  great  objects  of  her  national  policy.  Real  secu¬ 
rity  was  promised  to  the  British  commerce  with  Spain,  the 
Indies,  and  the  Mediterranean  ;  the  barrier  the  Dutch  had  so 
long  contended  for  was  agreed  to ;  a  reasonable  satisfaction 
was  tendered  to  the  allies  of  England  and  Holland ;  and,  as 
to  the  Spanish  succession,  it  was  to  be  left  to  “  new  expedi¬ 
ents  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  parties  interested.”  These  pro¬ 
posals  were  favorably  received  by  the  British  ministry ;  they 
were  in  secret  communicated  to  the  Pensionary  Heinsius,  but 
concealed  from  the  Austrian  and  Piedmontese  plenipotentia¬ 
ries  ;  and  they  were  not  communicated  to  Marlborough :  a 
decisive  proof  both  of  the  altered  feeling  of  the  cabinet  toward 
that  general,  and  of  the  consciousness  on  their  part  of  the  tor¬ 
tuous  path  on  which  they  were  now  entering.* 

After  much  deliberation,  and  a  due  consideration  of  what 

32.  could  be  effected  by  the  diminished  force  still  at 
determines  to  his  disposal,  which,  by  the  successive  drafts  to  Eu- 

pass  the  ene-  ..  ,  , 

my’s  lines.  gene  s  army,  was  now  reduced  to  one  hundred 
and  nineteen  battalions  and  two  hundred  and  fity-six  squad¬ 
rons,  not  mustering  above  seventy-five  thousand  combatants, 
Marlborough  determined  to  break  through  the  enemy’s  boast¬ 
ed  lines,  and,  after  doing  so,  undertake  the  siege  of  Bouchain, 
the  possession  of  which  would  give  him  a  solid  footing  within 
the  French  frontier.  With  this  view,  he  had  long  and  mi- 

*  Bolingbrokf.’s  Corresp.,  i.,  172. 

t  “  The  Duke  of  Marlborough  has  no  communication  from  home  on  this 
affair;  I  suppose  he  will  have  none  from  the  Hague.” — Mr.  Secretary  St. 
John  to  Lord,  Raby,  27th  of  April,  1711.  BolingbROKe's  Corresp.,  i.,  175. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


279 


nutely  studied  the  lines  of  Villars ;  and  he  hoped  that,  even 
with  the  force  at  his  disposal,  they  might  he  broken  through. 
To  accomplish  this,  however,  required  an  extraordinary  combi¬ 
nation  of  stratagem  and  force  ;  and  the  manner  in  which  Marl¬ 
borough  contrived  to  unite  them,  and  bring  the  ardent  mind 
and  lively  imagination  of  his  adversary  to  play  into  his  hands, 
to  the  defeat  of  all  the  objects  he  had  most  at  heart,  is  perhaps 
the  most  wonderful  part  of  his  whole  military  achievements.* 
During  his  encampment  at  Lewarde,  opposite  Villars,  the 
English  general  had  observed  that  a  triangular  33. 

.  .  ..  His  project  for 

piece  of  ground  in  front  of  the  French  position,  he-  achieving  this, 
tween  Cambray,  Aubanchocil-au-bac,  and  the  junction  of  the 
Sauzet  and  Scheldt,  offered  a  position  so  strong,  that  a  small 
body  of  men  might  defend  it  against  a  very  considerable  force. 
He  resolved  to  make  the  occupation  of  this  inconsiderable  piece 
of  ground  the  pivot  on  which  the  whole  passage  of  the  lines 
should  be  effected.  A  redoubt  at  Aubigny,  which  command¬ 
ed  the  approach  to  this  position,  was  first  carried  without  dif¬ 
ficulty.  Arleux,  which  also  was  fortified,  was  next  attacked 
by  seven  hundred  men,  who  issued  from  Douay  in  the  night. 
That  post  also  was  taken,  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  pris¬ 
oners.  Marlborough  instantly  used  all  imaginable  expedition 
in  strengthening  it ;  and  Villars,  jealous  of  a  fortified  post  so 
close  to  his  lines  remaining  in  the  hands  of  the  allies,  attacked 
it  in  the  night  of  the  9th  of  July ;  and,  though  he  failed  in 
retaking  the  work,  he  surprised  the  allies  at  that  point,  and 
made  two  hundred  men  and  four  hundred  horses  prisoners. 
Though  much  chagrined  at  the  success  of  this  nocturnal  at¬ 
tack,  the  English  general  now  saw  his  designs  advancing  to 
maturity.  He  therefore  left  Arleux  to  its  own  resources,  and 
marched  toward  Bethune.  That  fort  was  immediately  at¬ 
tacked  by  Marshal  Montesquieu,  and,  after  a  stout  resistance, 
carried  by  the  French,  who  made  the  garrison,  five  hundred 
strong,  prisoners.  Villars  immediately  razed  Arleux  to  the 
ground,  and  withdrew  his  troops ;  while  Marlborough,  who 
*  Coxe,  vi.,  52-54. 


280 


THE  LIFE  OF 


was  in  hopes  the  lure  of  these  successes  would  induce  Villars 
to  hazard  a  general  engagement,  shut  himself  up  in  his  tent, 
and  appeared  to  be  overwhelmed  with  mortification  at  the 
checks  he  had  received.* 

Villars  was  so  much  elated  with  these  successes,  and  the 
34.  accounts  he  received  of  Marlborough’s  chagrin, 
fore^cuting  that  he  wrote  to  the  King  of  France  a  vainglori- 
in "the enemy  ous  leVer>  hi  which  lie  boasted  that  he  had  at 
4th  August.  length  brought  his  antagonist  to  a  ne  plus  ultra. 
Meanwhile,  Marlborough  sent  off  his  heavy  baggage  to  Douay, 
dispatched  his  artillery  under  a  proper  guard  to  the  rear,  and, 
with  all  imaginable  secrecy,  obtained  supplies  of  bread  for 
the  whole  troops  for  six  days.  Thus  disencumbered  and  pre¬ 
pared,  he  broke  up  at  four  in  the  morning  on  the  1st  of  Au¬ 
gust,  and  marched  in  eight  columns  toward  the  front.  Dur¬ 
ing  the  three  following  days  the  troops  were  kept  collected, 
and  menacing  sometimes  one  part  of  the  French  lines  and 
sometimes  another,  so  as  to  leave  the  real  point  of  attack  in 
a  state  of  uncertainty.  Seriously  alarmed,  Villars  concentra¬ 
ted  his  whole  force  opposite  the  allies,  and  drew  in  all  his  de-. 
tachments,  evacuating  even  Aubigny  and  Arleux,  the  object  of 
so  much  eager  contention  some  days  before.  On  the  evening  of 
the  4th,  Marlborough,  affecting  great  chagrin  at  the  check  he 
had  received,  spoke  openly  to  those  around  him  of  his  inten¬ 
tion  of  avenging  them  by  a  general  action,  and  pointed  to  the 
direction  the  attacking  columns  were  to  take.  He  then  re¬ 
turned  to  the  camp,  and  gave  orders  to  prepare  for  battle 
Gloom  hung  on  every  countenance  of  those  around  him  ;  it 
appeared  nothing  short  of  an  act  of  madness  to  attack  an  en¬ 
emy  superior  in  number,  and  strongly  posted  in  a  camp  sur 
rounded  with  intrenchments  and  bristling  with  cannon.  They 
ascribed  it  to  desperation,  produced  by  the  mortifications  re¬ 
ceived  from  the  government,  and  feared  that,  by  one  rash  act, 
he  would  lose  the  fruit  of  all  his  victories.  Proportionally 
great  was  the  joy  in  the  French  camp,  when  the  men,  never 
*  Kane’s  Memoirs,  p.  89.  Coxr.,  vi.,  53-55.  Disp.,  v.,  421-428 


MARLBOROUGH. 


281 


doubting  they  were  on  the  eve  of  a  glorious  victory,  spent  the 
night  in  the  exultation  which,  in  that  excitable  people,  has  so 
often  been  the  prelude  to  disaster.* 

Having  brought  the  feeling  of  both  armies  to  this  point, 
and  produced  a  concentration  of  Villars’s  army  di-  35. 
rectly  in  his  front,  Marlborough,  at  dusk  on  the  lYnee'with  en° 
4th,  ordered  the  drums  to  heat,  and,  before  the  roll  tire  succees- 
had  ceased,  directions  were  given  for  the  tents  to  be  struck. 
Meanwhile  Cadogan  secretly  left  the  camp,  and  met  twenty- 
three  battalions  and  seventeen  squadrons,  drawn  from  the  gar¬ 
risons  of  Lille  and  Tournay,  and  other  towns  in  the  rear, 
which  instantly  marched  ;  and,  continuing  to  advance  all 
night,  they  passed  the  lines  rapidly  to  the  left,  at  Arleux,  and 
without  opposition,  at  break  of  day.  A  little  before  nine,  the 
allied  mam  army  began  to  defile  rapidly  to  the  left,  through 
the  woods  of  Villers  and  Neuville,  Marlborough  himself  lead¬ 
ing  the  van  at  the  head  of  fifty  squadrons.  With  such  expe¬ 
dition  did  they  march,  still  holding  steadily  on  to  the  left,  that 
before  five  in  the  morning  of  the  5th  they  reached  Vitry  on 
the  Scarpe,  where  they  fomrd  pontoons  ready  for  their  passage, 
and  a  considerable  train  of  field  artillery.  At  the  same  time, 
the  English  general  received  the  welcome  intelligence  of  Ca- 
dogan’s  success.  He  instantly  dispatched  orders  to  every  man 
and  horse  to  press  forward  without  delay.  Such  was  the  ar¬ 
dor  of  tire  troops,  who  all  saw  the  brilliant  maneuver  by  which 
they  had  outwitted  the  enemy,  and  rendered  all  their  labor 
abortive,  that  they  marched  sixteen  hours  without  once  halt¬ 
ing  ;  and  by  ten  next  morning,  the  whole  had  passed  the  en¬ 
emy’s  lines  without  opposition,  and  without  firing  a  shot.f 
Villars  received  intelligence  of  the  night-march  having  be¬ 
gun  at  eleven  at  night ;  but  so  utterly  was  lie  in  3G 
the  dark  as  to  the  plan  his  opponent  was  pursuing,  ^success1* 
that  he  came  up  to  Verger,  when  Marlborough  had  tlms  sained- 

*  Kane’s  Memoirs,  p.  92.  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John,  6tb 
of  August,  1711.  Disp.,  v.,  428. 

t  Coxe,  vi.,  60-63.  Kane,  96-99.  Marl.,  Disp.,  v.,  428. 

A  A  2 


282 


THE  LIFE  OF 


drawn  up  his  army  on  the  inner  side  of  the  lines  in  order  of 
battle,  attended  only  by  a  hundred  dragoons,  and  narrowly  es¬ 
caped  being  made  prisoner.  Altogether,  the  allied  troops 
marched  thirty-six  miles  in  sixteen  hours,  the  most  part  of 
them  in  the  dark,  and  crossed  several  rivers,  without  either 
falling  into  confusion  or  sustaining  any  loss.  The  annals  of 
war  scarcely  afford  an  example  of  such  a  success  being  gained 
in  so  bloodless  a  manner.  The  famous  French  lines,  which 
Villars  boasted  wyould  form  the  nc  plus  ultra  of  Marlborough, 
had  been  passed  without  losing  a  man ;  the  labor  of  nine 
months  was  at  once  rendered  of  no  avail ;  and  the  French 
army,  in  deep  dejection,  had  no  alternative  but  to  retire  imder 
the  camion  of  Cambray.* 

This  great  success  at  once  restored  the  luster  of  Marlbor- 
37.  ough’s  reputation,  and  for  a  short  season  put  to  si- 
mentof the  lence  liis  detractors.  Eugene,  with  the  generosity 
chain°8th°U"  which  formed  so  striking  a  feature  in  his  character, 
August.  wrote  to  congratulate  him  on  his  achievement  ;f 
and  even  Bolingbroke  admitted  that  this  bloodless  triumph 
rivaled  his  greatest  achievements.:!:  Marlborough  immedi¬ 
ately  commenced  the  siege  of  Bouchain  ;  but  this  was  an  en¬ 
terprise  of  no  small  difficulty,  as  it  wTas  to  be  accomplished  on 
very  difficult  ground,  in  presence  of  an  army  superior  in  force. 

*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John,  6th  of  August,  1711.  Disp.,  v., 
428.  Coxe,  vi.,  60-65.  Kane’s  Mil.  Mem.,  96-99. 

t  “  No  person  takes  a  greater  interest  in  your  concerns  than  myself ;  your 
highness  has  penetrated  into  the  ne  plus  ultra.  I  hope  the  siege  of  Bou¬ 
chain  will  not  last  long.” — Eugene  to  Marlborough,  17th  of  August,  1771. 
Coxe,  vi.,  66. 

t  “  My  Lord  Stair  opened  to  us  the  general  steps  which  your  grace  in¬ 
tended  to  take,  in  order  to  pass  the  lines  in  one  part  or  another.  It  was, 
however,  hard  to  imagine,  and  too  much  to  hope,  that  a  plan,  which  consist¬ 
ed  of  so  many  parts,  wherein  so  many  different  corps  were  to  co-operate 
personally  together,  should  entirely  succeed,  and  no  one  article  fail  of  what 
your  grace  had  projected.  I  most  heartily  congratulate  your  grace  on  this 
great  event,  of  which  I  think  no  more  needs  be  said,  than  that  you  have  ob¬ 
tained,  without  losing  a  man,  such  an  advantage  as  we  should  have  been 
glad  to  have  purchased  with  the  loss  of  several  thousand  lives.” — Mr.  Sec¬ 
retary  St.John  to  Marlborough,  31st  of  July,  1711.  Disp.,  v.,  429. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


283 


The  investment  was  formed  on  the  very  day  after  the  lines 
had  been  passed,  and  an  important  piece  of  ground  occupied, 
which  might  have  enabled  Villars  to  communicate  with  the 
town,  and  regain  the  defensible  position.  On  the  morning  of 
the  8th  of  August  a  bridge  was  thrown  over  the  Scheldt  at 
Neuville,  and  sixty  squadrons  passed  over,  which  barred  the 
road  from  Douay.  Villars,  upon  this,  threw  thirty  battalions 
across  the  Senzet,  and  made  himself  master  of  a  hill  above, 
on  which  he  began  to  erect  works,  which  would  have  kept 
open  his  communications  with  the  town  on  its  southern  front. 
Marlborough  at  once  saw  this  design,  and  at  first  determined 
to  storm  the  works  ere  they  were  completed ;  and,  with  this 
view,  General  Fagel,  with  a  strong  body  of  troops,  was  se¬ 
cretly  passed  over  the  river.  But  Villars  having  heard  of  the 
design,  attacked  the  allied  posts  at  Ivry  with  such  vigor,  that 
Marlborough  was  obliged  to  countermarch  in  haste  to  be  at 
hand  to  support  them.  Baffled  in  this  attempt,  Marlborough 
erected  a  chain  of  works  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Scheldt, 
from  Houdain,  through  Ivry,  to  the  Sette,  near  Haspres,  while 
Cadogan  strengthened  himself  with  similar  works  on  the  left. 
Villars,  however,  still  retained  the  fortified  position  which  has 
been  mentioned,  and  which  kept  up  his  communication  with 
the  town  ;  and  the  cutting  him  off  from  this  was  another,  and 
the  last,  of  Marlborough’s  brilliant  field  operations.* 

Notwithstanding  all  the  diligence  with  which  Villars  la¬ 
bored  to  strengthen  his  men  on  this  important  po-  33 
sition,  he  could  not  equal  the  activity  with  which  erations  on°P" 
the  English  general  strove  to  supplant  them.  [|°(|1‘yKjj‘rs(i'ri,ur' 
During  the  night  of  the  13th  three  redoubts  were  rcss- 
marked  out,  which  would  have  completed  the  French  mar¬ 
shal’s  communication  with  the  town  ;  but  on  the  morning  of 
the  14th  they  were  all  stormed  by  a  large  body  of  the  allied 
troops  before  the  works  could  be  armed.  That  very  day  the 
allies  carried  their  zigzag  down  to  the  very  edge  of  a  morass 
which  adjoined  Bouchain  on  the  south,  so  as  to  command  a 
*  Marlborough  to  Secretary  St.  John,  10th  of  August,  1711.  Disp.,v.,  137. 


284 


THE  LIFE  OF 


causeway  through  the  marshes  from  that  town  to  Cambray, 
which  the  French  still  held,  communicating  with  the  be¬ 
sieged  town.  But,  to  complete  the  investment,  it  was  neces¬ 
sary  to  win  this  causeway ;  and  this  last  object  was  gained 
by  Marlborough  with  equal  daring  and  success.  A  battery, 
commanding  the  road,  had  been  placed  by  Yillars  in  a  re¬ 
doubt  garrisoned  by  six  hundred  men,  supported  by  three 
thousand  more  close  hi  their  rear.  Marlborough,  with  incred¬ 
ible  labor  and  diligence,  constructed  two  roads,  made  of  fas¬ 
cines,  through  part  of  the  marsh,  so  as  to  render  it  passable 
to  foot  soldiers ;  and,  on  the  night  of  the  16th,  six  hundred 
chosen  grenadiers  were  sent  across  them  to  attack  the  in¬ 
trenched  battery.  They  rapidly  advanced  hi  the  dark  till  the 
fascine  path  ended,  and  then  boldly  plunging  hito  the  marsh, 
struggled  on,  w'ith  the  water  often  up  to  their  arm-pits,  till 
they  reached  the  foot  of  the  intrenchment,  into  which  they 
rushed,  without  firing  a  shot,  with  fixed  bayonets.  So  com¬ 
plete  was  the  surprise,  that  the  enemy  were  driven  from  their 
guns  with  the  loss  only  of  six  men ;  the  work  was  carried ; 
and  with  such  diligence  were  its  defenses  strengthened,  that, 
before  morning,  it  was  hi  a  condition  to  bid  defiance  to  any 
attack.* 

Villars  was  now  effectually  cut  off  from  Bouchain,  and  the 
39  operations  of  the  siege  were  conducted  with  the  ut- 
chain  fJept  most  vigor.  On  the  night  of  the  21st  the  trenches 
12-  were  opened ;  three  separate  attacks  were  pushed 

at  the  same  time  against  the  eastern,  western,  and  southern 
faces  of  the  town,  and  a  huge  train  of  heavy  guns  and  mor¬ 
tars  thundered  upon  the  works  without  intermission.  The 
progress  of  the  operations,  notwithstanding  a  vigorous  defense 
by  the  besieged,  was  unusually  rapid.  As  fast  as  the  out¬ 
works  were  breached  they  were  stormed ;  and  repeated  at¬ 
tempts  on  the  part  of  Villars  to  raise  the  siege  were  baffled 
by  the  skillful  disposition  and  strong  ground  taken  by  Marl- 

*  Coxe,  vi.,  71-80.  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John,  14tli,  17th 
and  20th  of  August,  1711.  Disp-,v.,  445-450-453. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


285 


borough  with  the  covering  army.  At  length,  on  the  12th  of 
September,  as  the  counterscarp  was  blown  down,  the  rampart 
breached,  and  an  assault  of  the  fortress  in  preparation,  the 
governor  agreed  to  capitulate  ;  and  the  garrison,  still  three 
thousand  strong,  marched  out  upon  the  glacis,  laid  down  their 
arms,  and  were  conducted  prisoners  to  Tournay.*  The  two 
armies  then  remained  in  then-  respective  positions,  the  French 
under  the  cannon  of  Cambray,  the  allied  in  the  middle  of 
their  lines,  resting  on  Bouchain.  Marlborough  here  gave 
proof  of  the  courtesy  of  his  disposition,  as  well  as  of  his  re¬ 
spect  for  exalted  learning  and  piety,  by  planting  a  detachment 
of  his  troops  to  protect  the  estates  of  Fenelon,  archbishop  of 
Cambray,  and  to  conduct  the  grain  from  thence  to  the  dwell¬ 
ing  of  the  illustrious  prelate  in  the  town,  which  noxv  began  to 
be  straitened  for  provisions.! 

After  the  reduction  of  Bouchain,  Marlborough  was  anxious 

to  commence  without  delay  the  siege  of  Quesnoy,  40. 

*1  .  Ostensible 

the  capture  of  which  would,  m  that  quarter,  have  preparations 

entirely  broken  through  the  French  barrier.  He  real  secret 

vigorously  stimulated  his  own  government  accord-  for  peace”  by 

ingly,  as  well  as  that  at  the  Hague,  to  prepare  the  sntiTsep'tP ' 

necessary  supplies  and  magazines,  and  expressed  a  sanguine 

hope  that  the  capture  of  this  last  stronghold  would  be  the 

means  of  bringing  about  the  grand  object  of  his  ambition,  a 

general  peace.!  The  ministry,  to  appearance,  went  with 

alacrity  into  his  projects,  and  every  thing  seemed  to  promise 

another  great  success,  closing  the  campaign  with  honor,  and 

probably  leading  to  a  glorious  and  lasting  peace.  Mr.  Secre- 

*  Marlborough  to  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John,  14tli  of  Sept.,  1711.  Disp.,  v., 
490.  Coxe.  vi.,  78-88. 

t  Victoires  de  Marlborough,  iii.,  22.  Coxe,  vi.,  87. 

t  “The  siege,  so  far  as  it  depends  on  me,  shall  be  pushed  with  all  possi¬ 
ble  vigor,  and  I  do  not  altogether  despair  but  that,  from  the  success  of  this 
campaign,  we  may  hear  of  some  advances  made  toward  that  which  we  so 
much  desire.  And  I  shall  esteem  it  much  the  happiest  part  of  my  life  if  I 
can  be  instrumental  in  putting  a  good  end  to  the  war,  which  grows  so  burden¬ 
some  to  our  country,  as  well  as  to  our  allies.’’ — Marlborough  to  Lord  Oxford, 
Aug.  20,  1711.  Coxe,  vi.,  92. 


286 


THE  LIFE  OF 


tary  St.  John,  in  particular,  wrote  in  the  warmest  style  of 
cordiality,  approving  the  project  in  his  own  name  as  well  as 
in  that  of  the  queen,  and  reiterating  the  assurances  that  the 
strongest  representations  had  been  made  to  the  Dutch,  with  a 
view  to  their  hearty  concurrence.  But  all  this  was  a  mere 
cover  to  conceal  V'hat  the  Tories  had  really  been  doing  to 
overturn  Marlborough,  and  abandon  the  main  objects  of  the 
war.  Unknown  to  him,  the  secret  negotiation  with  the 
French  cabinet,  through  Torcy  and  the  British  ministers,  by 
the  agency  of  Mesnager,  had  been  making  rapid  progress. 
No  representations  about  providing  supplies  were  made  to  the 
Dutch,  wdio  were  fully  in  the  secret  of  the  pending  negotia¬ 
tion  ;  and  on  the  27th  of  September,  preliminaries  of  peace, 
on  the  basis  of  the  seven  articles  proposed  by  Louis,  were 
signed  by  Mesnager  on  the  part  of  France,  and  by  the  two 
English  secretaries  of  state,  in  virtue  of  a  special  warrant 
*Yom  the  queen.* 

The  conditions  of  these  preliminaries,  which  wrere  after- 
41.  ward  imbodied  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  were  the 
theTpreHmin^  acknowledgment  of  the  queen’s  title  to  the  throne, 
were  iv-reed  an<l  of  the  Protestant  succession,  by  Louis  ;  an  en¬ 
gagement  to  take  all  just  and  reasonable  measures 
that  the  crowns  of  France  and  Spain  should  never  be  united 
on  the  same  head ;  the  providing  a  sufficient  barrier  to  the 
Dutch,  the  empire,  and  the  house  of  Austria  ;  and  the  demo¬ 
lition  of  Dunkirk,  on  a  proper  equivalent.  But  the  crown  of 
Spain  was  left  to  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  no  provision  whatev 
er  was  made  to  exclude  a  Bourbon  prince  from  succeeding  to  it. 
Thus  the  main  object  of  the  contest — the  exclusion  of  the  Bour¬ 
bon  family  from  the  throne  of  Spain — wras  abandoned  ;  and  at 
the  close  of  the  most  important,  successful,  and  glorious  w-ar 
ever  wraged  by  England,  terms  were  agreed  to  which  left  to 
France  advantages  which  could  scarcely  have  been  hoped  by 
the  cabinet  of  Versailles  as  the  fruit  of  a  long  series  of  victories. 

Marlborough  felt  deeply  chagrined  at  this  clandestine  ne- 
*  Coxe,  vi.,  93. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


287 


eotiation,  which  not  only  deprived  him  of  the  main  42. 

6  .  J  ,r  Marlborough 

obiect  for  which,  during;  his  great  career,  he  had  returns  home 
J  .  ...  .  deeply  hurt  at 

been  contending,  but  evinced  a  duplicity  and  want  this  ciandes- 
n  n  r  t  •  ,  ,  tine  accom- 

oi  confidence  on  the  part  of  his  own  government  at  modation. 
its  close,  which  was  a  melancholy  return  for  such  inestimable 
public  services.*  But  it  was  of  no  avail ;  the  secession  of 
England  proved,  as  he  had  foreseen  from  the  outset,  a  death¬ 
blow  to  the  confederacy.  Finding  that  nothing  more  was  to 
be  done,  either  at  the  head  of  the  army  or  in  directing  the 
negotiations,  he  returned  home  by  the  Brille,  after  putting  his 
army  into  winter  cpiarters,  and  landed  at  Greenwich  on  the 
17th  of  November.  Though  well  aware  of  the  private  envy, 
as  well  as  political  hostility  of  which  he  was  the  object,  he 
did  nothing  that  could  lower  or  compromise  his  high  charac¬ 
ter  and  lofty  position ;  but  in  an  interview  with  the  queen, 
fully  expressed  his  opinion  on  the  impolicy  of  the  course  which 
her  ministers  were  now  adopting.!  He  adopted  the  same 
manly  course  in  the  noble  speech  which  he  made  in  his  place 
in  Parliament,  on  the  debate  on  the  address.  Ministers  had 
put  into  the  royal  speech  the  unworthy  expression,  “  I  am 
glad  to  tell  you,  that  notwithstanding  the  arts  of  those  ivlio 
delight  in  war,  both  place  and  time  are  appointed  for  opening 
the  treaty  of  a  general  peace.”  Lord  Anglesea  followed  this 
up  by  declaring,  in  the  course  of  the  debate,  that  the  country 
might  have  enjoyed  the  blessing  of  peace  soon  after  the  battle 
of  Ramillies,  “  if  it  had  not  been  deferred  by  some  person 
whose  interest  it  was  to  prolong  the  war.” 

*  "As  you  have  given  me  encouragement  to  enter  into  the  strictest  confi¬ 
dence  with  you,  I  beg  your  friendly  advice  in  what  manner  I  am  to  conduct 
myself.  You  can  not  but  imagine  it  would  be  a  terrible  mortification  for  me 
to  pass  by  the  Hague  when  our  plenipotentiaries  are  there,  and  myself  a 
stranger  to  their  transactions ;  and  what  hopes  can  I  have  of  auy  counte¬ 
nance  at  home  if  I  am  not  thought  fit  to  be  trusted  abroad  V — Marlborough 
to  the  Lord  Treasurer,  21st  of  Oct.,  1711. 

t  “I  hear  that,  in  his  conversation  with  the  queen,  the  Duke  of  Marlbor¬ 
ough  has  spoken  against  what  we  are  doing  ;  in  short,  his  fate  hangs  heavy 
upon  him,  and  he  has  of  late  pursued  every  counsel  which  was  worst  for 
him  Bolingbrokc's  Letters,  i.,  480,  Nov.  24,  1711. 


288 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Fusing  upon  this,  with  inexpressible  dignity,  and  turning  to 
43.  where  the  queen  sat,  Marlborough  said,  “  I  appeal 
noble  speech '  to  the  queen  whether  I  did  not  constantly,  while 
ifonseofPeers^  I  was  plenipotentiary,  give  her  majesty  and  her 
ioth  Dec.,  Lii.  collucj|  an  account  of  all  the  propositions  which 
were  made,  and  whether  I  did  not  desire  instruction  for  my 
conduct  on  this  subject.  I  can  declare  with  a  good  conscience, 
in  the  presence  of  her  majesty,  of  this  illustrious  assembly, 
and  of  God  himself,  who  is  infinitely  superior  to  all  the  pow¬ 
ers  of  the  earth,  and  before  whom,  by  the  ordinary  course  of 
nature,  I  shall  soon  appear  to  render  account  of  my  actions, 
that  I  was  very  desirous  of  a  safe,  honorable,  and  lasting 
peace,  and  was  very  far  from  wishing  to  prolong  the  war  for 
my  own  private  advantage,  as  several  libels  and  discourses 
have  most  falsely  insinuated.  My  great  age,  and  my  numer¬ 
ous  fatigues  in  war,  make  me  ardently  wish  for  the  power  to 
enjoy  a  quiet  repose,  in  order  to  think  of  eternity.  As  to  oth¬ 
er  matters,  I  have  not  the  least  inducement,  on  any  account, 
to  desire  the  continuance  of  the  war  for  my  own  interest,  since 
my  services  have  been  so  generously  rewarded  by  her  majesty 
and  her  Parliament ;  but  I  think  myself  obliged  to  make  such 
an  acknowledgment  to  her  majesty  and  my  country,  that  I 
am  always  ready  to  serve  them,  whenever  my  duty  may  re¬ 
quire,  to  obtain  an  honorable  and  lasting  peace.  Yet  I  can 
by  no  means  acquiesce  in  the  measures  that  have  been  taken 
to  enter  into  a  negotiation  of  peace  with  France,  upon  the 
foot  of  some  pretended  preliminaries,  which  are  now  circula¬ 
ted,  since  my  opinion  is  the  same  as  that  of  most  of  the  allies, 
that  to  leave  Spain  and  the  West  Indies  to  the  house  of  Bour¬ 
bon  will  be  the  entire  ruin  of  Europe ,  which  I  have  with  all 
fidelity  and  humility  declared  to  her  majesty,  when  I  had  the 
honor  to  wait  upon  her  after  my  arrival  from  Holland.”* 

This  manly  declaration,  delivered  in  the  most  emphatic 
manner,  produced  a  great  impression ;  a  resolution  against  min¬ 
isters,  and  an  address  imbodying  these  sentiments,  were  car- 
*  Pari.  Hist.,  10th  of  December,  1711. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


289 


ried  in  the  House  of  Peers  by  a  majority  of  twelve.  „  , 41  ■ 

J  J  Resolution  car- 

To  this  address  the  queen  replied,  “  I  take  your  ried  against 

ministers  in 

thanks  kindly,  but  should  be  sorry  that  any  one  the  Peers. 
should  think  I  ivould  not  do  my  utmost  to  recover  Spain  and 
the  West  Indies  from  the  hmisc  of  Bourbon."  In  the  Com¬ 
mons,  however,  they  had  a  large  majority,  and  an  address 
containing  expressions  similar  to  those  used  by  Lord  Anglesea, 
reflecting  on  Marlborough,  was  introduced  and  carried. 

The  Whig  majority,  however,  continued  firm  in  the  Upper 
House,  and  the  leaders  of  that  party  began  to  en-  45. 

,  ,  •  -i  r  mi  Counter  address 

tertam  sanguine  hopes  ot  success.  1  he  queen  cnrried  in  the 
had  let  fall  some  peevish  expressions  in  regard  to  jir^s^uSou'of 
her  ministers.  She  had  given  her  hand,  in  re-  the  queel1' 
tiring  from  the  House  of  Peers  on  the  15th  of  December,  to 
the  Duke  of  Somerset  instead  of  her  own  lord-treasurer ;  it 
was  apprehended  that  her  old  partiality  for  Marlborough  was 
about  to  return ;  Mrs.  Masham  was  in  the  greatest  alarm  ; 
and  St.  John  declared  to  Swift  that  the  queen  was  false.* 
The  ministers  of  the  whole  alliance  seconded  the  efforts  of  the 
Whigs,  and  strongly  represented  the  injurious  effects  which 
would  ensue  to  the  cause  of  European  independence  in  gen¬ 
eral,  and  the  interests  of  England  in  particular,  if  the  prelim¬ 
inaries  which  had  been  agreed  to  should  be  made  the  basis 
of  a  general  peace.  The  Dutch  made  strong  and  repeated 
representations  on  the  subject,  and  the  Elector  of  Hanover 
delivered  a  memorial  strongly  urging  the  danger  which  would 
ensue  if  Spain  and  the  Indies  were  allow’ed  to  remain  in  the 
hands  of  a  Bourbon  prince. 

Deeming  themselves  pushed  to  extremities,  and  having  fail¬ 
ed  in  all  attempts  to  detach  Marlborough  from  the  Whigs, 
Bolingbroke  and  the  ministers  resolved  on  the  desperate  meas¬ 
ure  of  bringing  forward  an  accusation  against  him,  of  fraud 

*  Swift’s  Journal  to  Stella,  Dec.  8,  1711.  Swift  said  to  the  lord-treas¬ 
urer,  in  his  usual  ironical  style,  “  If  there  is  no  remedy,  your  lordship  will 
lose  your  head ;  but  1  shall  only  be  hung,  and  so  carry  my  body  entire  to  the 
grave.” — Coxe,  vi.,  148-157. 

B  B 


290 


THE  LIFE  OF 


46. 

The  Tories  dis¬ 
miss  Marlbor¬ 
ough,  charge 
him  with  pec¬ 
ulation,  and 
swamp  the 
House  of  Peers, 
31st  Dec. 


and  peculation  in  the  management  of  the  public 
moneys  intrusted  to  Iris  management  in  the 
Flemish  campaign.  The  charges  were  founded 
on  the  report  of  certain  commissioners  to  whom 
the  matter  had  been  remitted,  and  which  charged 
the  duke  with  having  appropriated  £63,319  of  the  public 
moneys  destined  for  the  use  of  the  English  troops,  and 
£282,366,  as  a  per  centage  of  two  per  cent,  on  the  sum  paid 
to  foreign  embassadors  during  the  ten  years  of  the  war.  In 
reply  to  these  abominable  insinuations,  the  letter  of  the  duke 
to  the  commissioners  was  published  on  the  27th  of  December, 
in  which  he  entirely  refuted  the  charges,  and  showed  that  he 
had  never  received  any  sums  or  perquisites  not  sanctioned  by 
previous  and  uniform  usage,  and  far  fewer  than  had  been  re¬ 
ceived  by  the  general  in  the  reign  of  William  III.  And  in 
regard  to  the  £282,000  of  per  centage  on  foreign  subsidies, 
this  was  proved  to  have  been  a  voluntary  gift  from  those  pow¬ 
ers  to  the  English  general,  authorized  by  their  signatures  and 
sanctioned  by  warrants  from  the  queen.  This  answer  made 
a  great  impression  ;  but  ministers  had  gone  too  far  to  retreat, 
and  they  ventured  on  a  step  which,  for  the  honor  of  the  coun¬ 
try,  has  never,  even  in  the  Avorst  times,  been  since  repeated 
Trusting  to  their  majority  in  the  Commons,  they  dismissed 
the  duke  from  all  his  situations  on  the  31st  of  December,  and 
in  order  to  stifle  the  \roice  of  justice  in  the  Upper  House,  on 
the  following  day  patents  Avere  issued  calling  twelve  new  peers 
to  the  Upper  House.  On  the  following  day  they  were  intro¬ 
duced,  amid  the  groans  of  the  House ;  the  Whig  noblemen, 
says  a  cotemporary  annalist,  “  casting  their  eyes  on  the  ground, 
as  if  they  had  been  invited  to  the  funeral  of  the  peerage.”* 
Unbounded  was  the  joy  diffused  among  the  enemies  of  En¬ 
gland  by  these  unparalleled  measures.  On  hear¬ 
ing  of  Marlborough’s  fall,  Louis  XIV.  said  with 
triumph,  “  The  dismission  of  Marlborough  will  do 
all  we  can  desire.”  The  court  of  St.  Germain’s 
*  Cunningham,  ii.,  367. 


47. 

Universal  joy 
among  the  en¬ 
emies  of  En¬ 
gland,  and  gen¬ 
erous  conduct 
of  Eugene. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


291 


was  in  exultation  ;  and  the  general  joy  of  the  Jacobites,  both 
at  home  and  abroad,  was  sufficient  to  demonstrate  how  formi¬ 
dable  an  enemy  to  their  cause  they  regarded  the  duke  ;  and 
how  destitute  of  truth  are  the  attempts  to  show  that  he  had 
been  engaged  in  a  secret  design  to  restore  the  exiled  family. 
Marlborough  disdained  to  make  any  defense  of  himself  in  Par¬ 
liament  ;  but  an  able  answer  on  his  part  was  prepared  and 
circulated,  which  entirely  refuted  the  whole  charges  against 
the  illustrious  general.  So  convinced  were  ministers  of  this, 
that,  contenting  themselves  with  resolutions  against  him  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  where  their  influence  was  predomi¬ 
nant,  they  declined  to  prefer  any  impeachment,  or  accusation 
in  the  Upper  House,  swamped  even  as  it  was  by  their  recent 
creations.  In  the  midst  of  this  disgraceful  scene  of  passion, 
envy,  and  ingratitude,  Prince  Eugene  arrived  in  London  for 
the  purpose  of  trying  to  stem  the  torrent,  and,  if  possible,  pre¬ 
vent  the  secession  of  England  from  the  confederacy.  He  was 
lodged  with  the  lord-treasurer,  and  the  generous  prince  omit¬ 
ted  no  opportunity  of  testifying,  in  the  day  of  his  tribulation, 
his  undiminished  respect  for  his  illustrious  rival.  The  treas¬ 
urer  having  said  to  him  at  a  great  dinner,  “  I  consider  this 
day  as  the  happiest  of  my  life,  since  I  have  the  honor  to  see 
in  my  house  the  greatest  captain  of  the  age.”  “  If  it  be  so,” 
replied  Eugene,  “  I  owe  it  to  your  lordship alluding  to  his 
dismissal  of  Marlborough,  winch  had  caused  him  to  cease  to 
be  one.  On  another  occasion,  some  one  having  pointed  out  a 
passage  in  one  of  the  libels  against  Marlborough,  in  which  he 
was  said  to  have  been  “  perhaps  once  fortunate,”  “  It  is  true,” 
said  Eugene,  “  he  was  once  fortunate,  and  it  is  the  greatest 
praise  which  can  be  bestowed  on  him  ;  for,  as  he  was  always 
successful,  that  implies  that  all  his  other  successes  were  owing 
to  his  own  conduct.”* 

Alarmed  at  the  weight  which  Marlborough  might  derive 
from  the  presence  and  support  of  so  great  a  commander,  and 
the  natural  sympathy  of  all  generous  minds  at  the  cordial  ad- 
*  Burnet’s  History  of  his  own  Times,  vi.,  116. 


292 


THE  LIFE  OF 


48.  miration  which  these  two  great  men  entertained 
of  the  Tones  for  each  other,  the  ministers  had  recourse  to  a  pre- 
queena^ainst  tended  conspiracy,  which  it  was  alleged  had  heen 
Marlborough.  (j]scovere(jj  on  t]le  palq  of  Marlborough  and  Eugene, 
to  seize  the  government  and  dethrone  the  queen,  on  the  17th 
of  November.  St.  John  and  Oxford  had  too  much  sense  to 
publish  such  a  ridiculous  statement ;  but  it  was  made  the 
subject  of  several  secret  examinations  before  the  Privy  Coun 
cil,  in  order  to  augment  the  apprehensions  and  secure  the 
concurrence  of  the  queen  in  their  measures.  Such  as  it  was, 
the  tale  was  treated  as  a  mere  malicious  invention  even  by 
the  cotemporary  foreign  annalists,*  though  it  has  since  heen 
repeated  as  true  by  more  than  one  party  historian  of  our  own 
country.!  This  ridiculous  calumny,  and  the  atrocious  libels 
as  to  the  embezzlement  of  the  public  money,  however,  pro 
duced  the  desired  effect.  They  inflamed  the  mind  of  the 
queen,  and  removed  that  vacillation  in  regard  to  the  meas¬ 
ures  of  government,  from  which  so  much  danger  had  heen  ap¬ 
prehended  by  the  Tory  administration.  Having  answered 
the  desired  end,  they  were  allowed  quietly  to  go  to  sleep.  No 
proceedings  in  the  House  of  Peers,  or  elsewhere,  followed  the 
resolutions  of  the  Commons  condemnatory  of  Marlborough's 
financial  administration  in  the  Low  Countries.  His  defense, 
published  in  the  newspapers,  though  abundantly  vigorous, 
was  neither  answered  nor  prosecuted  as  a  libel  on  the  com¬ 
missioners  or  House  of  Commons ;  and  the  alleged  Stuart 
conspiracy  was  never  more  heard  of,  till  it  was  long  after 
drawn  from  its  slumber  by  the  malice  of  English  party  spirit. 

Meanwhile  the  negotiations  at  Utrecht  for  a  general  peace 

49.  continued,  and  St.  John  and  Oxford  soon  found 
hri'doirumdsat  themselves  embarrassed  by  the  extravagant  pre¬ 
turns  intoaprri  tensions  which  their  own  favor  had  revived  in  the 
tween  FnLce  plenipotentiaries  of  Louis.  So  great  wras  the  gen- 
and  England.  era}  indignation  excited  by  the  publication  of  the 

*  Mem.  De  Torcy ,  iii.,  268,  269. 

t  Swift’s  Years  of  Queen  Anne,  59.  Coniin.of  Rapin,  xviii.,  468,  8vo. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


293 


preliminaries  at  Utrecht,  that  St.  John  felt  the  necessity  of 
discontinuing'  any  general  negotiation,  and  converting  it  into 
a  private  correspondence  between  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the 
English  and  French  crowns.*  Great  difficulty  was  experi¬ 
enced  in  coming  to  an  accommodation,  hi  consequence  of  the 
rising  demands  of  the  French  plenipotentiaries,  who,  deeming 
themselves  secure  of  support  from  the  English  ministry,  not 
only  positively  refused  to  abandon  Spain  and  the  Indies,  but 
now  demanded  the  Netherlands  for  the  Elector  of  Bavaria, 
and  the  cession  of  Lille  and  Tournay  in  return  for  the  seizure 
of  Dunkirk.  The  sudden  death,  however,  first  of  the  Dau- 
phiness  of  France,  and  then  of  the  dauphin,  the  former  of 
whom  was  carried  off  by  a  malignant  fever  on  the  12th,  the 
latter  on  the  18th  of  February,  1712,  followed  by  the  death 
of  their  eldest  son  on  the  23d,  produced  feelings  of  commis¬ 
eration  for  the  aged  monarch,  now  in  his  seventy-third  year, 
and  broken  down  by  misfortunes,  which  rendered  the  progress 
of  the  separate  negotiations  more  easy.  England  agreed  to 
abandon  its  allies,  and  the  main  object  of  the  war,  on  condi¬ 
tion  that  a  guarantee  should  be  obtained  against  the  crowns 
of  France  and  Spain  being  united  on  the  same  head.  On 
this  frail  security,  and  the  promised  demolition  of  Dunkirk, 
the  English  ministry  agreed  to  withdraw  their  contingent 
from  the  allied  army  ;  and  to  induce  the  Dutch  to  follow  then- 
example,  Ypres  was  offered  to  them  on  the  same  terms  as 
Dunkirk  had  been  to  Great  Britain.!  So  overjoyed  was 
Louis  at  the  signing  of  these  conditions  on  the  part  of  Bol- 
ingbroke,  that  he  immediately  sent  Queen  Anne  a  present  of 
six  splendid  dresses,  and  two  thousand  Jive  hundred  bottles  of 
Champagne. X 

The  disastrous  effects  of  this  secret  and  dishonorable  seces- 

*  “The  French  will  see  that  there  is  a  possibility  of  reviving  the  love  of 
war  in  our  people,  by  the  indignation  that  has  been  expressed  at  the  plan 
given  in  at  Utrecht.’’  —  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John  to  Brit.  Plenip.,  Dec.  28, 
1711.  Bolingbkoke-’s  Corresp.,  ii.,  93. 

t  Coxe,  vi.,  189,  194.  t  Capefigue,  Louis  XIV.,  vi.,  249. 

B  B  2 


294 


THE  LIFE  OF 


50.  sion,  on  the  part  of  England,  from  the  confederacy, 
UeJ and°French  were  soon  apparent.  Great  had  been  the  prep- 
despSatesituff-  orations  of  the  continental  allies  for  continuing 
tion  of  Louis.  contest ;  and  while  the  English  contingent  re¬ 

mained  with  them,  their  force  was  irresistible.  Prince  Eu¬ 
gene  was  at  the  head  of  the  army  in  Flanders,  and,  including 
the  British  forces  under  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  it  amounted  to 
the  immense  force  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  thousand 
effective  men,  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  guns,  sixteen 
howitzers,  and  an  ample  pontoon  train.  To  oppose  this,  by 
far  the  largest  army  the  French  had  yet  had  to  confront  in 
the  Low  Countries,  Villars  had  scarcely  at  his  command  one 
hundred  thousand  men,  and  they  were  ill  equipped,  imper¬ 
fectly  supplied  with  artillery,  and  grievously  depressed  in 
spirit  by  a  long  series  of  disasters.  Eugene  commanded  the 
forces  of  the  confederates  ;  for  although  the  English  ministry 
had  been  lavish  in  their  promises  of  unqualified  support,  the 
Dutch  had  begun  to  entertain  serious  suspicions  of  their  sin¬ 
cerity,  and  bestowed  the  command  on  that  tried  officer  in¬ 
stead  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  who  had  succeeded  Marlbor¬ 
ough  in  the  command  of  the  English  contingent.  But  Marl¬ 
borough’s  soul  still  directed  the  movements  of  the  army  ;  and 
Eugene’s  plan  of  the  campaign  was  precisely  that  which  that 
great  commander  had  chalked  out  at  the  close  of  the  preced¬ 
ing  one.  This  was  to  besiege  Quesnoy  and  Landrecies,  the 
last  of  those  fortresses  forming  the  iron  barrier  of  France 
which  in  this  quarter  protected  the  frontier,  and  immediately 
after  to  inundate  the  open  country,  and  advance  as  rapidly  as 
possible  to  Paris.  It  was  calculated  they  might  reach  it  in 
ten  marches  from  Landrecies ;  and  it  was  well  known  that 
there  was  neither  a  defensible  position  nor  fortress  of  any  sort 
to  arrest  the  invaders’  march.  Already  the  light  horse  had 
overspread  the  country  as  far  as  the  Oise,  within  forty  miles 
of  Paris,  and  a  plan  had  even  been  formed  for  surprising  the 
king  in  his  palace  of  Versailles  by  a  body  of  hussars,  which 


MARLBOROUGH. 


295 


had  very  nearly  succeeded.*  The  court  of  Versailles  was  in 
despair ;  the  general  opinion  was,  that  the  king  should  leave 
Paris  and  retire  to  Blois  ;  and  although  the  proud  spirit  of 
Louis  recoiled  at  such  a  proposal,  yet,  in  taking  leave  of  Mar¬ 
shal  Villars,  he  declared,  “  Should  a  disaster  occur,  I  will  go 
to  Peronne  or  St.  Quentin,  collect  all  my  troops,  and  with  you 
risk  a  last  effort,  determined  to  perish  or  save  the  state.”! 

But  the  French  monarch  was  spared  this  last  desperate 
alternative.  The  defection  of  the  British  cabinet  51 

The  defection 

saved  his  throne  when  all  his  means  of  defense  of  Britain 

.  saves  France, 

were  exhausted.  Eugene,  on  opening  the  cam-  Mayio. 
paign  on  the  1st  of  May,  anxiously  inquired  of  the  Duke  of 
Ormond  whether  he  had  authority  to  act  vigorously  in  the 
campaign,  and  received  an  answer  that  he  had  the  same  au¬ 
thority  as  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  and  was  prepared  to  join 
in  attacking  the  enemy.  Preparations  were  immediately  made 
for  forcing  the  enemy’s  hues,  which  covered  Quesnoy,  previous 
to  an  attack  on  that  fortress.  But  at  the  very  time  that  this 
was  going  on,  the  work  of  perfidious  defection  was  consum¬ 
mated.  On  the  1  Oth  of  May,  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John  sent 
positive  orders  to  Ormond  to  take  no  part  in  any  general  en¬ 
gagement,  as  the  questions  at  issue  between  the  contending 
parties  were  on  the  point  of  adjustment.!  Intimation  of  this 

*  La  Scarpe  une  fois  passee,  toute  la  province  de  Picardie  fut  couverte 
de  partisans  eunemies  ;  on  vit  des  hussards  Allemands  sur  les  bords  de 
l’Oise,  des  hardis  cavaliers  vinrent  meme  4  quelquis  lieues  de  Versailles 
pour  effrayer  lo  vieux  raouarque,  dans  son  palais  de  Versailles,  plein  de 
grandeur  et  de  merveilles. — Capefigue,  Louis  XIV.,  vi.,  147,  148. 

t  Mtrri.  de  Villars,  ii.,  197. 

J  “  Her  majesty,  my  lord,  has  reason  to  believe  that  we  shall  come  to  an 
agreement  upon  the  great  article  of  the  union  of  the  monarchies  as  soon  as 
a  courier  sent  from  Versailles  to  Madrid  can  return.  It  is,  therefore,  the 
queen's  positive  command  to  your  grace  that  you  avoid  engaging  in  any 
siege,  or  hazarding  a  battle,  till  you  have  further  orders  from  her  majesty. 
I  am,  at  the  same  time,  directed  to  let  your  grace  know  that  you  are  to  dis¬ 
guise  the  receipt  of  this  order ;  and  her  majesty  thinks  you  can  not  want  pre¬ 
tenses  for  conducting  yourself,  without  owning  that  which  might  at  present 
have  an  ill  effect  if  it  was  publicly  known.  P.S. — I  had  almost  forgot  to  tell 
your  grace  that  communication  is  made  of  this  order  to  the  court  of  France, 


» 


296 


THE  LIFE  OF 


private  order  was  sent  to  the  court  of  France,  but  it  was  di¬ 
rected  ‘to  be  kept  a  positive  secret  from  the  allied  geherals. 
Ormond,  upon  the  receipt  of  these  orders,  opened  a  private 
correspondence  with  Villars,  informing  him  that  their  troops 
were  no  longer  enemies,  and  that  the  future  movements  of  the 
forces  under  his  command  would  only  be  to  get  forage  and 
provisions. 

This  correspondence  was  unknown  to  Eugene  ;  hut  circum- 
50  stances  soon  brought  the  defection  of  England  to 
ture'o't^Ques3-"  light.  In  the  middle  of  it,  the  allied  forces  had 
noy,  July  ic.  pas5C(j  the  Scheldt,  and  taken  post  between  Noyel- 
ler  and  the  Boiase,  close  to  Villars’s  position.  To  bring  the 
sincerity  of  the  English  to  a  test,  Eugene  proposed  a  general 
attack  on  the  enemy’s  lines,  which  was  open  and  exposed, 
on  the  28th  of  May.  But  Ormond  declined,  requesting  the 
operation  might  be  delayed  for  a  few  days.  The  defection 
was  now  apparent,  and  the  Dutch  deputies  loudly  condemned 
such  dishonorable  conduct ;  but  Eugene,  anxious  to  make  the 
most  of  the  presence  of  the  British  troops,  though  their  co-op¬ 
eration  could  no  longer  be  relied  on,  proposed  to  besiege  Ques- 
noy,  which  was  laid  open  by  Villars’s  retreat.  Ormond,  who 
felt  acutely  the  painful  and  discreditable  situation  in  which, 
without  any  fault  of  his  own,  he  was  placed,  could  not  refuse, 
and  the  investment  took  place  that  very  day.  The  opera¬ 
tions  were  conducted  by  the  Dutch  and  Imperial  troops  alone  ; 
and  the  town  was  taken,  after  a  siege  of  six  weeks,  on  the 
16th  of  July.* 

This  disgraceful  defection  on  the  part  of  the  English  gov- 
53  eminent  excited,  as  well  it  might,  the  utmost  in- 
dignaripp  ™  dignation  among  the  allies,  and  produced  mingled 
which  this  ex-  fee[incrS  0f  shame  and  mortification  among  all  real 

cites  in  the  o  o 

allied  powers,  patriots  or  men  of  honor  in  Great  Britain.  By 
abandoning  the  contest  in  this  manner,  when  it  was  on  the 
so  that  if  Marshal  de  Villars  takes,  in  any  private  way,  notice  of  it  to  you, 
your  grace  will  answer  it  accordingly.” — Mr.  Secretary  St.  John  to  the  Duke 
of  Ormond,  May  10,  1712.  Bolingbroke’s  Correspondence,  ii.,  320. 

*  Eugene  to  Marlborough ,  June  9, 1712.  Coxe,  vi.,  199. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


297 


very  point  of  being  crowned  with  success,  the  English  lost  the 
fruit  of  ten  costly  and  bloody  campaigns,  and  suffered  the  war 
to  terminate  without  attaining  the  main  object  for  which  it 
had  been  undertaken.  Louis  XIV.,  defeated,  and  all  but 
ruined,  was  permitted  to  retain  for  his  grandson  the  Spanish 
succession  ;  and  England,  victorious  and  within  sight,  as  it 
were,  of  Paris,  was  content  to  halt  in  the  career  of  victory, 
and  lost  the  opportunity,  never  to  be  regained  for  a  century  to 
come,  of  permanently  restraining  the  ambition  of  France.  It 
was  the  same  as  if,  a  few  days  after  the  battle  of  Waterloo, 
England  had  concluded  a  separate  peace,  guaranteeing  the 
throne  of  Spain  to  Joseph  Bonaparte,  and  providing  only  for 
its  not  being  held  also  by  the  Emperor  of  France. 

Lord  Halifax  gave  vent  to  the  general  indignation  of  all 
generous  and  patriotic  men,  when  he  said,  in  the  54 
debate  on  the  address,  on  the  28th  of  May,  after  ppcech^fLord 
enumerating  the  proud  list  of  victories  which,  aepeacef^the 
since  the  commencement  of  the  war,  had  attend-  Houseof  Peere- 
ed  the  arms  of  England,  “  But  all  this  pleasing  prospect  is 
totally  effaced  by  the  orders  given  to  the  queen’s  general  not 
to  act  offensively  against  the  enemy.  I  pity  that  heroic  and 
gallant  general,  who,  on  other  occasions,  took  delight  to  charge 
the  most  formidable  corps  and  strongest  squadrons,  and  can 
not  but  be  uneasy  at  his  being  fettered  with  shackles,  and 
thereby  prevented  from  reaping  the  glory  which  he  might  well 
expect  from  leading  on  troops  so  long  accustomed  to  conquer. 
I  pity  the  allies,  who  have  relied  upon  the  aid  and  friendship 
of  the  British  nation,  perceiving  that  what  they  had  done  at 
so  great  an  expense  of  blood  and  treasure  is  of  no  effect,  as 
they  will  be  exposed  to  the  revenge  of  that  power  against 
whom  they  have  been  so  active.  I  pity  the  queen,  her  royal 
successors,  and  the  present  and  future  generations  of  Britain, 
when  they  shall  find  the  nation  deeply  involved  in  debt,  and 
that  the  common  enemy  who  occasioned  it,  though  once  near 
being  sufficiently  humbled,  does  still  triunrph,  and  design  their 
ruin  ;  and  are  informed  that  this  proceeds  from  the  conduct 


298 


THE  LIFE  OF 


of  the  British  cabinet,  in  neglecting  to  make  a  right  use  of 
those  advantages  and  happy  occasions  which  their  own  cour¬ 
age  and  God’s  blessing  had  put  into  their  hands.”* 

Marlborough  seconded  the  motion  of  Halifax  in  a  speech  of 
55-  peculiar  interest,  as  the  last  which  he  made  on  the 

Marlborough’s 

speech  in  sec-  conduct  of  this  eventful  war.  “Although,”  said 

ondingtherao-  . 

tion  of  Halifax,  he,  “  the  negotiations  for  peace  may  he  far  ad- 
vanced,  yet  I  can  see  no  reason  which  should  induce  the  allies 
or  ourselves  to  remain  inactive,  and  not  push  on  the  war  with 
the  utmost  vigor,  as  we  have  incurred  the  expense  of  recruit¬ 
ing  the  army  for  the  service  of  another  year.  That  army  is 
now  in  the  field  ;  and  it  has  often  occurred  that  a  victory  or  a 
siege  produced  good  effects  and  manifold  advantages  when 
treaties  were  still  further  advanced  than  in  the  present  nego¬ 
tiation.  And  as  I  am  of  opinion  that  we  should  make  the 
most  we  can  for  ourselves,  the  only  infallible  way  to  force 
France  to  an  entire  submission  is  to  besiege  and  occupy  Cam- 
bray  or  Arras,  and  to  carry  the  war  into  the  heart  of  the 
kingdom.  But  as  the  troops  of  the  enemy  are  now  encamped, 
it  is  impossible  to  execute  that  design,  unless  they  are  with¬ 
drawn  from  their  position  ;  and  as  they  can  not  be  reduced  to 
retire  from  want  of  provisions,  they  must  be  attacked  and 
forced.  For  the  truth  of  what  I  say,  I  appeal  to  a  noble  duke 
(Argyll),  whom  I  rejoice  to  see  in  this  house,  because  he  knows 
the  country,  and  is  as  good  a  judge  of  these  matters  as  any 
person  now  alive.”  Argyll,  though  a  bitter  personal  enemy 
of  Marlborough,  thus  appealed  to,  said,  “  I  do  indeed  know 
that  country,  and  the  situation  of  the  enemy  in  their  present 
camp,  and  I  agree  with  the  noble  duke  that  it  is  impossible 
to  remove  them  without  attacking  and  driving  them  away ; 
and,  until  that  is  effected,  neither  of  the  two  sieges  alluded  to 
can  be  undertaken.  I  likewise  agree  that  the  capture  of  these 
two  towns  is  the  most  effectual  way  to  carry  on  the  war  with 
advantage,  and  would  be  a  fatal  blow  to  France.”! 

*  Pari.  Hist.,  May  28,  1712.  Lockhart  Papers,  i.,  392. 

t  Coxe,  vi.,  192,  193. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


299 


Notwithstanding  the  creation  of  twelve  peers  to  swamp  the 
Upper  House,  it  is  doubtful  how  the  division  would  56. 
have  gone,  had  not  Lord  Strafford,  a  cabinet  min-  Sse™  declare 
ister,  observed,  hi  reply  to  the  charge  that  the 
British  government  was  about  to  conclude  a  sep-  neeotiation- 
arate  peace,  “  Nothing  of  that  nature  has  ever  been  intended  ; 
for  such  a  peace  would  be  so  foolish,  villainous,  and  knavish, 
that  every  servant  of  the  queen  must  answer  for  it,  with  his 
head,  to  the  nation.  The  allies  are  acquainted  tvith  our  'pro¬ 
ceedings,  and  satisfied  with  our  terms."  This  statement  was 
made  by  a  British  minister,  in  his  place  in  Parliament,  on  the 
28th  of  May,  eighteen  days  after  the  private  letter  had  been 
dispatched  from  Mr.  Secretary  St.  John  to  the  Duke  of  Or¬ 
mond,  already  quoted,  mentioning  the  private  treaty  with 
Louis,  enjoining  him  to  keep  it  secret  from  the  allies,  and  com- 
municater  clandestinely  with  Villars.  But  such  a  declaration, 
coming  from  an  accredited  minister  of  the  crown,  produced  a 
great  impression,  and  ministers  prevailed  by  a  majority  of  six¬ 
ty-eight  to  forty.  In  the  course  of  the  debate,  Earl  Poulett 
let  fall  such  cutting  expressions  against  Marlborough  for  hav¬ 
ing,  as  he  alleged,  led  his  troops  to  certain  destruction,  in  or¬ 
der  to  profit  by  the  sale  of  the  officers’  commissions,*  that  the 
duke,  without  deigning  a  reply,  sent  him  a  challenge  011  leav¬ 
ing  the  house.  The  agitation,  however,  of  the  earl,  who  was 
less  cool  than  the  iron  veteran  in  the  prospect  of  such  a  meet¬ 
ing,  revealed  what  was  going  forward,  and,  by  an  order  from 
the  queen,  the  affair  was  terminated  without  bloodshed.! 

It  soon  appeared  what  foundation  there  was  for  the  asser¬ 
tion  of  the  queen’s  ministers,  that  England  was  en-  57. 
gaged  hi  no  separate  negotiation  for  a  peace.  On  of  the  Treaty 

h  6  ,  „  T  1  ,  ®.  .  ,  r  ,  of  Utrecht, 

the  Gth  of  June,  the  outhnes  of  the  treaty,  which  6th  June, 
afterward  became  so  famous  as  the  Peace  of  Utrecht,  were 

*  “  No  one  can  doubt  the  Duke  of  Onnond's  bravery ;  but  he  is  not  like 
a  certain  general  who  led  troops  to  the  slaughter,  to  cause  a  great  number 
of  officers  to  be  knocked  on  the  head  in  a  battle,  or  against  stone  walls,  in  or¬ 
der  to  fill  his  pockets  by  the  sale  of  their  commissions.” — Coxe,  vi.,  196. 

t  Lockhart  Papers,  i.,  392.  Coxe,  vi.,  196-199. 


300 


THE  LIFE  OF 


divulged.  The  Duke  of  Anjou  was  to  renounce  forever,  for  him¬ 
self  and  his  descendants,  all  claim  to  the  French  crown  ;  and 
the  crown  of  Spain  was  to  descend,  by  the  male  line  only,  to 
the  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  failing  them,  to  certain  princes  of  the 
Bourbon  line  by  male  descent,  always  excluding  him  who  was 
possessed  of  the  French  crown.*  Gibraltar  and  Minorca  re¬ 
mained  to  England ;  Dunkirk  was  to  be  demolished ;  the 
Spanish  Netherlands  wrere  to  be  ceded  to  Austria,  with  Na¬ 
ples,  Milan,  and  Sardinia  ;  the  barrier  towns  were  to  be  ced¬ 
ed  to  the  Dutch,  as  required  in  1709,  with  the  exception  of 
two  or  three  places.  Spain  and  her  Indian  colonies  remained 
with  the  Duke  of  Anjou  and  his  male  heirs,  as  King  of  Spain 
And  thus,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  most  glorious  and  success¬ 
ful  war  recorded  in  English  history,  did  the  English  cabinet 
leave  to  France  the  great  object  of  the  contest — the  crown  of 
Spain  placed  on  the  head  of  a  prince  of  the  Bourbon  race,  and 
of  its  magnificent  Indian  colonies.  With  truth  did  Marlbor¬ 
ough  observe,  in  the  debate  on  the  preliminaries,  “  The  meas¬ 
ures  pursued  in  England  for  the  last  year  are  directly  contra¬ 
ry  to  her  majesty’s  engagements  with  the  allies,  sully  the  tri¬ 
umphs  and  glories  of  her  reign,  and  will  render  the  English 
name  odious  to  all  other  nations.”!  It  xvas  all  hi  vain.  The 
people  loudly  clamored  for  peace ;  the  cry  against  the  taxes 
was  irresistible.  The  Tory  ministry  was  seconded  by  a  vast 
numerical  majority  throughout  the  country.  The  peace  was 

*  The  words  of  the  treaty,  which  subsequent  events  have  rendered  of  im¬ 
portance  on  this  point,  were  these :  Philippe  V.,  king  of  Spain,  renounced 
"a  toutes  pretensions,  droits,  et  titres  qui  lui  et  sa  posterite  avaient  on  pour- 
raient  avoir  a  1’avenir  a  la  couronne  de  France.  II  consentit  pour  lui  et  sa 
posterite  que  ce  droit  fut  tenu  et  consid6re  corume  passe  au  Due  de  Berry 
son  frere  et  a  ses  descendants  et  post6rit£  male  et  au  defaut  de  ce  prince ; 
et  de  sa  posterite  malt,  au  Due  de  Bourbon  son  cousin  et  a  ses  heritiers,  et 
aussi  successivement  a  tous  les  princes  du  sang  de  France.”  The  Duke  of 
Saxony  and  his  male  heirs  were  called  to  the  succession,  failing  Philippe  V. 
and  his  male  heirs.  Tibs  act  of  renunciation  and  entail  of  the  crown  of 
Spain  on  male  heirs  was  ratified  by  the  Cortes  of  Castile  and  Arragon;  by 
tbe  Parliament  of  Paris,  by  Great  Britain  and  France  in  the  sixth  article  of 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht. —  Vide  Schoei.l,  Hist,  de  Trait.,  ii.,  99-105,  and  Du¬ 
mont,  Carp.  Dipl.,  tom.  viii.,  p.  1,  p.  339.  t  Co.XE,  vi.,  205. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


301 


approved  of  by  large  majorities  in  both  houses.  Parliament 
was  soon  after  prorogued  ;  and  Marlborough,  seeing  his  pub¬ 
lic  career  terminated,  solicited  and  obtained  passports  to  go 
abroad,  which  he  soon  afterward  did. 

Great  was  the  mourning,  and  loud  the  lamentations,  both 
m  the  British  and  allied  troops,  when  the  fatal  53 
day  arrived  that  the  former  were  to  separate  from  ratiorTof  the 
their  old  companions  hi  arms.  On  the  16th  of 
July,  the  very  day  on  which  Quesnoy  surrendered,  allies- 
the  last  of  their  long  line  of  triumphs,  Ormond  having  exhaust¬ 
ed  every  sort  of  procrastination  to  postpone  the  dreaded  hour, 
was  compelled  to  order  the  English  troops  to  march.  He  in 
vain,  however,  gave  a  similar  order  to  the  auxiliaries  in  Brit¬ 
ish  pay.  The  hereditary  Prince  of  Cassel  replied,  “  The  Hes¬ 
sians  would  gladly  march  if  it  were  to  fight  the  French.”  An¬ 
other,  “We  do  not  serve  for  pay,  but  fame.”  The  native 
English,  however,  were  compelled  to  obey  tbe  order  of  their 
sovereign,  and  they  set  out,  twelve  thousand  strong,  from  the 
oamp  at  Cambresis.  Of  all  the  Germans  in  British  pay,  only 
one  battalion  of  Holstein  men,  and  a  regiment  of  dragoons 
from  Liege,  accompanied  them.  Silent  and  dejected  they  took 
their  way  ;  the  men  kept  their  eyes  on  the  ground ;  the  offi¬ 
cers  did  not  venture  to  return  the  parting  salute  of  the  com¬ 
rades  who  had  so  long  fought  and  conquered  by  their  side. 
Not  a  word  was  spoken  on  either  side  ;  the  hearts  of  all  were 
too  full  for  utterance  ;  but  the  averted  eye,  the  mournful  air, 
the  blush  of  indignation,  told  the  deep  emotion  which  was  ev¬ 
ery  where  felt.  It  seemed  as  if  the  allies  were  following  to 
the  grave,  with  profound  affliction,  the  whole  body  of  their 
British  comrades.  But  when  the  troops  reached  their  resting- 
place  for  the  night,  and  the  suspension  of  arms  was  proclaim¬ 
ed  at  the  head  of  each  regiment,  the  general  indignation  be¬ 
came  so  vehement,  that  even  the  bonds  of  military  discipline 
were  unable  to  restrain  it.  A  universal  cry,  succeeded  by  a 
loud  murmur,  was  heard  through  the  camp.  The  British 
soldiers  were  seen  tearing  their  hair,  casting  their  muskets  on 

Cc 


302 


THE  LIFE  OF 


the  ground,  and  rending  their  clothes,  uttering  all  the  while 
furious  exclamations  against  the  government  which  had  so 
shamefully  betrayed  them.  The  officers  were  so  overwhelm¬ 
ed  with  vexation,  that  they  sat  apart  in  their  tents  looking  on 
tne  ground,  through  very  shame ;  and  for  several  days  they 
shrunk  from  the  sight  even  of  their  fellow-soldiers.  Many  left 
their  colors  to  serve  with  the  allies ;  others  withdrew ;  and 
whenever  they  thought  of  Marlborough  and  their  days  of  glo¬ 
ry,  tears  filled  their  eyes,* 

It  soon  appeared  that  it  was  not  without  reason  that  these 

59.  gloomy  presentiments  prevailed  on  both  sides,  as 
tiesnowexpo-  i°  the  consequences  of  the  British  withdrawing 
negotiation*10  from  the  contest.  So  elated  were  the  French  by 
with  France,  this  withdrawal,  that  they  speedily  lost  all  sense 
of  gratitude  and  even  honesty,  and  refused  to  give  up  Dun¬ 
kirk  to  the  British ;  and  the  cession  was  only  effected  with 
great  difficulty,  on  the  earnest  entreaties  of  the  British  gov¬ 
ernment.  So  great  were  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  ne¬ 
gotiation,  that  St.  John  was  obliged  to  repair  in  person  to 
Paris,  where  he  remained  incognito  for  a  considerable  time, 
and  effected  a  compromise  with  regard  to  the  objects  still  in 
dispute  between  the  parties.  The  secession  of  England  from 
the  confederacy  was  now  openly  announced ;  and,  as  the  al¬ 
lies  refused  to  abide  by  her  preliminaries,  the  separate  nego¬ 
tiation  continued  between  the  two  countries,  and  lingered  on 
for  nearly  a  year  after  the  suspension  of  arms. 

Meanwhile,  Eugene,  after  the  departure  of  the  British,  con- 

60.  tinued  his  operations,  and  laid  siege  to  Landrecies, 
t he  last  of  the  barrier  fortresses  on  the  road  to  Paris, 

Eugene?  who  hi  the  end  of  July.  But  it  soon  appeared  that  En- 
veSTat  De-  fdan(l  had  been  the  soul  of  the  confederacy,  and 
nain-  that  it  was  the  tutelary  arm  of  Marlborough  which 

had  so  long  averted  disaster,  and  chained  victory  to  its  stand¬ 
ards.  Nothing  but  defeat  and  misfortune  attended  the  allies 
after  its  secession.  Even  the  great  and  tried  abilities  of  Eu- 
*  Cunningham,  ii.,  342.  Milnsk,  356. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


303 


gene  were  inadequate  to  procure  for  them  one  single  success, 
after  the  colors  of  England  ceased  to  wave  in  their  ranks. 
During  the  investment  of  Landrecies,  Villars  drew  together 
the  garrisons  from  the  neighboring  towns,  no  longer  threat¬ 
ened  by  the  English  troops,  and  surprised  at  Denain  a  body 
of  twelve  thousand  men,  stationed  there  for  the  purpose  of  fa¬ 
cilitating  the  passage  of  convoys  to  the  besieging  army.  This 
body  was  totally  defeated,  with  a  loss  of  eight  thousand.  The 
blow  was  considerable  in  itself,  hut  it  was  rendered  doubly  so 
by  the  position  of  Denain,  a  fortified  post  on  the  Scheldt, 
which  kept  up  the  communication  between  the  portion  of  his 
army  which  was  besieging  Landrecies  and  that  before  Mar- 
chiennes.  It  cut  his  army  in  two  ;  and  Eugene  had  the  mor¬ 
tification  of  arriving  hi  person  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Scheldt  at  the  close  of  the  action,  and  witnessing  the  surren¬ 
der  of  Lord  Albemarle  and  three  thousand  men,  without  be¬ 
ing  able  to  render  any  assistance.  This  disaster  rendered  it 
necessary  to  raise  the  siege  of  Landrecies,  and  Villars  imme¬ 
diately  resumed  the  offensive.  Douay  was  speedily  invested  : 
a  fruitless  effort  of  Eugene  to  retain  it  only  exposed  him  to 
the  mortification  of  witnessing  its  surrender.  Not  expecting 
so  sudden  a  reverse  of  fortune,  the  fortresses  recently  taken  were 
not  provided  with  provisions  or  ammunition,  and  were  in  no  con¬ 
dition  to  make  any  effectual  resistance.  Quesnoy  soon  fell  from 
this  cause ;  and  Bouchain,  the  last  trophy  of  Marlborough’s  vic¬ 
tories,  opened  its  gate  on  the  10th  of  October.  The  coalition 
was  paralyzed  ;  and  Louis,  who  so  lately  trembled  for  his  cap¬ 
ital,  found  his  armies  advancing  from  conquest  to  conquest, 
and  tearing  from  the  allies  the  fruits  of  all  their  victories.* 
These  disasters,  and  the  evident  inabiliy  tof  the  allied  ar¬ 
mies,  without  the  aid  of  the  English,  to  keep  their  gi. 
ground  in  Flanders,  in  a  manner  compelled  the  S^war  be- °f 
Dutch,  however  unwilling,  to  follow  the  example  of  nnd^rfmciTat 
Great  Britain,  in  treating  separately  with  France. 

They  became  parties,  accordingly,  to  the  pacifica-  Utrecht. 

*  Mem.  dc  Villars,  ii.,  396-421.  CapefigUE,  Louis  XIV.,  vi.,  272-275. 


304 


THE  LIFE  OF 


tion  at  Utrecht ;  and  Savoy  also  concluded  peace  there.  But 
the  harrier  for  which  they  had  so  ardently  contended  was,  by 
the  desertion  of  England,  so  much  reduced,  that  it  ceased  to  af¬ 
ford  any  effectual  security  against  the  encroachments  of  France. 
That  power  held  the  most  important  fortresses  in  Flanders 
which  had  been  conquered  by  Louis  XIV. — Cambray,  Valen¬ 
ciennes,  and  Arras.  Lille,  the  conquest  on  which  Marlbor¬ 
ough  most  prided  himself,  was  restored  by  the  allies,  and  with 
it  Bethune,  Aire,  St.  Venant,  and  many  other  places.  The 
Dutch  felt,  in  the  strongest  manner,  the  evil  consequences  of 
a  treaty  which  thus,  in  a  manner,  left  the  enemy  at  their 
gates ;  and  the  irritation  consequently  produced  against  En¬ 
gland  was  so  violent,  that  it  continued  through  the  greater 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Austria,  indignant  at  being 
thus  deserted  by  all  her  allies,  continued  the  contest  alone 
through  another  campaign.  But  she  was  overmatched  in  the 
struggle  ;  her  resources  were  exhausted  ;  and,  by  the  advice 
of  Eugene,  conferences  were  opened  at  Rastadt,  from  which, 
as  a  just  reward  for  her  perfidy,  England  was  excluded.  A 
treaty  was  soon  concluded  on  the  basis  of  the  Treaty  of  Rys- 
wick.  It  left  Charles  the  Low  Countries,  and  all  the  Spanish 
territories  in  Italy,  except  Sicily  ;  but,  with  Sardinia,  Bavaria 
was  restored.  France  retained  Landau,  but  restored  New 
Brisach,  Fribourg,  and  Kehl.  Thus  was  that  great  power 
left  in  possession  of  the  whole  conquests  ceded  to  Louis  XIV. 
by  the  treaties  of  Aix  la  Chapelle,  Nimeguen,  and  Ryswick, 
with  the  vast  addition  of  the  family  alliance  with  a  Bourbon 
prince,  possessing  Spam  and  the  Indies.  A  century  of  repeat¬ 
ed  wars  on  the  part  of  England  and  the  European  powers, 
with  France,  followed  by  the  dreadful  struggle  of  the  Revo¬ 
lutionary  contest,  and  the  costly  campaigns  of  Wellington, 
were  the  legacy  bequeathed  to  the  nation  by  Bolingbroke  and 
Harley,  in  arresting  the  course  of  Marlborough’s  victories,  and 
restoring  France  to  a  preponderance,  when  on  the  eve  of  be¬ 
ing  reduced  to  a  level  consistent  with  the  independence  of  oth- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


305 


er  states.  Well  might  Mr.  Pitt  style  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
“  the  indelible  reproach  of  the  age.”* 

Marlborough’s  public  career  was  now  terminated  ;  and  the 
dissensions  which  cast  him  down  from  power  had  G'2- 

Marlborough  is 

so  completely  extinguished  his  pohtical  influence,  received  with 

r  .  "  n  .  .  r  the  highest  hon- 

that,  during  the  remaining  years  of  his  hfe,  he  ors  on  the  Con- 
rarely  appeared  at  all  in  public  hfe.  On  landing  Nov.,  m3, 
on  the  Continent,  at  Brille,  on  the  24th  of  November,  he  was 
received  with  such  demonstrations  of  gratitude  and  respect  as 
showed  how  deeply  Iris  public  services  had  sunk  into  the  hearts 
of  men,  and  how  warmly  they  appreciated  his  efforts  to  avert 
from  England  and  the  Coalition  the  evils  likely  to  flow  from 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht.  At  Maestricht  he  was  welcomed  with 
the  honors  usually  reserved  for  sovereign  princes  ;  and  al¬ 
though  he  did  his  utmost,  on  the  journey  to  Aix  la  Chapelle, 
to  avoid  attracting  the  public  attention,  and  to  slip  unobserv¬ 
ed  through  by-ways,  yet  the  eagerness  of  the  public,  or  the 
gratitude  of  his  old  soldiers,  discovered  him  wherever  he  went. 
Wherever  he  passed,  crowds  of  all  ranks  were  waiting  to  see 
him,  were  it  only  to  get  a  glimpse  of  the  hero  who  had  saved 
the  empire,  and  filled  the  world  with  his  renown.  All  were 
struck'  with  his  noble  air  and  demeanor,  softened,  though  not 
weakened,  by  the  approach  of  age.  They  declared  that  his 
appearance  was  not  less  overpowering  than  his  sword.  Many 
burst  into  tears  when  they  recollected  what  he  had  been  and 
what  he  was,  and  how  unaccountably  the  great  nation  to 
which  he  belonged  had  fallen  from  the  height  of  glory  to  such 
degradation.  Yet  was  the  manner  of  Marlborough  so  cour¬ 
teous  and  yet  animated,  his  conversation  so  simple  and  yet 
cheerful,  that  it  was  commonly  said  at  the  time,  “  that  the 
only  things  he  had  forgotten  were  his  own  deeds,  and  the  oidy 
things  he  remembered  were  the  misfortunes  of  others.” 
Crowds  of  all  ranks,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  hastened 
to  attend  his  levee  at  Aix  la  Chapelle  on  the  17th  of  Janu- 

*  Mr.  Pitt  to  Sir  Benjamin  Keene.  Coxe’s  Memoirs  of  the  Spanish 
Kings  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  c.  57. 

C  c  2 


306 


THE  LITE  OF 


ary,  1713  ;  and  the  Duke  de  Ledeguires,  on  leaving  it,  said, 
with  equal  justice  and  felicity,  “  I  can  now  say  that  I  have 
seen  the  man  who  is  equal  to  the  Mareschal  de  Turenne  in 
conduct,  to  the  Prince  of  Conde  in  courage,  and  superior  to 
the  Mareschal  de  Luxembourg  in  success.”* 

But  if  the  veteran  hero  found  some  compensation  in  the 
63.  unanimous  admiration  of  foreign  nations  for  the  in- 

Base  ingrati- 

tude  of  the  im-  gratitude  with  which  he  had  been  treated  by  the 
perial  court  to  i  •  i 

him.  government  oi  his  own,  he  was  soon  destined  to 

find  that  gratitude  for  past  services  wras  not  to  be  looked  for 
among  foreign  potentates  any  more  than  his  own  countrymen. 
Upon  the  restoration  of  the  elector,  by  the  treaty  of  Rastadt, 
the  principality  of  Mendleheim,  which  had  been  bestowed 
upon  him  after  the  battle  of  Blenheim  by  the  Emperor  Jo¬ 
seph,  was  resumed  by  the  elector.  No  stipulation  in  his  fa¬ 
vor  wras  made  either  by  the  British  government  or  the  Impe¬ 
rial  court,  and  therefore  the  estate,  which  yielded  a  clear  rev¬ 
enue  of  £2000  a  year,  was  lost  to  Marlborough.  He  trans¬ 
mitted,  through  Prince  Eugene,  a  memorial  to  the  emperor, 
claiming  an  indemnity  for  his  loss ;  but,  though  it  was  earn¬ 
estly  supported  by  that  generous  prince,  yet,  being  unaided  by 
any  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  English  ministry,  it  was  allow¬ 
ed  to  fall  asleep.  An  indemnity  was  often  promised,  even  by 
the  emperor  in  writing,!  but  performance  of  the  promise  was 
always  evaded.  The  duke  was  made  a  prince  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  but  obtained  nothing  but  empty  honors  for 
his  services ;  and  at  this  moment  these  high-sounding  titles 
are  all  that  remain  in  the  Marlborough  family  to  testify  the 
gratitude  of  the  Caesars  to  the  hero  who  saved  their  Imperial 
and  royal  thrones.! 

*  Life  of  Marlborough,  175. 

t  “  At  the  future  congress,  his  Imperial  majesty  will  do  all  that  is  possi¬ 
ble  to  sustain  my  lord  duke  in  the  principality  of  Mendleheim;  but  if  it 
should  so  happen  that  any  invincible  difficulty  should  occur  in  that  affair,  his 
Imperial  highness  will  give  his  highness  an  equivalent  out  of  his  own  hered¬ 
itary  dominions.” — Emperor  Charles  VI.  to  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  Au¬ 
gust  8,  1712.  Coxe,  vi.,  248.  t  CoxE,  vi.,  249-251. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


307 


The  same  oblivion  of  past  and  invaluable  services,  when 
they  were  no  longer  required,  pursued  the  illustri-  64. 
ous  general  in  his  declining  years,  on  the  part  of  Ec^ainst ^him 
liis  own  countrymen.  The  got-up  stories  about  atllome- 
embezzlement  and  dilapidation  of  the  public  money  in  Flan¬ 
ders  were  allowed  to  go  to  sleep  when  they  had  answered  their 
destined  purpose  of  bringing  about  his  fall  from  political  pow¬ 
er.  No  grounds  were  found  for  a  prosecution,  or  which  could 
afford  a  chance  of  success,  even  in  the  swamped  and  now 
subservient  House  of  Peers.  But  every  thing  that  malice 
could  suggest,  or  party  bitterness  effect,  was  employed  to  fill 
the  last  days  of  the  immortal  hero  with  anxiety  and  disquiet. 
Additional  charges  were  brought  against  him  by  the  commis¬ 
sioners,  founded  on  the  allegation  that  he  had  drawn  a  pistole 
per  troop,  and  ten  shillings  a  company,  for  mustering  the  sol¬ 
diers,  though,  in  the  foreign  auxiliaries,  it  was  often  not  done. 
Marlborough  at  once  transmitted  a  refutation  of  these  fresh 
charges,  so  clear  and  decisive,  that  it  entirely  silenced  those 
accusations.*  But  his  enemies,  though  driven  from  this 
ground,  still  persecuted  him  with  unrelenting  malice.  The 
noble  pile  of  Blenheim,  standing,  as  it  did,  an  enduring  monu¬ 
ment  at  once  of  the  duke’s  services  and  the  nation’s  gratitude, 
was  a  grievous  eyesore  to  the  dominant  majority  in  England, 
and  they  did  all  in  their  power  to  prevent  its  completion. 

Orders  were  first  given  to  the  Treasury  on  the  1st  of  June, 
1712,  to  suspend  any  further  payments  from  the  65. 
royal  exchequer,  and  commissioners  were  appoint-  thebSjdSgof 
ed  to  investigate  the  claims  of  the  creditors  and  ex-  fhe^uhui “ex¬ 
pense  of  the  work.  They  recommended  the  ad-  pense' 
vance  of  a  third  to  each  claimant,  which  was  accordingly 
made ;  but  as  many  years  elapsed,  and  no  further  payments 
to  accoimt  were  made,  the  principal  creditors  brought  an  ac¬ 
tion  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer  against  the  duke,  as  personally 
liable  for  the  amount,  and  the  court  pronounced  decree  in  fa¬ 
vor  of  the  plaintiffs,  which  was  affirmed,  after  a  long  litiga- 
*  Duke  of  Marlborough's  Answer,  June  2,  1713. 


308 


THE  LIFE  OF 


tion,  in  the  House  of  Lords.  Meanwhile,  the  building  itself, 
for  want  of  any  paymaster,  was  at  a  stand  ;  and  this  noble 
pile,  this  proud  monument  of  a  nation’s  gratitude,  would  have 
remained  a  modem  ruin  to  this  day,  had  it  not  been  completed 
from  the  private  funds  of  the  hero  whose  services  it  was  in¬ 
tended  to  commemorate.  But  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  as 
well  as  the  duchess,  were  too  much  interested  in  the  work  to 
allow  it  to  remain  unfinished.  He  left  by  his  will  fifty  thou¬ 
sand  pounds  to  complete  the  building,  which  was  still  in  a 
very  unfinished  state  at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  the  duty 
was  faithfully  performed  by  the  duchess  after  his  decease. 
From  the  accounts  of  the  total  expense,  preserved  at  Blen¬ 
heim,  it  appears  that  out  of  three  hundred  thousand  pounds 
which  the  whole  edifice  cost,  no  less  than  sixty  thousand 
pounds  were  provided  from  the  private  funds  of  the  Duke  of 
Marlborough.* 

It  may  readily  be  believed  that  so  long-continued  and  unre- 
66.  lenting  a  persecution  of  a  man,  so  great  and  so  dis- 
froinajSm6  tinguished  a  benefactor  of  his  country,  proceeded 
ratiarfof  the  from  something  more  than  mere  envy  at  greatness, 
Stuarts.  powerful  as  that  principle  ever  is  in  little  minds.  In 
truth,  it  was  part  of  the  deep-laid  plan  for  the  restoration  of 
the  Stuart  fine,  which  the  declining  state  of  the  queen’s  health, 
and  the  probable  unpopularity  of  the  Hanover  family,  now  re¬ 
vived  in  greater  vigor  than  ever.  During  this  critical  pe¬ 
riod,  Marlborough,  who  was  still  on  the  Continent,  remained 
perfectly  firm  to  the  Act  of  Settlement  and  the  Protestant 
cause.  Convinced  that  England  was  threatened  with  a  coun¬ 
ter-revolution,  he  used  his  endeavors  to  secure  the  fidelity  of 
the  garrison  of  Dunkirk,  and  offered  to  embark  at  their  head 
in  support  of  the  Protestant  succession.  He  sent  General  Ca- 
dogan  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  with  General 
Stanhope  for  transporting  troops  to  England  to  support  the 
Hanoverian  succession,  and  offered  to  lend  the  Elector  of 
Hanover  £20,000  to  aid  him  in  his  endeavor  to  secure  the 
*  Coxe,  vi„  369-373. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


309 


succession.  So  sensible  was  the  electoral  house  of  the  mag¬ 
nitude  of  his  services,  and  his  zeal  in  their  behalf,  that  the 
Electress  Sophia  intrusted  him  with  a  blank  warrant,  ap¬ 
pointing  him  commander-in-chief  of  her  troops  and  garrisons, 
on  her  accession  to  the  crown.* 

On  the  death  of  Queen  Anne,  on  the  1st  of  August,  1714, 

Marlborough  returned  to  England,  and  was  soon  67. 

r,  .  .  n  .  •  it  .  Death  of  Anne, 

alter  appointed  captain-general  and  master-gener-  and  Maribor- 

al  of  the  ordnance.  Bolingbroke  and  Oxford  were  on^'ieacces-''1 
shortly  after  impeached,  and  the  former  then  threw  H^orcr'fami- 
off  the  mask  by  flying  to  France,  where  he  open-  ly' 
ly  entered  into  the  service  of  the  Pretender  at  St.  Germain’s. 
The  duke’s  great  popularity  with  the  army  was  soon  after 
the  means  of  enabling  him  to  appease  a  mutiny  in  the  Guards, 
which  at  fast  threatened  to  be  alarming.  During  the  rebell¬ 
ion  hi  1715,  he  directed,  in  a  great  degree,  the  operations 
against  the  rebels,  though  he  did  not  actually  take  the  field ; 
and  to  his  exertions  its  rapid  suppression  is  in  a  great  measure 
to  be  ascribed. 

But  the  period  had  now  arrived  when  the  usual  fate  of  mor¬ 
tality  awaited  this  illustrious  man.  Severe  do-  68. 
mestic  bereavements  preceded  his  dissolution,  and  bereavements 
hi  a  manner  weaned  hhn  from  a  world  which  he 
had  passed  through  with  so  much  glory.  His  May’ 1716- 
daughter,  Lady  Bridgewater,  died  in  March,  1714  ;  and  this 
was  soon  followed  by  the  death  of  his  favorite  daughter  Anne, 
Countess  of  Sunderland,  who  united  uncommon  elegance  and 
beauty  to  unaffected  piety  and  exemplary  virtue.  Marlbor¬ 
ough  himself  was  not  long  of  following  his  beloved  relatives 
to  the  grave.  On  the  28th  of  May,  1716,  he  was  seized  with 
a  fit  of  palsy,  so  severe  that  it  deprived  him,  for  a  time,  alike 
of  speech  and  resolution.  He  recovered,  however,  in  a  cer¬ 
tain  degree,  and  went  to  Bath  for  the  benefit  of  the  waters ; 
and  a  gleam  of  returning  light  shone  upon  his  mind  when  he 
visited  Blenheim  on  the  18th  of  October.  He  expressed  great 
satisfaction  at  the  survey  of  the  plan,  which  reminded  him  of 
*  Coxe.  vi ,  263 


310 


THE  LIFE  OF 


his  great  achievements,  and  in  which  he  had  always  felt  so  deep 
an  interest ;  but  when  he  saw,  in  one  of  the  few  rooms  wliich 
were  finished,  a  picture  of  himself  at  the  battle  of  Blenheim, 
he  turned  away  with  a  mournful  air,  with  the  words,  “  Some- 
tiring  then,  but  now — ” 

On  the  18th  of  November  he  was  attacked  by  another 
„  stroke,  more  severe  than  the  former,  and  his  fami- 
His  last  years  ]y  hastened  to  pay  the  last  duties,  as  they  conceiv- 

and  death,  J  r  J  J 

June  16, 1722.  ed,  to  their  departing  parent.  The  strength  of  his 
constitution,  however,  triumphed  for  a  time  even  over  tins 
violent  attack ;  but  though  he  continued,  contrary  to  his  own 
wishes,  in  conformity  with  those  of  his  friends,  who  needed 
the  support  of  his  great  reputation,  to  hold  office,  and  occa¬ 
sionally  appeared  in  Parliament,  yet  his  public  career  was  at 
an  end.  A  considerable  addition  was  made  to  his  fortune  by 
the  sagacity  of  the  duchess,  who  persuaded  him  to  embark 
’'art  of  his  fmids  in  the  South  Sea  scheme ;  but,  foreseeing 
the  crash  which  was  approaching,  they  sold  out  so  opportune¬ 
ly,  that  instead  of  losing,  she  gained  £100,000  by  the  trans¬ 
action.  On  the  27th  of  November,  1721,  he  made  his  last 
appearance  in  the  House  of  Lords  ;  but  in  June,  1722,  he  was 
again  attacked  with  paralysis  so  violently,  that  he  lay  for  some 
days  nearly  motionless,  though  in  perfect  possession  of  Iris  fac¬ 
ulties.  To  a  question  from  the  duchess  whether  he  heard  the 
prayers  read  as  usual  at  night,  on  the  15th  of  June,  in  his 
apartment,  he  replied,  “Yes  ;  and  I  joined  hr  them.”  These 
were  his  last  words.  On  the  morning  of  the  16th  he  sank 
rapidly,  and  calmly  breathed  his  last  at  four  o’clock,  in  the 
7 2d  year  of  his  age.* 

Envy  is  generally  extinguished  by  death,  because  the  object 
70  of  it  has  ceased  to  stand  hr  the  way  of  those  who 
28th  of  June'  feei  it-  Marlborough’s  fimeral  obsequies  were  cele- 
1722.  brated  with  uncommon  magnificence,  and  all  ranks 

and  parties  joined  in  doing  him  honor.  His  body  lay  in  state 
for  several  days  at  Marlborough  House,  and  crowds  flocked 
together  from  all  the  three  kingdoms  to  witness  the  imposing 
*  Lediakd,  496  CoXE,  vi  ,  384.  385. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


311 


ceremony  of  his  funeral,  which  was  performed  with  the  ut¬ 
most  magnificence,  on  the  28th  of  June.  The  procession  was 
opened  hy  a  long  array  of  military,  among  whom  were  Gen¬ 
eral,  now  Lord  Cadogan,  and  many  other  officers  who  had 
suffered  and  bled  in  his  cause.  Long  files  of  heralds,  officers- 
at-arms,  and  pursuivants  followed,  hearing  banners  emblazon¬ 
ed  with  his  armorial  achievements,  among  which  appeared,  in 
uncommon  luster,  the  standard  of  Woodstock  exhibiting  the 
arms  of  France  on  the  cross  of  St.  George.  In  the  center  of 
the  cavalcade  was  a  lofty  car,  drawn  by  eight  horses,  which 
bore  the  mortal  remains  of  the  hero,  under  a  splendid  canopy 
adorned  hy  plumes,  military  tropliies,  and  heraldic  devices  of 
conquest.  Shields  were  affixed  to  the  sides,  bearing  the  names 
of  the  towns  he  had  taken  and  the  fields  he  had  won.  Blen¬ 
heim  was  there,  and  Oudenarde,  Ramil  lies  and  Malplaquet, 
Lille  and  Tournay,  Bethune,  Douay,  and  Ruremonde,  Bou- 
chain  and  Mons,  Aire,  St.  Yenant  and  Liege,  Maestricht  and 
Ghent.  The  number  made  the  English  blush  for  the  manner 
in  which  they  had  treated  their  hero.  On  either  side  were 
five  generals  in  military  mourning,  bearing  aloft  banderoles, 
on  which  were  emblazoned  the  arms  of  the  family.  Eight 
dukes  supported  the  pall ;  besides  the  relatives  of  the  deceased, 
the  noblest  and  proudest  of  England’s  nobility  joined  in  the 
procession.  Yet  the  most  moving  part  of  the  ceremony  was 
the  number  of  old  soldiers  who  had  combated  with  the  hero 
on  his  fields  of  fame,  and  who  might  now  be  known,  in  the 
dense  crowds  which  thronged  the  streets,  by  their  uncovered 
heads,  gray  hairs,  and  the  tears  which  trickled  down  their 
cheeks.  The  body  was  deposited,  with  great  solemnity,  in 
Westminster  Abbey,  at  the  east  end  of  the  tomb  of  Henry 
VII. ;  but  this  was  not  its  final  resting-place  in  this  world. 
It  was  soon  after  removed  to  the  chapel  at  Blenheim,  where 
it  was  deposited  in  a  magnificent  mausoleum,  and  there  it  still 
remains,  surmounted  by  the  noble  pile  which  the  genius  of  a 
Vanbrugh  had  conceived  to  express  a  nation’s  gratitude.* 

*  CoxE,  vi.,  384-387. 


312 


THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MARLBOROUGH. - EUGENE. - FREDERIC. - NAPOLEON. - WEL¬ 

LINGTON. 

The  extraordinary  merit  of  Marlborough’s  military  talents 
i-  will  not  be  duly  appreciated,  unless  the  peculiar 

Change  m  the  *  A  A  1 

system  of  war  nature  of  the  contest  he  was  called  on  to  direct, 

in  Marlbor-  . 

ough’s  time,  and  the  character  winch  he  assumed  in  his  time, 
are  taken  into  consideration.  The  feudal  times  had  ceased,  at 
least  so  far  as  the  raising  of  a  military  force  by  its  machinery 
was  concerned.  Louis  XIV.,  indeed,  when  pressed  for  men, 
more  than  once  summoned  the  ban  and  the  arriere-ban  of 
France  to  his  standards,  and  he  always  had  a  gallant  array 
of  feudal  nobility  in  his  ante-chambers  or  around  his  head¬ 
quarters.  But  war,  both  on  his  part  and  that  of  his  antago¬ 
nists,  was  carried  on,  generally  speaking,  with  standing  armies, 
and  supported  by  the  belligerent  state.  The  vast,  though  gen¬ 
erally  tumultuary  array  which  the  Plantagenet  or  Valois  sov¬ 
ereigns  summoned  to  their  support,  but  which,  bound  only  to 
serve  for  forty  days,  generally  disappeared  before  a  few  months 
of  hostilities  were  over,  could  no  longer  be  relied  on.  The 
modern  system  invented  hy  revolutionary  France,  of  making 
wrar  maintain  war,  and  sending  forth  starving  multitudes  with 
anus  in  their  hands,  to  subsist  by  the  plunder  of  the  adjoining 
states,  was  unknown.  The  national  passions  had  not  been 
roused,  which  alone  could  bring  it  into  operation.  The  de¬ 
cline  of  the  feudal  system  forbade  the  hope  that  contests  could 
be  maintained  by  the  chivalrous  attachment  of  a  faithful  no¬ 
bility  :  the  democratic  spirit  had  not  been  so  aroused  as  to 
supply  its  place  by  popular  fervor.  Religious  passions,  indeed, 
had  been  strongly  excited  ;  but  they  had  prompted  men  rather 
to  suffer  than  to  act :  the  disputations  of  the  pulpit  were  their 


MARLBOROUGH. 


313 


natural  arena  :  in  the  last  extremity,  they  were  more  allied  to 
the  resignation  of  the  martyr  than  the  heroism  of  the  soldier. 
Between  the  two,  there  extended  a  long  period  of  above  a 
century  and  a  half,  during  which  governments  had  acquired 
the  force,  and  mainly  relied  on  the  power,  of  standing  armies  ; 
but  the  resources  at  their  disposal  for  their  support  were  so 
limited,  that  the  greatest  economy  in  the  husbanding  both  of 
men  and  money  was  indispensable. 

Richard  Cceur  de  Lion,  Edward  III.,  and  Henry  V.  were 

the  models  of  feudal  leaders,  and  their  wars  were  a  2. 

.  Nature  of  the 

faithful  mirror  of  the  feudal  contests.  Setting  forth  feudal  wars, 
at  the  head  of  a  force,  which,  if  not  formidable  in  point  of 
numbers,  was  generally  extremely  so  from  equipment  and  the 
use  of  arms,  the  nobles  around  them  were  generally  too  proud 
and  high-spirited  to  decline  a  combat,  even  on  any  possible 
terms  of  disadvantage.  They  took  the  field,  as  the  knights 
went  to  a  champ  clos,  to  engage  their  adversaries  in  single 
conflict ;  and  it  was  deemed  equally  dishonorable  to  retire 
without  fighting  from  the  one  as  the  other.  But  they  had  no 
permanent  force  at  their  disposal  to  secure  a  lasting  fruit,  even 
from  the  greatest  victories.  The  conquest  of  a  petty  prov¬ 
ince,  a  diminutive  fortress,  was  often  their  only  result.  Hence 
the  desperate  battles,  so  memorable  in  warlike  annals,  which 
they  fought,  and  hence  the  miserable  and  almost  nugatory  re¬ 
sults  which  almost  invariably  followed  the  greatest  triumphs. 
Cressy,  Poictiers,  and  Azincour,  followed  by  the  expulsion  of 
the  English  from  France  ;  Methven  and  Dunbar,  by  their 
ignominious  retreat  from  Scotland  ;  Ascalon  and  Ptolernais, 
by  their  being  driven  from  the  Holy  Land,  must  immediately 
occur  to  every  reader.  This  state  of  war  necessarily  imprint¬ 
ed  a  corresponding  character  on  the  feudal  generals.  They 
were  high-spirited  and  daring  in  action  ;  often  skillful  in  tac¬ 
tics  ;  generally  ignorant  of  strategy  ;  covetous  of  military  re¬ 
nown,  but  careless  of  national  advancement ;  and  often  more 
solicitous  to  conquer  an  adversary  in  single  conflict,  than  to 
reduce  a  fortress  or  win  a  province. 

D  t> 


314 


THE  LIFE  OF 


But  when  armies  were  raised  at  the  expense,  not  of  nobles, 
3.  but  of  kings — when  their  cost  became  a  lasting  and 

Great  change  .  , 

when  armies  heavy  dram  on  the  royal  exchequer,  and  they  were 
government7  yet  felt  to  he  indispensable  to  national  security — 
sovereigns  grew  desirous  of  a  more  durable  and  profitable  re¬ 
sult  from  their  victories.  Standing  armies,  though  commonly 
powerful — often  irresistible  when  accumulated  in  large  bodies 
— were  yet  extremely  expensive.  Their  expense  was  felt  the 
more  from  the  great  difficulty  of  getting  the  people  in  every 
country,  at  that  period,  to  submit  to  any  considerable  amount 
of  direct  taxation.  More  than  one  flourishing  province  had 
been  lost,  or  powerful  monarchy  overturned,  in  the  attempt  to 
increase  such  burdens  ;  as,  for  example,  the  loss  of  Holland  to 
Spain,  and  the  execution  of  Charles  I.  in  England.  In  this 
dilemma,  arising  from  the  experienced  necessity  of  raising 
standing  armies  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  extreme  difficulty 
of  permanently  providing  for  them  on  the  other,  the  only  re¬ 
source  was  to  spare  both  the  blood  of  the  soldiers  and  the  ex¬ 
penses  of  the  government  as  much  as  possible.  Durable  con¬ 
quests,  acquisitions  of  towns  and  provinces  which  could  yield 
revenues  and  furnish  men,  became  the  great  object  of  ambi¬ 
tion.  The  point  of  feudal  honor  was  forgotten  in  the  inanity 
of  its  consequences  ;  the  benefits  of  modem  conquests  were  felt 
in  the  reality  of  their  results.  A  methodical  cautious  system 
of  war  was  thus  made  imperative  upon  generals  by  the  neces¬ 
sities  of  their  situation,  and  the  objects  expected  from  them 
by  their  respective  governments.  To  risk  little  and  gain  much 
became  the  great  object  :  skill  and  stratagem  gradually  took 
the  place  of  reckless  daring ;  and  the  reputation  of  a  general 
came  to  be  measured  rather  by  the  permanent  addition  which 
his  successes  made  to  the  revenues  of  his  sovereign,  than  by  the 
note  with  which  the  trumpet  of  Fame  had  proclaimed  his  own 
exploits. 

Turenne  was  the  first,  and,  in  his  day,  the  greatest  general 
in  this  new  and  scientific  system  of  war.  He  first  applied  to 
the  military  art  the  resources  of  prudent  foresight,  deep  thought 


m  a  n  1,  no  i;  o  ucj  ii. 


315 


and  profound  combination ;  and  the  results  of  his  4 
successes  completely  justified  the  discernment  Ayhich  Educed  this 
had  prompted  Louis  XIV.  hi  placing  him  at  the  bought  it*  to 
head  of  his  armies.  His  methodical  and  far-seeing  Perfectiou- 
campaigns  hi  Flanders,  Franche  Comte,  Alsace,  and  Lorraine, 
in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  that  monarch,  added  these 
valuable  provinces  to  France,  which  have  never  since  been 
lost.  His  conquests  have  proved  more  durable  than  those  of 
the  great  emperor,  all  of  which  were  lost  during  the  lifetime 
of  their  author.  Napoleon’s  legions  passed  like  a  desolating 
whirlwind  over  Europe,  but  they  gave  only  fleeting  celebrity, 
and  entailed  lasting  wounds  on  France.  Turenne’s  slow,  or 
more  methodical  and  cautious  conquests,  have  proved  lasting 
acquisitions  to  the  monarchy.  Nancy  still  owns  the  French 
allegiance ;  Besanqon  and  Strasbourg  are  to  this  day  two  of 
its  frontier  fortresses  ;  Lille  is  yet  a  leading  stronghold  in  its 
iron  barrier.  Napoleon,  it  is  well  known,  had  the  highest 
possible  opinion  of  Turenne.  He  was  disposed  to  place  him 
at  the  head  of  modern  generals ;  and  his  very  interesting 
analysis  of  his  campaigns  is  not  the  least  important  part  of 
his  invaluable  memoirs. 

Conde,  though  living  in  the  same  age,  and  alternately  the 

enemy  and  comrade  of  Turenne,  belonged  to  a  totally  5. 

J  J  Character 

diiferent  class  oi  generals,  and,  indeed,  seemed  to  per-  of  Conds. 

tarn  to  another  age  of  the  world.  He  was  warmed  by  the 
spirit  of  chivalry ;  he  bore  its  terrors  on  his  sword’s  point. 
Heart  and  soul  he  was  heroic.  Like  Clive  or  Alexander,  he 
was  consumed  by  that  thirst  for  fame,  that  ardent  passion  for 
glorious  achievements,  which  is  the  invariable  characteristic 
of  elevated,  and  the  most  inconceivable  quality  to  ordinary 
minds.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  object,  no  difficulties  could 
deter,  no  dangers  daunt  him.  Though  his  spirit  was  chival¬ 
rous  ;  though  cavahy  was  the  arm  which  suited  his  genius, 
and  in  which  lie  chiefly  delighted,  he  brought  to  the  military 
art  the  power  of  genius  and  the  resources  of  art ;  and  no  man 
could  make  hotter  use  of  the  power  which  the  expiring  spirit 


316 


THE  LIFE  OF 


of  feudality  bequeathed  to  its  scientific  successors.  He  de¬ 
stroyed  the  Spanish  infantry  at  Ilocroy  and  Lens,  not  by  mere 
desultory  charges  of  the  French  horse,  but  by  efforts  of  that 
gallant  body  as  skillfully  directed  as  those  by  which  Hannibal 
overthrew  the  Roman  legions  at  Thrasymenae  and  Cannai. 
His  genius  was  animated  by  the  spirit  of  the  fourteenth,  but 
it  was  guided  by  the  knowledge  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
lived  in  the  school  of  Turenne,  placed,  like  him,  at  the  head 
s.  of  a  force  raised  with  difficulty,  and  maintained  with 

Peculiar 

character  of  still  greater  trouble,  Marlborough  was  the  greatest 
as  a  general,  general  of  the  methodical  or  scientific  school  which 
modern  Europe  has  produced.  No  man  knew  better  the  im¬ 
portance  of  deeds  which  fascinate  the  minds  of  men ;  none 
could  decide  quicker,  or  strike  harder,  when  the  proper  time 
for  doing  so  arrived.  None,  when  the  decisive  crisis  of  the 
struggle  approached,  could  expose  his  person  more  fearlessly, 
or  lead  his  reserves  more  gallantly  into  the  very  hottest  of  the 
enemy’s  fire.  To  his  combined  intrepidity  and  quickness  in 
thus  bringing  the  reserves,  at  the  decisive  moment,  into  action, 
all  his  wonderful  victories,  and,  in  particular,  Ramillies  and 
Malplaquet,  are  to  be  ascribed.  But,  hr  the  ordinary  case, 
he  preferred  the  bloodless  methods  of  skill  and  arrangement. 
Combination  was  his  great  forte  ;  and  in  this  he  was  not  ex¬ 
ceeded  by  Napoleon  himself.  To  deceive  the  enemy  as  to  the 
real  pouit  of  attack  ;  to  perplex  him  by  marches  and  counter¬ 
marches  ;  to  assume  and  constantly  maintain  the  initiative ; 
to  win  by  skill  what  could  not  be  achieved  by  force,  was  his 
great  delight ;  and  in  that,  the  highest  branch  of  the  military 
art,  he  was  unrivaled  in  modem  times.  He  did  not  despise 
stratagem.  Like  Hannibal,  he  resorted  to  that  arm  frequent¬ 
ly,  and  with  never-failing  success.  His  campaigns,  in  that 
respect,  hear  a  closer  resemblance  to  those  of  the  illustrious 
Carthaginian  than  to  those  of  any  general  in  modem  Europe. 
Like  him,  too,  his  administrative  and  diplomatic  qualities 
were  equal  to  his  military  powers.  By  his  winning  maimers 
he  retained  in  unwilling,  but  still  effective  union,  an  alliance, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


317 


unwieldy  l'rom  its  magnitude,  and  discordant  by  its  jealousies  ; 
and  kept,  in  willing  multitudes,  around  his  standards,  a  coUu- 
vies  omnium  gentium ,  of  various  languages,  habits,  and  re¬ 
ligion,  held  in  subjection  by  nothing  else  but  the  strong  bond 
of  admiration  for  their  general,  and  a  desire  to  share  in  his 
triumphs. 

Consummate  address  and  never-failing  prudence  were  the 
great  characteristics  of  the  English  commander.  7 
With  such  judgment  did  he  measure  his  strength  jS^pnSenee 
against  that  of  his  adversary ;  so  skillfully  did  he  and  adJress- 
choose  the  point  of  attack,  whether  in  strategy  or  tactics ;  so 
well  weighed  were  all  his  enterprises,  and  so  admirably  pre¬ 
pared  the  means  of  carrying  them  into  execution,  that  none 
of  his  arrangements  ever  miscarried.  It  was  a  common  say¬ 
ing  at  the  time,  and  the  preceding  narrative  amply  justifies  it, 
that  he  never  fought  a  battle  which  he  did  not  gain,  nor  laid 
siege  to  a  town  which  he  did  not  take.  This  extraordinary 
and  miDroken  success  extended  to  all  his  maneuvers,  however 
trivial ;  and  it  has  been  already  noticed,  that  the  first  disaster 
of  any  moment  which  occurred  to  his  arms  during  nine  suc¬ 
cessive  and  active  campaigns,  was  the  destruction  of  a  convoy- 
destined  for  the  siege  of  St.  Venant,  in  October,  1710,  by  one 
of  Villars’s  detachments.*  It  was  the  admirable  powers  of 
arrangement  and  combination  which  he  brought  to  bear  on 
all  parts  of  Iris  army,  equally  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest 
parts,  which  was  the  cause  of  this  extraordinary  and  uninter¬ 
rupted  success. 

He  was  often  outnumbered  by  the  enemy,  and  was  always 
opposed  by  a  homogeneous  army,  animated  by  one  8 
strong  national  and  military  spirit ;  while  he  was  or'in  tbrce^Te 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  discordant  array  of  many  ^laie^th'e  Si- 
different  nations,  some  of  them  with  little  turn  for  tlatlTe- 
warlike  exploit,  others  lukewarm,  or  even  treacherous  in  the 
cause.  But,  notwithstanding  this,  he  never  lost  the  ascend¬ 
ant.  From  the  time  when  he  first  began  the  war  on  the 
*  Ante,  chap,  vi.,  $  13,  page  263. 

D  d  2 


318 


THE  LIFE  OF 


banlcs  of  the  Maese  in  1702,  till  his  military  career  was  closed 
in  1711,  within  the  iron  barrier  of  France,  by  the  intrigues 
of  his  political  opponents  at  home,  he  never  abandoned  the 
initiative.  He  was  constantly  on  the  offensive.  When  infe¬ 
rior  in  force,  as  he  often  was,  he  supplied  the  deficiency  of 
military  strength  by  skill  and  combination  ;  when  his  position 
was  endangered  by  the  errors  or  treachery  of  others,  as  was 
still  more  frequently  the  case,  he  waited  till  a  false  move  on 
the  part  of  his  adversaries  enabled  him  to  retrieve  his  affairs 
by  some  brilliant  and  decisive  stroke.  It  was  thus  that  he 
restored  the  war  in  Germany,  after  the  cause  of  the  emperor 
had  been  wellnigh  ruined,  by  means  of  the  brilliant  cross¬ 
march  into  Bavaria,  and  the  splendid  victoiy  at  Blenheim. 
Thus,  also,  he  regained  Flanders  for  the  archduke  by  the 
stroke  at  Ramillies,  after  the  imperial  cause  in  that  quarter 
had  been  all  but  lost  by  the  treacherous  surrender  of  Ghent 
and  Bruges,  in  the  very  center  of  his  water  communications. 

War,  in  the  days  of  Marlborough,  was  a  totally  different 
9.  art  from  what  it  had  been  or  afterward  became, 
iu^thc^time^of  The  conqueror  neither  swept  over  the  world  with 
Marlborough.  gerce  tempest  of  Scythian  war,  nor  mastered  it 
by  the  steady  superiority  of  Roman  discipline.  No  vehement 
and  universal  passions  had  brought  whole  nations  into  the 
field  ;  mankind  were  roused  neither  by  the  fanaticism  of  Mo¬ 
hammedan  delusion  nor  the  dreams  of  French  democracy. 
Europe  had  not  risen  up  as  one  man  to  shake  off’  the  cruel 
despotism  of  a  Napoleon.  The  forces  of  the  powers  on  either 
side  were  very  nearly  matched,  and  the  armies  which  their 
generals  led  into  action  were  almost  constantly  equal  to  each 
other.  Any  superiority  that  did  exist  in  point  of  numbers 
was  almost  invariably  on  the  side  of  the  French ;  and,  hi  the 
homogeneous  quality  of  their  troops,  they  always  had  the  ad¬ 
vantage.  Success  in  these  nicely-balanced  circumstances 
could  be  gained  only  by  superiority  of  skill ;  and  the  smiles 
of  fortune  were  reserved,  not  for  the  most  daring,  but  the  most 
judicious.  A  campaign  resembled  a  protracted  game  at  chess 


MARLBOROUGH. 


319 


between  two  players  of  nearly  equal  ability,  in  which  the  an¬ 
tagonists  set  out  at  first  uniformly  with  equal  forces,  and  the 
victory  could  only  be  gained  by  a  skillful  plan  laid  on  the  one 
side,  or  the  felicitous  advantage  taken  of  a  false  move  on  the 
other.  The  campaigns  of  Marlborough  and  Villars  or  Ven- 
ddme  were  exactly  of  this  description.  And  perhaps  in  no 
other  contests,  since  the  dawn  of  the  military  art,  was  so  much 
talent  exerted  by  the  commanders  on  either  side,  or  was  suc¬ 
cess  so  evidently  the  result  of  the  superior  generalship  of  the 
one  who  in  the  end  proved  victorious. 

Prudence  and  circumspection  in  the  conduct  of  such  a  war 
was  not  less  imposed  on  Marlborough  by  Iris  situa-  .  10- 

.  .  .  Circumspec- 

tion  than  in  unison  with  his  character.  The  gen-  tion  was  m 
eral  of  a  coalition  has  one  duty  which  beyond  all  of  necessity, 
others  it  behooves  him  to  discharge,  and  that  is,  to  avoid  dis¬ 
aster.  The  leader  of  the  troops  of  a  popular  state  must  al¬ 
ways  regard  his  domestic  enemies  at  home  at  least  as  formi¬ 
dable  as  those  to  whom  he  is  opposed  in  the  field.  They 
proved  more  so  to  Marlborough ;  he  conquered  France  and 
Louis  XIV.,  but  he  was  overturned  by  the  Tories  and  Bol- 
ingbroke.  Such  are  the  jealousies  of  governments,  so  diverse 
and  opposite  the  interests  of  nations,  that  a  coalition,  unless 
in  the  tumult  of  unhoped-for  success,  or  under  the  terrors  of 
instant  danger,  is  always  on  the  verge  of  dissolution.  It 
proved  so  both  with  that  which  Marlborough  led,  and  that 
wliich  Castlereagh  guided.  A  single  considerable  disaster  at 
once  breaks  it  up.  Long-continued  success,  by  averting  dan¬ 
ger,  has  not  less  certainly  the  same  effect.  Of  eveiy  coalition 
it  may  be  truly  said  what  Wellington,  in  a  moment  of  irrita¬ 
tion,  said  of  the  English  army,  that  it  is  liable  to  be  dissolved 
equally  by  victory  or  defeat.  The  general  of  a  confederacy 
is  constantly  surrounded  by  lukewarm,  selfish  allies  ready  to 
fall  off,  and  envenomed  domestic  factions  ready  to  fall  on. 
Such  was  the  position  of  Marlborough  ;  such,  a  century  after¬ 
ward,  was  the  situation  of  Wellington.  Unbroken  success 
was  to  both  the  condition  of  existence.  Marlborough  was 


320 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ruined  by  the  indecisive  result  of  the  campaign  of  1711  ; 
Wellington  all  but  ruined  by  the  retreat  from  Talavera  in 
1809.  A  fourth  part  of  the  defeats  from  which  Frederic  or 
Napoleon  recovered,  and  which  were  the  price  at  which  they 
purchased  their  astonishing  triumphs,  would,  from  the  clamor 
they  raised  at  home,  have  destroyed  Marlborough  or  Welling¬ 
ton.  A  despotic  monarch  commanding  his  own  armies  can 
afford  to  be  daring  in  the  field,  for  he  has  to  take  counsel 
only  from  the  intrepidity  of  his  own  breast ;  the  general  of  a 
coalition  must  be  circumspect,  for  he  is  dependant  on  the  fears, 
and  liable  to  be  thwarted  by  the  jealousies  of  others. 

The  same  necessity  was  the  cause  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Tr  u-  system  of  sieges,  and  of  the  fixing  of  the  war  in 

He  was  com-  J  ° 

peiied to  adopt  Flanders,  which  formed  such  striking  features  in 

the  system  of 

sieges,  and  fix  the  military  career  of  Marlborough.  This  matter 

the  war  in  J 

Flanders.  has  been  the  subject  of  extraordinary  misconcep- 
tion  and  unbounded  misrepresentation,  from  the  cotemporary 
period  to  the  present  time.  It  was  said  that  in  attacking  the 
enemy  in  the  Low  Countries,  he  took  the  bull  by  the  horns, 
wrhile  in  assaulting  him  from  Lorraine  or  Alsace,  he  would 
have  taken  lfim  on  his  defenseless  side  ;  and  the  successful 
results  of  the  invasions  of  1814  and  1815  are  referred  to  as 
proving  what  may  be  expected  from  disregarding  frontier  for¬ 
tresses,  and  striking  at  once  at  the  heart  of  the  enemy’s  pow¬ 
er.  Those  who  make  these  remarks  would  do  well  to  con¬ 
sider  what  force  Marlborough  had  at  his  disposal  to  make 
such  a  daring  invasion.  He  was  constantly  inferior  to  the 
enemy's  army  immediately  opposed  to  him.  The  successes 
which  he  gained  were  entirely  the  result  of  superior  skill  in 
strategy  or  tactics  on  his  part ;  their  constant  recurrence  made 
men  forget,  and  has  made  posterity  forget,  the  extraordinary 
difficulties  which  had  to  be  overcome  before  they  were  attain¬ 
ed.  If  we  would  see  what  would  have  been  the  issue  of  the 
war  if  his  tutelary  arm  and  far-seeing  genius  had  been  want¬ 
ing,  we  have  only  to  look  at  Denain  and  the  campaign  of 
1713,  even  when  the  ardent  genius  of  Eugene  directed  the 
allied  forces. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


321 


To  have  invaded  a  compact  monarchy  like  France,  pos¬ 
sessing  such  vast  military  resources,  and  animated  12 
by  so  strong  a  military  spirit,  with  an  inferior  force,  SeoppoSto 
leaving  the  whole  triple  line  of  frontier  fortresses  eystem- 
behind,  would  have  been  to  expose  the  allied  army  to  certain 
destruction.  It  must  have  left  half  its  numbers  behind  to 
blockade  the  fortresses  and  keep  up  the  communications ;  the 
enemy’s  force,  by  falling  back  to  the  center  of  his  resources, 
would  have  been  doubled.  Arrived  on  the  Oise,  Marlborough 
would  have  found  himself  with  fifty  thousand  men  in  presence 
of  a  hundred  thousand.  The  result  of  the  invasions  of  Ger¬ 
many  in  1704  by  Tallard,  of  France  in  1792  by  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick,  of  Russia  in  1812  by  Napoleon,  demonstrate  the 
extreme  danger  of  penetrating  into  an  enemy’s  country,  even 
with  the  greatest  force,  without  adequate  regard  to  the  com¬ 
munications  of  the  invading  army.  The  cases  of  1814  and 
1815,  when  a  million  of  experienced  soldiers  fell  on  a  single 
and  exhausted  state,  is  the  exception,  not  the  rule  ;  and  their 
narrow  escape  from  defeat  in  the  first  of  these  years  proves 
the  hazard  of  such  a  proceeding.  By  assailing  France  on  the 
side  of  the  Low  Countries,  and  working  by  degrees  through 
its  iron  frontier,  Marlborough  took  the  only  certain  way  of  re¬ 
ducing  its  power,  because  he  secured  his  rear  as  he  advanced, 
and  reduced  the  enemy’s  strength  by  the  successive  captures 
of  the  frontier  garrisons,  till,  when  the  line  was  broken  through, 
like  a  knight  when  his  armor  -was  uncased,  it  lay  without  de¬ 
fense. 

Lord  Chesterfield,  who  knew  him  well,  said  that  Marl¬ 
borough  was  a  man  of  excellent  parts,  and  strong  13 
good  sense,  but  of  no  very  shining  genius.  The  wa^horowra 
uninterrupted  success  of  his  campaigns,  however, 
joined  to  the  unexampled  address  with  which  he 
allayed  the  jealousies  and  stilled  the  discords  of  the  confedera¬ 
cy  whose  armies  lip  led,  decisively  demonstrates  that  the  pol¬ 
ished  carl’s  opinion  was  not  a  just  one,  and  that  his  partiality 
for  the  graces  led  him  to  ascribe  an  undue  influence  hi  the 


322 


THE  LIFE  OF 


great  duke’s  career  to  the  inimitable  suavity  and  courtesy  of 
his  manner.  His  enterprises  and  stratagems,  his  devices  to 
deceive  the  enemy,  and  counterbalance  inferiority  of  force  by 
superiority  of  conduct ;  the  eagle  eye,  which  in  the  decisive 
moment  he  brought  to  bear  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  the  ra¬ 
pidity  with  which  in  person  he  struck  the  final  blow  from 
which  the  enemy  never  recovered,  bespeak  the  intuitive  genius 
of  war.  It  was  the  admirable  balance  of  his  mental  qualities 
which  caused  Iris  originality  to  be  undervalued  :  no  one  pow¬ 
er  stood  out  in  such  bold  relief  as  to  overshadow  all  the  oth¬ 
ers,  and  rivet  the  eye  by  the  magnitude  of  its  proportions. 
Thus  his  consummate  judgment  made  the  world  overlook  his 
invention ;  his  uniform  prudence  caused  his  daring  to  be  for¬ 
gotten  ;  his  incomparable  combinations  often  concealed  the  ca¬ 
pacious  mind  which  had  put  the  whole  in  motion.  He  was  so 
invariably  successful,  that  men  forgot  how  difficult  it  is  al¬ 
ways  to  succeed  in  war.  It  was  not  till  he  was  withdrawn 
from  the  conduct  of  the  campaign,  when  disaster  immediate¬ 
ly  attended  the  allied  arms,  and  France  resumed  the  ascend¬ 
ant  over  the  coalition,  that  Europe  became  sensible  who  had 
been  its  soul,  and  how  much  had  been  lost  when  his  mighty 
understanding  was  no  longer  at  the  head  of  affairs. 

Lord  Bolingbroke,  whose  great  abilities  caused  him  to  dis- 
14.  cern  exalted  merit,  even  through  all  the  mists  of 
perfecfiou  of  party  prejudice,  said  that  Marlborough  was  the 
turedby'ex-  “  perfection  of  genius  matured  by  experience."  He 
penence.  did  not  say  by  knowledge.  This  was  really  his 
character :  Bolingbroke  has  said  neither  more  nor  less  than 
the  truth.  Marlborough  had  received  a  very  limited  educa¬ 
tion  ;  he  had  never  been  at  a  university ;  he  had  none  of  the 
varied  and  extensive  erudition  which  enriched  the  minds  of 
his  great  rivals  in  politics,  St.  John  and  Harley.  Thrown 
into  the  Guards  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  having  been  previously 
only  at  a  grammar  school,  and  afterward  a  page  to  the  Duke 
of  York,  he  entered  upon  life  without  any  of  the  vast  advan¬ 
tages  which  knowledge  aflords.  What  he  subsequently  gain- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


323 


ed  was  acquired  in  courts  and  camps.  It  is  the  strongest 
proof  of  the  extraordinary  strength  and  sagacity  of  his  mind, 
that  with  such  limited  advantages  he  became  what  he  was — 
the  first  in  arms,  and  second  to  none  in  politics  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived.  He  made  admirable  use  of  the  opportuni¬ 
ties  he  afterward  enjoyed.  In  the  school  of  Turemre  he  im¬ 
bibed  the  art  of  war ;  in  the  palace  of  St.  James  he  learned 
the  mysteries  of  courts ;  in  the  House  of  Peers  and  at  the 
Hague  he  became  master  of  the  art  of  diplomacy.  In  these 
varied  situations  he  acquired  the  knowledge,  of  all  others  the 
most  valuable,  which  can  nowhere  be  learned  so  well — that 
of  the  world  and  the  human  heart.  His  career  affords  the 
most  striking  proof  of  how  much  the  real  education  of  every 
mind  depends  upon  itself,  and  how  much  it  is  in  the  power 
of  strong  sense,  accompanied  by  vigilant  observation  in  after 
life,  to  compensate  the  want  of  those  advantages  which,  un¬ 
der  more  favorable  circumstances,  give  to  early  youth  the  ben¬ 
efit  of  the  acquirements  and  experience  of  others. 

A  most  inadequate  opinion  would  be  formed  of  Marlbor¬ 
ough’s  mental  character  if  his  military  exploits  15 
alone  are  taken  into  consideration.  Like  all  dresfandsuav- 
otlier  intellects  of  the  first  order,  he  was  equally  lty  of  manner- 
capable  of  great  achievements  in  peace  as  in  war,  and  shone 
forth  with  not  less  luster  hi  the  deliberations  of  the  cabinet  or 
in  the  correspondence  of  diplomacy,  than  hr  directing  columns 
on  the  field  of  battle,  or  tracing  out  the  line  of  approaches  for 
the  attack  of  fortified  towns.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  judg¬ 
ment  and  temper  with  which  he  reconciled  the  jarring  inter¬ 
ests,  and  smoothed  down  the  rival  pretensions  of  the  coalesced 
cabinets.  The  danger  was  not  so  pressing  as  to  unite  their 
rival  governments,  as  it  afterward  did  those  of  the  Grand 
Alliance  in  1813,  which  overthrew  Napoleon  ;  and  incessant 
exertions,  joined  to  the  highest  possible  diplomatic  address, 
judgmentof  conduct,  and  suavity  of  manner,  were  required  to 
prevent  the  coalition,  on  various  occasions  during  the  course 
of  the  war,  from  falling  to  pieces.  As  it  was,  the  intrigues 


324 


THE  LIFE  OF 


of  Bolingbroke  and  the  Tories  in  England,  and  the  ascendency 
of  Mrs.  Masham  in  the  queen’s  bed-chamber  councils,  at  last 
counterbalanced  all  his  achievements,  and  led  to  a  peace 
which  abandoned  the  most  important  objects  of  the  war,  and 
was  fraught,  as  the  event  has  proved,  with  serious  danger  to 
the  independence  and  even  the  existence  of  England.  His 
winter  campaign  at  the  allied  courts,  as  he  himself  said,  always 
equaled  in  duration,  and  often  exceeded  in  importance  and  dif¬ 
ficulty,  that  in  summer  with  the  enemy  ;  and  nothing  is  more 
certain  than  that,  if  a  man  of  less  capacity  had  been  intrusted 
with  the  direction  of  its  diplomatic  relations,  the  coalition 
would  have  soon  broken  up  without  having  accomplished  any 
of  the  objects  for  which  the  war  had  been  undertaken,  from 
the  mere  selfishness  and  dissensions  of  the  cabinets  by  whom 
it  was  conducted. 

With  one  blot,  for  winch  the  justice  of  history,  or  the  par- 
16.  tiality  of  biography  neither  can  nor  should  at- 
as  a  statesman,  tempt  to  make  any  apology,  Marlborough’s  pri- 
and  m  private.  vaqe  character  seems  to  have  been  unexception¬ 
able,  and  was  evidently  distinguished  by  several  noble  and 
amiable  qualities.  That  he  was  bred  a  courtier,  and  owed  his 
first  elevation  to  the  favor  with  which  he  w'as  regarded  by 
one  of  the  king’s  mistresses,  was  not  his  fault :  it  arose,  per¬ 
haps,  necessarily  from  his  situation,  and  the  graces  and  beauty 
with  which  he  had  been  so  prodigally  endowed  by  nature. 
The  young  officer  of  the  Guards,  wrho  in  the  army  of  Louis 
XIV.  passed  by  the  name  of  the  handsome  Englishman,  could 
hardly  be  expected  to  be  free  from  the  consequences  of  female 
partiality  at  the  court  of  Charles  II.  Shortly  after  the  Rev¬ 
olution  he  was  undoubtedly  involved  in  many  dark  intrigues 
for  the  restoration  of  the  exiled  family :  he  seemed  to  be  de¬ 
sirous  to  undo  what  he  himself  had  done.  It  is  the  fatal  ef¬ 
fect  of  one  deviation  from  rectitude  that  it  renders  subsequent 
ones  almost  unavoidable,  or  so  confounds  the  moral  sense  as  to 
make  their  turpitude  be  unfelt.  But  in  maturer  years,  his 
conduct  in  public,  after  Anne  had  placed  him  in  high  com- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


325 


mand,  was  uniformly  consistent,  straightforward,  and  honor¬ 
able.  He  was  a  sincere  patriot,  and  ardently  attached  both 
to  his  country  and  to  the  principles  of  freedom,  at  a  time  when 
both  were  wellnigh  forgotten  in  the  straggles  of  party,  and 
the  fierce  contests  for  royal  or  popular  favor.  Though  bred 
up  in  a  licentious  court,  and  early  exposed  to  the  most  en¬ 
trancing  of  its  seductions,  he  was  in  mature  life  strictly  cor¬ 
rect,  both  in  his  conduct  and  conversation.  He  resisted  every 
temptation  to  which  his  undiminished  beauty  exposed  him 
after  his  marriage,  and  was  never  known  either  to  utter,  or 
permit  to  be  uttered  in  his  presence,  a  light  or  indecent  ex¬ 
pression.  He  discouraged  to  the  utmost  degree  all  intemper 
ance  and  licentiousness  hi  his  soldiers,  and  constantly  labored 
to  impress  upon  them  a  sense  of  moral  duty  and  supreme  su¬ 
perintendence.  Divine  service  was  regularly  performed  in  all 
his  camps,  both  morning  and  evening  ;  previous  to  a  battle, 
prayers  were  read  at  th6  head  of  every  regiment,  and  the  first 
act,  after  a  victory,  was  a  solemn  thanksgiving.  “  By  those 
means,”  says  a  cotemporary  biographer,  who  served  in  his 
army,  “  his  camp  resembled  a  quiet,  well-governed  city. 
Cursing  and  swearhig  were  seldom  heard  among  the  officers  ; 
a  drunkard  was  the  object  of  scorn  ;  and  even  the  soldiers, 
many  of  them  the  refuse  and  dregs  of  the  nation,  became,  at 
the  close  of  one  or  two  campaigns,  tractable,  civil,  sensible, 
and  clean,  and  had  an  air  and  spirit  above  the  vulgar.” 

In  political  life,  during  his  career  after  the  Revolution,  he 
was  consistent  and  firm  ;  faithful  to  his  party,  17 
but  more  faithful  still  to  his  country.  He  was  a  charwterlrftcr 
generous  friend,  an  attached,  perhaps  a  too  fond  the  Revolution, 
husband.  During  the  whole  of  his  active  career  he  retained 
a  constant  sense  of  the  superintendence  of  the  Supreme  Being, 
and  was  ever  the  first  to  ascribe  the  successes  which  he  had 
gained  to  Divine  protection ;  a  disposition  which  shone  forth 
with  peculiar  grace  amid  the  din  of  amis  and  the  flourish  of 
trumpets  for  his  own  mighty  achievements.  Even  the  one 
occasion,  on  which,  like  David,  he  fell  from  his  high  princi- 

E  E 


326 


THE  LIFE  OF 


pies,  will  be  regarded  by  the  equitable  observer  with  chari¬ 
table,  if  not  forgiving  eyes.  He  will  recollect  that  perfection 
never  yet  belonged  to  a  child  of  Adatn ;  he  will  measure  the 
dreadful  nature  of  the  struggle  which  aw'aits  an  upright  and 
generous  mind  when  loyalty  and  gratitude  impel  one  way,  and 
religion  and  patriotism  another.  Without  attempting  to  jus¬ 
tify  an  officer  who  employs  the  power  bestowed  by  one  gov¬ 
ernment  to  elevate  another  on  its  ruins,  he  will  yet  reflect, 
that  in  such  a  crisis  even  the  firmest  heads  and  the  best  hearts 
may  be  led  astray  :  he  will  recollect  that,  as  already  noticed, 
the  heroic  Ney,  hi  another  age,  did  the  same.  If  he  is  wise, 
he  will  ascribe  the  fault,  for  fault  it  was,  not  so  much  to  the 
individual,  as  to  the  time  in  which  he  lived  ;  and  feel  a  deeper 
thankfulness  that  his  own  lot  has  been  cast  in  a  happier  age, 
when  the  great  moving  passions  of  the  human  heart  act  hi  the 
same  direction,  and  a  public  man  need  not  fear  that  he  is 
wanting  hi  his  duty  to  Ins  sovereign  because  he  is  performing 
that  due  to  his  country. 

Marlborough,  however,  was  but  a  man,  and  therefore  not 
if.  without  the  usual  blemishes  and  weaknesses  of  hu- 

His  faults  and  .  , 

weaknesses,  manity.  The  great  blot  on  his  character,  the  in- 

excusable  act  hi  his  life — that  of  having  accepted  a  command 
from  James  II.,  and  afterward  betrayed  him — will  be  found, 
on  examination,  to  be  but  a  part,  though  doubtless  the  most 
conspicuous  one,  of  the  prevailing  disposition  and  secret  weak¬ 
ness  of  his  character.  He  was  extremely  ambitious,  and  lit¬ 
tle  scrupulous  about  the  means  by  which  elevation  was  to  be 
attained  or  prolonged.  He  repeatedly  yielded  to  the  solicita¬ 
tions  of  those  around  him  from  the  desire  to  avoid  ruining  his 
party,  under  circumstances  when  the  dignity  of  his  character 
required  a  more  independent  and  resolute  conduct.  He  was 
not  by  nature  a  bad,  or  by  habit  a  dishonorable  man,  and  yet 
he  did  a  most  base  and  dishonorable  thing  ;  he  abandoned  his 
king  and  benefactor  when  holding  an  important  command 
under  him.  He  did  not  possess  the  mental  independence,  the 
strong  sense  of  rectitude,  the  keen  feelings  of  honor,  wliicli  lead 


MARLBOROUGH. 


327 


pure  and  elevated  minds  to  make  shipwreck  of  their  fortunes 
in  the  cause  of  duty.  He  was  possessed  by  strong  moral  and 
religious  principle ;  but  when  a  crisis  arrived,  they  yielded  to 
the  whisperings’ of  expedience,  or,  rather,  the  deceitfulness  of 
sin  made  him  believe  that  his  duty  pointed  to  the  course  which 
his  interest  demanded.  He  had  more  of  Caesar  in  him  than 
Cato.  It  never  would  be  said  of  him, 

Victrix  causa  Deis  placuit  sed  victa  Catoni. 

In  justice  to  Marlborough,  however,  it  must  be  recollected 
that  he  lived  in  an  age  of  revolutions,  when  the  M- 

Circumstances 

crown  had  been  recently  twice  subverted,  and  a  which  palliate 

?  these  faults  in 

new  dynasty  placed  on  the  throne  ;  when  men  s  him. 
minds  were  confused  and  their  ideas  unhinged  with  regard  to 
public  duty ;  and  when  that  fatal  effect  of  revolutionary  suc¬ 
cess  had  taken  place — the  ascribing  to  public  actions  no  other 
test  but  success.  And  yet,  so  mixed  is  the  condition  of  man¬ 
kind,  and  so  great  the  ascendency  of  selfishness  in  human  af¬ 
fairs,  that  Marlborough’s  extraordinary  rise  and  long-continu¬ 
ed  power  is  in  great  part  to  be  ascribed  to  these  moral  weak¬ 
nesses  in  his  character.  Had  he  possessed  the  noble  spirit  of 
one  of  the  old  cavaliers,  he  would  have  adhered  to  James  in 
his  misfortune,  and  become  a  respectable  but  unknown  exile 
at  St.  Germain’s,  instead  of  the  illustrious  leader  of  the  coali¬ 
tion.  He  thus  affords  another  instance  to  the  many  which 
history  affords  of  the  truth  of  Johnson’s  saying,  “  that  no  man 
ever  rose  from  a  private  station  to  exalted  power  among  men, 
in  whom  great  and  commanding  qualities  were  not  combined 
with  meannesses  that  would  be  inconceivable  in  ordinary  life.” 

Marlborough  was  often  accused  of  avarice ;  but  his  con¬ 
duct  through  life  sufficiently  demonstrated  that  hi  20. 
him  the  natural  desire  to  accumulate  a  fortune,  chnracter^and 
which  belongs  to  every  rational  mind,  was  kept  in  fn'thedisposL 
subjection  to  more  elevated  principles.  The  great  110,1  of  money, 
wealth  which  he  acquired  from  his  numerous  appointments, 
and  the  royal  and  parliamentary  rewards  bestowed  on  him  for 
his  services,  were  sufficient  to  excite  the  envy  of  the  vulgar, 
and  this  feeling  was  eagerly  fed  by  thoso  who  pandered  to 


328 


THE  LIFE  OF 


their  passions.  Swift  contrasted,  in  a  popular  diatribe,  the 
scanty  rewards  of  Roman  triumph  with  the  half  million  which 
had  attested  British  gratitude.  But  there  was  no  real  foun¬ 
dation  for  this  aspersion.  His  conduct  belied  it.  His  repeat¬ 
ed  refusal  of  the  government  of  the  Netherlands,  with  its  mag¬ 
nificent  appointment  of  £60,000  a  year,  was  a  sufficient  proof 
how  much  he  despised  money  when  it  interfered  with  public 
duty  ;  Iris  splendid  edifices,  both  in  London  and  Blenheim,  at¬ 
test  how  little  he  valued  it  for  any  other  purpose  hut  as  it 
might  be  applied  to  noble  and  worthy  objects.* 

He  possessed  the  magnanimity  in  judging  of  others  which 

21.  is  the  invariable  characteristic  of  real  greatness. 
nimUyand  Envy  was  unknown,  suspicion  loathsome  to  him. 
humumty.  jje  0f\ell  suffered  by  the  generous  confidence  with 
which  he  trusted  his  enemies.  He  was  patient  under  contra¬ 
diction  ;  placid  and  courteous  both  in  his  manners  and  de¬ 
meanor  ;  and  owed  great  part  of  his  success,  both  in  the  field 
and  in  the  cabinet,  to  the  invariable  suavity  and  charm  of  liis 
maimers.  His  humanity  was  uniformly  conspicuous.  Not 
only  his  own  soldiers,  hut  his  enemies,  never  failed  to  experi¬ 
ence  it.  Like  Wellington,  his  attention  to  the  health  and 
comforts  of  his  men  was  incessant ;  which,  with  his  daring  in 
the  field  and  uniform  success  in  strategy,  endeared  him  in  the 
highest  degree  to  the  men.  T roops  of  all  nations  equally  trusted 
him ;  and  the  common  saying,  when  they  were  in  any  difficul¬ 
ty,  “  Never  mind,  ‘  Corporal  John’  wall  get  us  out  of  it,”  was 
heard  as  frequently  in  the  Dutch,  Danish,  or  German,  as  in 
the  English  language.  He  frequently  gave  the  wreary  soldiers 
a  place  in  his  carriage,  and  got  out  himself  to  accommodate 
more  ;  and  his  first  care,  after  an  engagement,  invariably  was 
to  visit  the  field  of  battle,  and  do  Ins  utmost  to  assuage  the  suf¬ 
ferings  of  the  wounded,  both  among  his  oxen  men  and  those 
of  the  enemy.  After  the  battle  of  Malplaquet,  he  divided  all 
the  money  at  Iris  private  disposal  among  the  wounded  officers 
of  the  enemy. f 

*  Maxi  borough's  house  in  London  cost  about  Xl00,000.  Coxe,  vi.,  399. 

t  Capefigue,  Louis  XIV.,  vi.,  125. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


329 


The  character  of  this  illustrious  man  has  been  thus  portray¬ 
ed  by  two  of  the  greatest  writers  in  the  English  22. 
language,  the  latter  of  whom  will  not  he  accused  as' drawn  by" 
of  undue  partiality  to  his  political  enemy.  “  It  is  and™oiiS^-h 
a  characteristic,”  says  Adam  Smith,  “  almost  pe-  broke- 
culiar  to  the  great  Duke  of  Marlborough,  that  ten  years  of 
such  uninterrupted  and  splendid  successes  as  scarce  any  other 
general  could  boast  of,  never  betrayed  him  into  a  single  rash 
action,  scarce  into  a  single  rash  word  or  expression.  The 
same  temperate  coolness  and  self-command  can  not,  I  think, 
he  ascribed  to  any  other  great  warrior  of  later  times,  not  to 
Prince  Eugene,  nor  to  the  late  King  of  Prussia,  nor  to  the 
Great  Prince  of  Conde,  nor  even  to  Gustavus  Adolphus.  Tu- 
renne  seems  to  have  approached  the  nearest  to  it ;  but  sever¬ 
al  actions  of  his  life  demonstrate  that  it  was  in  him  by  no 
means  so  perfect  as  in  the  great  Duke  of  Marlborough.”* 
“  By  King  William’s  death,”  says  Bolingbroke,  “  the  Duke 
of  Marlborough  was  raised  to  the  head  of  the  army,  and,  in¬ 
deed,  of  the  confederacy,  where  he,  a  private  man,  a  subject, 
obtained  by  merit  and  by  management  a  more  decided  influ¬ 
ence  than  high  birth,  confirmed  authority,  and  even  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain  had  given  to  King  William.  Not  only  all 
the  parts  of  that  vast  machine,  the  Grand  Alliance,  were  kept 
more  compact  and  entire,  hut  a  more  vigorous  motion  was 
given  to  the  whole ;  and  instead  of  languishing  or  disastrous 
campaigns,  we  saw  cveiy  scene  of  the  war  full  of  action.  All 
those  wherein  he  appeared,  and  many  of  those  wherein  he 
was  not  then  an  actor,  hut  abettor,  however,  of  their  actions, 
were  crowned  with  the  most  triumphant  success.  I  take  with 
pleasure  this  opportunity  of  doing  justice  to  that  great  man, 
whose  faults  I  know,  whose  virtues  I  admire,  and  whose  mem¬ 
ory,  as  the  greatest  general  and  greatest  minister  that  our 
country  or  any  other  has  produced,  I  honor.”! 

*  Smith’s  Moral  Sentiments,  ii.,  158. 

t  Bolingbuoke’s  Letters  on  the  Study  of  History,  ii.,  179. 

E  E  2 


330 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Five  generals,  by  the  common  consent  of  men,  stand  forth 

23.  pre-eminent  in  modem  times  for  the  magnitude  of 

general  Seat  the  achievements  they  effected,  and  the  splendor 
modem  times.  talents  they  displayed — Eugene,  Marlbor 

ough,  Frederic,  Napoleon,  and  Wellington.  It  is  hard  to  say 
which  appears  the  greatest,  whether  we  regard  the  services 
they  have  rendered  to  their  respective  countries,  or  the  dura¬ 
ble  impress  their  deeds  have  left  on  human  affairs.  All  had 
difficulties  the  most  serious  to  contend  with,  obstacles  appar¬ 
ently  insurmountable  to  overcome,  and  all  proved  in  the  bright¬ 
est  parts  of  their  career  victorious  over  them.  All  have  im¬ 
mortalized  their  names  by  exploits  far  exceeding  those  record¬ 
ed  of  other  men.  All  have  left  the  effects  of  their  exploits 
durably  imprinted  in  the  subsequent  fate  of  nations.  The 
relative  position  of  the  European  states,  the  preservation  of 
public  rights,  the  maintenance  of  the  balance  of  power,  the 
salvation  of  the  weak  from  the  grasp  of  the  strong,  have  been 
mainly  owing  to  their  exertions.  To  their  biography  is  at¬ 
tached  not  merely  the  fortune  of  the  countries  to  which  they 
belonged,  but  the  general  destinies  of  Europe,  and,  through  it, 
of  the  human  race. 

To  give  a  faithful  picture,  in  a  few  pages,  of  such  men,  may 

24.  seem  a  hopeless,  and  to  their  merits  an  invidious 

nctcristics  oT  task.  A  brief  summary  of  the  chief  actions  of 
each'  those  of  them  to  ordinary  readers  least  known,  is, 

however,  indispensable  to  lay  a  foundation  for  their  compari¬ 
son  with  the  character  of  those  whose  deeds  are  as  household 
words.  It  is  not  impossible  to  convey  to  those  who  are  famil¬ 
iar  with  their  exploits,  a  pleasing  resume  of  their  leading  fea¬ 
tures  and  salient  points  of  difference  ;  to  those  who  are  not,  to 
give  some  idea  of  the  pleasure  which  the  study  of  their  char¬ 
acters  is  calculated  to  afford.  Generals,  like  writers  or  art¬ 
ists,  have  certain  leading  characteristics  which  may  be  traced 
through  all  their  achievements  ;  a  peculiar  impress  has  been 
communicated  by  nature  to  their  minds,  which  appears,  not 
less  than  on  the  painter’s  canvass  or  in  the  poet’s  lines,  in  all 


MARLBOROUGH. 


331 


their  actions.  As  much  as  grandeur  of  conception  distin¬ 
guishes  Homer,  tenderness  of  feeling  Virgil,  and  sublimity  of 
thought  Milton,  does  impetuous  daring  characterize  Eugene, 
consummate  generalship  Marlborough,  indomitable  firmness 
Frederic,  lofty  genius  Napoleon,  unerring  wisdom  Wellington. 
Greatness  in  the  military,  as  in  every  other  art,  is  to  be  attain¬ 
ed  only  by  strong  natural  talents,  perseveringly  directed  to  one 
object,  undistracted  by  other  pursuits,  undivided  by  inferior 
ambition.  The  men  who  have  risen  to  the  highest  eminence 
in  war,  have  done  so  by  the  exercise  of  faculties  as  great,  and 
the  force  of  genius  as  transcendent,  as  those  which  produced 
a  Homer,  a  Bacon,  or  a  Newton.  Success,  doubtless,  com¬ 
mands  the  admiration  of  the  multitude  ;  military  glory  capti-. 
vates  the  unthinking  throng  ;  but  to  those  who  know  the  mil¬ 
itary  art,  and  can  appreciate  real  merit,  the  chief  ground  for 
admiration  of  its  great  masters  is  a  sense  of  the  difficulties,  to 
most  unknown,  which  they  have  overcome. 

Prince  Eugene,  though  belonging  to  the  same  age,  often 
acting  in  the  same  army,  and  sometimes  command-  25. 

“  J  ■  Early lifeof 

nig  alternately  with  Marlborough,  was  a  general  of  Eugene, 
an  essentially  different  character.  A  descendant  of  the  house 
of  Savoy,  born  at  Paris  in  1663,  and  originally  destined  for 
the  Church,  he  early  evinced  a  repugnance  to  theological  stud¬ 
ies,  and  instead  of  his  breviary,  was  devouring  in  secret  Plu¬ 
tarch’s  lives  of  ancient  heroes.  His  figure  was  slender,  and 
his  constitution  at  first  weak  ;  but  these  disadvantages,  which 
caused  Louis  XIV.  to  refuse  him  a  regiment,  from  an  opinion 
that  he  was  not  equal  to  its  duties,  were  soon  overcome  by  the 
ardor  of  his  mind.  Immediately  upon  this  refusal,  setting 
out  for  Vienna,  he  entered  the  Imperial  service ;  but  he  was 
still  pursued  by  the  enmity  of  Louvois,  who  procured  from 
Louis  a  decree  which  pronounced  sentence  of  banishment  on 
all  Frenchmen  in  the  armies  of  foreign  powers  who  should 
fail  to  return  to  their  country.  “  I  will  re-enter  France  in 
spite  of  him,”  said  Eugene ;  and  he  was  more  than  once  as 
good  as  his  word. 


332 


THE  LIFE  OF 


His  genius  for  war  was  not  methodical  or  scientific,  like 
26.  that  of  Turenne  and  Marlborough,  nor  essentially 
his  warfore°and  chivalrous,  like  that  of  the  Black  Prince  or  the 
virto^orerthe  Great  Conde.  It  was  more  akin  to  the  terrible 
i  urks.  sweep  of  the  Tartar  chiefs ;  it  savored  more  of 

Oriental  daring.  He  was  as  prodigal  of  the  blood  of  his  sol¬ 
diers  as  Napoleon  ;  but,  unlike  him,  he  never  failed  to  expose 
his  own  person  with  equal  readiness  in  the  fight.  He  did  not 
reserve  his  attack  in  person  for  the  close  of  the  affray,  like  the 
F rench  emperor,  but  was  generally  to  be  seen  in  the  fire  from  the 
very  outset.  It  was  with  difficulty  he  could  be  restrained  from 
heading  the  first  assault  of  grenadiers,  or  leading  on  the  first 
charge  of  horse.  His  earliest  distinguished  command  was  in 
Italy,  in  1691,  and  his  abilities  soon  gave  his  kinsman,  the 
Duke  of  Savoy,  an  ascendant  there  over  the  French.  But 
it  was  at  the  great  battle  of  Zenta,  on  the  Teife,  where  he 
surprised  and  totally  defeated  Cara  Mustapha,  at  the  head  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  Turks,  that  his  wonderful 
genius  for  war  first  shone  forth  in  its  full  luster.  He  there 
killed  or  wounded  twenty  thousand  of  the  enemy,  drove  ten 
thousand  into  the  river,  took  their  whole  artillery  and  stand¬ 
ards,  and  entirely  dispersed  their  mighty  array.  Like  Nelson 
at  Copenhagen,  Eugene  had  gained  this  glorious  victory  by 
acting  hi  opposition  to  his  orders,  which  were  positively  to 
avoid  a  general  engagement.  This  circumstance,  joined  to 
the  envy  excited  by  his  unparalleled  triumph,  raised  a  storm 
at  court  against  the  illustrious  general,  and  led  to  liis  being 
deprived  of  his  command,  and  even  threatened  with  a  court- 
martial.  The  public  voice,  however,  at  Vienna,  loudly  con¬ 
demned  such  base  ingratitude  toward  so  great  a  benefactor  to 
the  Imperial  dominions  ;  and  the  want  of  his  directing  eye  be¬ 
ing  speedily  felt  in  the  campaign  with  the  Turks,  the  emperor 
was  obliged  to  restore  him  to  the  command,  which  he,  how¬ 
ever,  oidy  agreed  to  accept  on  receiving  a  carte  blanche  for  the 
conduct  of  the  war. 

The  peace  of  Carlowetz,  in  1699,  between  the  Imperialists 


MARLBOROUGH. 


333 


and  the  Ottomans,  soon  after  restored  him  to  a  27. 
pacific  fife,  and  the  study  of  history,  in  which,  ^'ital^and713 
above  any  other,  lie  delighted.  But  on  the  break-  Germany- 
mg  out  of  the  War  of  the  Succession  in  1701 ,  he  was  restored 
to  liis  military  duties,  and  during  two  campaigns  measured 
his  strength,  always  with  success,  in  the  plains  of  Lombardy, 
with  the  scientific  abilities  of  Marshal  Catinat,  and  the  learn¬ 
ed  experience  of  Marshal  Villeroi,  the  latter  of  whom  he  made 
prisoner  during  a  nocturnal  attack  on  Cremona  in  1703.  In 
1704  he  was  transferred  to  the  north  of  the  Alps,  to  unite 
with  Marlborough  in  making  head  against  the  great  army  of 
Marshal  Tallard,  which  was  advancing,  in  so  threatening  a 
maimer,  through  Bavaria  ;  and  he  shared  with  the  illustrious 
Englishman  the  glorious  victory  of  Blenheim,  which  at  once 
delivered  Germany,  and  hurled  the  French  armies,  with  dis¬ 
grace,  behind  the  Bhine.  Then  commenced  that  steady 
friendship,  and  sincere  and  mutual  regard,  between  these  il¬ 
lustrious  men,  which  continued  unbroken  till  the  time  of  their 
death,  and  is  not  the  least  honorable  trait  in  the  character  of 
each.  But  the  want  of  his  protecting  arm  was  long  felt  in 
Italy.  The  great  abilities  of  the  Duke  de  Vondome  had  well- 
nigh  counterbalanced  there  all  the  advantages  of  the  allies  in 
Germany  ;  and  the  issue  of  the  war  hi  the  plains  of  Piedmont 
continued  doubtful  till  the  glorious  victory  of  Eugene,  on  the 
7th  of  September,  1706,  when  he  stormed  the  French  in- 
trenclunents  around  Turin,  defended  by  eighty  thousand  men, 
at  the  head  of  thirty  thousand  only,  and  totally  defeated  Mar¬ 
shal  Marsin  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  with  such  loss,  that  the 
French  armies  were  speedily  driven  across  the  Alps. 

Eugene  was  now  received  hi  the  most  flattering  manner  at 
Vienna ;  the  luster  of  his  exploits  had  put  to  si-  28. 
lonce,  if  not  to  shame,  the  malignity  of  his  enemies.  Marlborough 
“  I  have  but  one  fault  to  find  with  you,”  said  the  Flandcrs- 
emperor,  when  he  was  first  presented  to  him  after  his  victory, 
“  and  that  is,  that  you  expose  yourself  too  much.”  He  was 
next  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Imperial  armies  in  Flanders, 


334 


THE  LIFE  OF 


and  shared  'with  Marlborough  in  the  conduct,  as  he  did  hi  the 
glories,  of  Oudenarde  and  Malplaquet.  Intrusted  -with  the 
command  of  the  corps  which  besieged  Lille,  he  was  penetrated 
with  the  utmost  admiration  for  Marshal  Boufflers,  and  evinced 
the  native  generosity  of  his  disposition  by  the  readiness  -with 
which  he  granted  the  most  favorable  terms  to  the  illustrious 
besieged  chief,  who  had,  with  equal  skill  and  valor,  conducted 
the  defense.  When  the  articles  of  capitulation  proposed  by 
Boufflers  were  placed  before  him,  he  said  immediately,  with¬ 
out  looking  at  them,  “  I  will  subscribe  them  at  once,  know¬ 
ing  well  you  would  propose  notliing  unworthy  of  you  and  me.” 
The  delicacy  of  his  subsequent  attentions  to  his  noble  prisoner 
evinced  the  sincerity  of  his  admiration.  When  Marlborough’s 
influence  at  the  English  court  was  sensibly  declining,  in  1711, 
he  repaired  to  London,  and  exerted  all  his  talents  and  address 
to  bring  the  English  council  back  to  the  common  cause,  and 
'istore  his  great  rival  to  his  former  ascendency  with  Queen 
Anne.  When  it  was  all  in  vain,  and  the  English  armies 
withdrew  from  the  coalition,  Eugene  did  all  that  skill  and 
genius  could  achieve  to  make  up  for  the  great  deficiency  aris¬ 
ing  from  the  withdrawal  of  Marlborough  and  Iris  gallant  fol¬ 
lowers  ;  and  when  it  had  become  apparent  that  he  was  over¬ 
matched  by  the  French  armies,  he  was  the  first  to  counsel  his 
Imperial  master  to  conclude  peace,  which  was  done  at  Rastadt 
on  the  6th  of  March,  1714. 

Great  as  had  been  the  services  then  performed  by  Eugene 
09.  for  the  Imperialists,  they  were  outdone  by  those 
F»ccrs?cT!m:f  which  he  subsequently  rendered  in  the  wars  with 
the  Turks.  the  Turks.  In  truth,  it  was  he  who  first  effectu¬ 
ally  broke  their  power,  and  forever  delivered  Europe  from  the 
sabers  of  the  Osmanlis,  by  which  it  had  been  incessantly 
threatened  for  three  hundred  years.  Intrusted  with  the  com¬ 
mand  of  the  Austrian  army  in  Hungary,  sixty  thousand  strong, 
he  gained  at  Peterwardin,  in  1716,  a  complete  victory  over  a 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  Turks.  This  glorious  success  led 
him  to  resume  the  offensive,  and  in  the  following  year  he  laid 


MARLBOROUGH. 


335 


siege,  with  forty  thousand  men,  to  Belgrade,  the  great  frontier 
fortress  of  Turkey,  in  presence  of  the  whole  strength  of  the 
Ottoman  empire.  The  obstinate  resistance  of  the  Turks,  as 
famous  then  as  they  have  ever  since  been  in  the  defense  of 
fortified  places,  joined  to  the  dysenteries  and  fevers  usual  on 
the  marshy  banks  of  the  Danube  in  the  autumnal  months, 
soon  reduced  his  effective  force  to  twenty-five  thousand  men, 
while  that  of  the  enemy,  by  prodigious  efforts,  had  been  swell¬ 
ed  to  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  around  the  besiegers’  litres, 
besides  thirty  thousand  within  the  walls. 

Every  thing  presaged  that  Eugene  was  about  to  undergo 
the  fate  of  Marshal  Marsin  twelve  years  before  30. 
at  Turin,  and  even  his  most  experienced  officers  ^om°nun^Cand 
deemed  a  capitulation  the  only  way  of  extricating  toryaTBel-”0" 
them  from  their  perilous  situation.  Eugene  him-  &rade- 
self  was  attacked  and  seriously  weakened  by  the  prevailing 
dysentery,  and  all  seemed  lost  in  the  Austrian  camp.  It  was 
in  these  circumstances,  with  this  weakened  and  dispirited 
force,  that  he  achieved  one  of  the  most  glorious  victories  ever 
gamed  by  the  Cross  over  the  Crescent.  With  admirable  skill 
he  collected  his  little  army  together,  divided  it  into  columns 
of  attack,  and,  though  scarcely  able  to  sit  on  horseback  him 
self,  led  them  to  the  assault  of  the  Turkish  intrenchments. 
The  result  was  equal  to  the  success  of  Cassar  over  the  Gauls 
at  the  blockade  of  Alesia,  seventeen  centuries  before.  The 
innumerable  host  of  the  Turks  was  totally  defeated  ;  all  their 
artillery  and  baggage  was  taken,  and  their  troops  were  entirely 
dispersed.  Belgrade,  immediately  after,  opened  its  gates,  and 
has  since  remained,  with  some  mutations  of  fortune,  the  great 
frontier  bulwark  of  Europe  against  the  Turks.  The  successes 
which  he  gained  in  the  following  campaign  of  1718  were  so 
decisive,  that  they  entirely  broke  the  Ottoman  power  ;  and  he 
was  preparing  to  march  to  Constantinople,  when  the  treaty 
of  Passarowitz  put  a  period  to  his  conquests,  and  gave  a  hreat  h- 
ing  time  to  the  exhausted  Ottoman  empire.* 

*  Biog.  Univ.,  xiii..  182-491  (Eugene). 


336 


THE  LIFE  OF 


From  tliis  brief  sketch  of  his  exploits,  it  may  readily  be  un- 
31-  derstood  what  was  the  character  of  Eugene  as  a 

His  character  . 

as  a  general,  general.  He  had  none  of  the  methodical  prudence 

and  parallel  to  _  _  .  . 

Napoleon.  of  Turenne,  Marlborough,  or  Villars.  His  gemus 
was  entirely  different ;  it  was  more  akin  to  that  of  Napoleon, 
when  he  was  reduced  to  counterbalance  inferiority  of  num¬ 
bers  by  superiority  of  skill.  The  immortal  campaigns  of  1796 
in  Italy,  and  of  1814  in  Champagne,  bear  a  strong  resem¬ 
blance  to  those  of  Eugene.  Like  the  French  emperor,  his 
strokes  were  rapid  and  forcible  ;  his  coup-d’ccil  was  at  once 
quick  and  just ;  his  activity  indefatigable ;  his  courage  un¬ 
daunted  ,  liis  resources  equal  to  any  undertaking.  He  did 
not  lay  much  stress  on  previous  arrangements,  and  seldom 
attempted  the  extensive  combinations  which  enabled  Marl¬ 
borough  to  command  success,  but  dashed  fearlessly  on,  trust¬ 
ing  to  his  own  resources  to  extricate  him  out  of  any  difficulty 
— to  his  genius,  in  any  circumstances,  to  command  victory. 

Yet  was  this  daring  disposition  not  without  peril.  His  au- 
32  dacity  often  bordered  on  rashness,  his  rapidity  on 
with^Mch'hc  haste  ;  and  he  repeatedly  brought  his  armies  into 
seiffromdS^  situations  all  but  desperate,  and  which,  to  a  gen- 
ser3-  eral  of  less  capacity,  would  unquestionably  have 

proved  so.  But  in  these  difficulties  no  one  could  exceed  him 
in  the  energy  and  vigor  with  which  he  extricated  himself  from 
the  toils  ;  and  many  of  his  greatest  victories,  particularly  those 
of  Turin  and  Belgrade,  were  gained  under  circumstances 
where  even  the  boldest  officers  in  his  army  had  given  him 
over  for  lost.  He  was  prodigal  of  the  blood  of  his  soldiers, 
and,  like  Napoleon,  indifferent  to  the  sacrifices  at  which  he 
purchased  Iris  successes ;  but  he  was  still  more  lavish  of  Iris 
own,  and  never  failed  to  share  the  hardships  and  dangers  of 
the  meanest  of  his  followers.  Engaged  during  his  active 
life  in  thirteen  pitched  battles,  in  all  he  fought  like  a  common 
soldier.  He  was,  in  consequence,  repeatedly,  sometimes  dan¬ 
gerously,  wounded  ;  and  it  was  extraordinary  that  he  escaped 
the  reiterated  perils  to  which  he  was  exposed.  He  raised  the 


MARLBOROUGH. 


337 


Austrian  monarchy  by  his  triumphs  to  the  very  highest  pitch 
of  glory,  and  finally  broke  the  power  of  the  Turks,  the  most 
persevering  and  not  the  least  formidable  of  its  enemies.  But 
the  enterprises  which  his  genius  prompted  the  cabinet  of  Vi¬ 
enna  to  undertake,  were  beyond  the  strength  of  the  heredita¬ 
ry  states ;  and  for  nearly  a  century  after,  it  accomplished 
nothing  worthy  either  of  its  growing  resources,  or  of  the  mili¬ 
tary  renown  which  he  had  achieved  for  it. 

Frederic  II.,  surnamed  the  Great,  with  more  justice 
than  any  other  to  whom  that  title  has  been  applied  33 
in  modern  times,  was  born  at  Berlin  on  the  24th  of  Freduricthi 
January,  1712.  His  education  was  as  much  neg-  Great- 
lected  as  ill  directed.  Destined  from  early  youth  for  the  mil¬ 
itary  profession,  he  was,  in  the  first  instance,  subjected  to  a 
discipline  so  rigorous,  that  he  conceived  the  utmost  aversion 
for  a  career  in  which  he  was  ultimately  to  shine  with  such 
eclat,  and,  as  his  only  resource,  threw  himself  with  ardor  into 
the  study  of  French  literature,  for  which  he  retained  a  strong 
predilection  through  the  whole  of  his  subsequent  fife.  Unfor¬ 
tunately,  his  knowledge  was  almost  entirely  confined  to  that 
literature.  That  of  his  own  country,  since  so  illustrious,  had 
not  started  into  existence.  Of  Italian  and  Spanish  he  was 
ignorant.  lie  could  not  read  Greek  ;  and  with  Latin  his  ac¬ 
quaintance  was  so  imperfect  as  to  be  of  no  practical  service  to 
him  through  life.  To  this  unfortunate  contraction  of  his  ed¬ 
ucation,  his  limited  taste  in  literature,  in  subsequent  life,  is 
chiefly  to  be  ascribed.  He  at  first  was  desirous  of  espousing 
an  English  princess  ;  but  his  father,  who  was  most  imperious 
in  his  disposition,  decided  otherwise,  and  he  was  compelled,  in 
1733,  to  marry  the  Princess  Elizabeth  of  Brunswick.  This 
union,  like  most  others  contracted  under  restraint,  proved  un¬ 
fortunate  ;  and  it  did  not  give  Frederic  the  blessing  of  an 
heir  to  the  throne.  Debarred  from  domestic  enjoyments,  the 
young  prince  took  refuge  with  more  eagerness  than  ever  in 
literary  pursuits  ;  the  chateau  of  Rhinsberg,  which  was  his 
favorite  abode,  was  styled  by  him  in  his  transport  the  “  Pal- 

F  F 


338 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ace  of  the  Muses and  the  greatest  general  and  most  hardy 
soldier  of  modern  times  spent  some  years  of  his  youth  in  corre¬ 
sponding  with  Maupertuis,  Voltaire,  and  other  French  philos¬ 
ophers,  and  hi  making  indifferent  verses  and  madrigals,  which 
gave  no  token  of  any  remarkable  genius.  He  had  already 
prepared  for  the  press  a  book  entitled  “  Refutation  of  the 
Prince  of  Machiavel,”  when,  in  1740,  the  death  of  his  father 
called  him  to  the  throne,  its  duties,  its  dangers,  and  its  am¬ 
bition. 

The  philosophers  were  in  transports  when  they  beheld  “  one 
34.  of  themselves,”  as  they  styled  him,  elevated  to  a 
toth^tJarone!  throne ;  they  indulged  hi  hopes  that  he  would  con- 
appiicftio^to  tinue  in  his  literary  pursuits,  and  acknowledge 
its  duties.  their  influence,  when  surrounded  by  the  attractions, 
and  wielding  the  patronage  of  the  crown.  They  soon  found 
their  mistake.  Frederic  retained  through  life  his  literary 
tastes  :  he  corresponded  with  Voltaire  and  the  philosophers 
through  all  his  campaigns  ;  he  made  French  verses  in  his 
tent,  after  tracing  out  the  plans  of  the  battles  of  Leuthen  and 
Rosbaoh.  But  his  heart  was  in  his  kingdom  ;  his  ambition 
was  set  on  its  aggrandizement ;  his  passion  was  war,  by  which 
alone  that  aggrandizement  could  be  achieved.  Without  be¬ 
ing  forgotten,  the  philosophers  and  madrigals  were  soon  com¬ 
paratively  discarded.  The  finances  and  the  army  occupied 
his  whole  attention.  The  former  were  in  excellent  order,  and 
his  father  had  even  accumulated  a  large  treasure  which  re¬ 
mained  in  the  exchequer.  The  army,  admirably  equipped  and 
disciplined,  already  amounted  to  sixty  thousand  men  :  he  aug¬ 
mented  it  to  eighty  thousand.  Nothing  could  exceed  the 
vigor  he  displayed  in  every  department,  or  the  unceasing  at¬ 
tention  he  paid  to  public  affairs.  Indefatigable  day  and  night, 
sober  and  temperate  in  his  habits,  he  employed  even  artificial 
means  to  augment  the  time  during  the  day  he  could  devote  to 
business.  Finding  that  he  was  constitutionally'' inclined  to 
more  rest  than  he  deemed  consistent  with  the  full  discharge 
of  all  his  regal  duties,  he  ordered  his  servants  to  waken  him 


MARLBOROUGH. 


339 


at  five  in  the  morning ;  and  if  words  were  not  effectual  to 
rouse  him  from  his  sleep,  he  commanded  them,  on  pain  of  dis¬ 
missal,  to  apply  linen  steeped  in  cold  water  to  his  person. 
This  order  was  punctually  executed,  even  in  the  depth  of  whi¬ 
ter,  till  nature  was  fairly  subdued,  and  the  king  had  gained 
the  time  he  desired  from  his  slumbers. 

It  was  not  long  before  he  had  an  opportunity  of  evincing 
at  once  the  vigor  and  unscrupulous  character  of  35 
his  mind.  The  Emperor  Charles  VI.  having  died  oaSfmcfcon-°n 
on  the  20th  of  October,  1740,  the  immense  pos-  2nd  first  victory 
sessions  of  the  house  of  Austria  devolved  to  his  at  MoUwltz- 
daughter,  since  so  famous  by  the  name  of  Maria  Theresa. 
The  defenseless  condition  of  the  Imperial  dominions,  consist¬ 
ing  of  so  many  different  and  discordant  states,  some  of  them 
but  recently  muted  under  one  head,  when  under  the  guidance 
of  a  young  unmarried  princess,  suggested  to  the  neighboring 
powers  the  idea  of  a  partition.  Frederic  eagerly  united  with 
France  in  this  project.  He  revived  some  old  and  obsolete 
claims  of  Prussia  to  Silesia ;  but  in  his  manifesto  to  the  Eu¬ 
ropean  powers  upon  invading  that  province,  he  was  scarcely 
at  the  pains  to  conceal  the  real  motives  of  his  aggression. 
“  It  is,”  said  he,  “  an  army  ready  to  take  the  field,  treasures 
long  accumulated,  and  perhaps  the  desire  to  acquire  glory.” 
He  was  not  long  in  succeeding  in  the  object  of  his  ambition, 
though  it  was  at  first  rather  owing  to  the  skill  of  his  generals, 
and  discipline  of  his  soldiers,  than  to  his  own  capacity.  On 
the  10th  of  April,  1741,  the  army  under  his  command  gained 
a  complete  victory  over  the  Austrians,  at  Mollwitz,  in  Silesia, 
which  led  to  the  entire  reduction  of  that  rich  and  important 
province.  The  king  owed  little  to  his  own  courage,  however, 
on  this  occasion.  Like  Wellington,  the  first  essay  in  arms  of 
so  indomitable  a  hero  was  unfortunate.  He  fled  from  the 
field  of  battle  at  the  first  repulse  of  his  cavalry ;  and  he  was 
already  seven  miles  off,  where  he  was  resting  in  a  mill,  when 
he  received  intelligence  that  his  troops  had  regained  the 
day  ;  and  at  the  earnest  entreaties  of  General,  afterward 


340 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Marshal,  Schwerin,  he  returned  to  take  the  command  of  the 
army. 

Next  year,  however,  he  evinced  equal  courage  and  capacity 

36.  in  the  battle  of  Czaslau,  which  he  gained  over  the 
sucre8ec°over  Prince  of  Lorraine.  Austria,  on  the  brink  of  ruin, 
the  Au&trians.  pag|ene(^  ^o  disarm  the  most  formidable  of  her  as¬ 
sailants  ;  and  by  a  separate  peace,  concluded  at  Breslau  on 
the  11th  of  June,  1742,  she  ceded  to  Prussia  nearly  the  whole 
of  Silesia.  This  cruel  loss,  however,  was  too  plainly  the  re¬ 
sult  of  necessity  to  be  acquiesced  in  without  a  struggle  by  the 
cabinet  of  Vienna.  Maria  Theresa  made  no  secret  of  her  de¬ 
termination  to  resume  possession  of  the  lost  province  on  the 
first  convenient  opportunity.  Austria  soon  runted  the  whole 
of  Germany  in  a  league  against  Frederic,  who  had  no  ally 
but  the  King  of  France.  Assailed  by  such  a  host  of  enemies, 
however,  the  young  lung  was  not  discouraged,  and,  boldly  as¬ 
suming  the  initiative,  he  gained  at  Hohenfriedberg  a  com¬ 
plete  victory  over  his  old  antagonist,  the  Prhice  of  Lorraine. 
This  triumph  was  won  entirely  by  the  extraordinary  genius 
displayed  by  the  King  of  Prussia.  “It  was  one  of  those  bat¬ 
tles,”  says  the  military  historian  Guibert,  “where  a  great 
master  makes  every  thing  give  way  before  him,  and  which  is 
gained  from  the  very  beginning,  because  he  never  gives  the 
enemy  time  to  recover  from  their  disorder.” 

The  Austrians  made  great  exertions  to  repair  the  conse- 

37.  quences  of  tins  disaster,  and  with  such  success,  that 
k'nit^obiiged  i11  four  months  Prince  Charles  of  Lorraine  again 
to  make  peace.  a^(_ac]£e{j  laixn,  at  the  head  of  fifty  thousand  men, 
near  Soor.  Frederic  had  not  twenty-five  thousand,  but  •with 
these  he  again  defeated  the  Austrians  with  immense  loss,  and 
took  up  his  whiter  quarters  in  Silesia.  So  vast  were  the  re¬ 
sources,  however,  of  the  great  German  League,  of  which  Aus¬ 
tria  was  the  head,  that  they  were  enabled  to  keep  the  field 
during  winter,  and  even  meditated  a  coup-dc-main  against 
the  king,  in  his  capital  of  Berlin.  Informed  of  this  design, 
Frederic  lost  not  a  moment  in  anticipating  it  by  a  sudden  at- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


341 


tack,  ou  his  part,  on  his  enemies.  Assembling-  his  troops  in 
the  depth  of  winter  with  perfect  secrecy,  he  surprised  a  large 
body  of  Saxons  at  Naumberg,  made  himself  master  of  their 
magazines  at  Gorlitz,  and  soon  after  made  his  triumphant 
entry  into  Dresden,  where  he  dictated  a  glorious  peace,  on  the 
25th  of  December,  1745,  to  his  enemies,  which  permanently 
secured  Silesia  to  Prussia.  It  was  full  time  for  the  Imperial¬ 
ists  to  come  to  an  accommodation.  In  eighteen  months  Fred¬ 
eric  had  defeated  them  in  four  pitched  battles,  besides  several 
combats  ;  taken  forty-five  thousand  prisoners,  and  killed  or 
wounded  an  equal  number  of  his  enemies.  His  own  armies 
had  not  sustained  losses  to  a  fifth  part  of  this  amount,  and  the 
chasms  in  his  ranks  were  more  than  compensated  by  the  mul¬ 
titude  of  the  prisoners  who  enlisted  under  his  banners,  anxious 
to  share  the  fortunes  of  the  hero  who  had  already  filled  Eu¬ 
rope  with  his  renown. 

The  ambitious  and  decided,  and,  above  all,  indomitable 
character  of  Frederic,  had  already  become  conspic-  3e. 
uous  during  these  bnei  campaigns.  His  corre-  andindomita- 
spondence,  all  conducted  by  himself,  evinced  a  vig-  already^-67 
or  and  tranchant  style  at  that  period  unknown  in  pear3- 
European  diplomacy,  but  to  which  the  world  has  since  been 
abundantly  accustomed  in  the  proclamations  of  Napoleon. 
Already  he  spoke  on  every  occasion  as  the  hero  and  the  con¬ 
queror — to  conquer  or  die  was  his  invariable  maxim.  On  the 
eve  of  his  invasion  of  Saxony,  he  wrote  to  the  Empress  of 
Russia,  who  was  endeavoring  to  dissuade  him  from  that  de¬ 
sign  :  “  I  wish  nothing  from  the  King  of  Poland  (Elector  of 
Saxony)  but  to  punish  him  in  his  electorate,  and  make  him 
sign  an  acknowledgment  of  repentance  in  his  capital.”  Dur¬ 
ing  the  negotiations  for  peace,  he  wrote  to  the  King  of  En¬ 
gland,  who  had  proposed  the  mediation  of  Great  Britain : 
“  These  are  my  conditions.  I  will  perish  with  my  army  be¬ 
fore  departing  from  one  iota  of  them  :  if  the  empress  does  not 
accept  them,  I  will  rise  in  my  demands.” 

The  peace  of  Dresden  lasted  ten  years  ;  and  these  were  of 
F  f  2 


342 


THE  LIFE  OF 


39,  inestimable  importance  to  Frederic.  He  employ- 
ices  to  his  king-  C(1  that  precious  interval  in  consolidating  his  con- 
neS'ten’ylars  quests,  seeming  the  affections  hy  protecting  the 
of  peace.  interests  of  his  subjects,  and  pursuing  every  de¬ 
sign  which  could  conduce  to  their  welfare.  Marshes  were 
drained,  lands  were  broken  up  and  cultivated,  manufactures 
established,  the  finances  were  put  in  the  best  order,  and  agri¬ 
culture,  as  the  great  staple  of  the  kingdom,  was  sedulously 
encouraged.  His  capital  was  embellished,  and  the  fame  of 
his  exploits  attracted  the  greatest  and  most  celebrated  men  in 
Europe.  Voltaire,  among  the  rest,  became  for  years  his  guest ; 
but  the  aspiring  genius  and  irascible  temper  of  the  military 
monarch  could  ill  accord  with  the  vanity  and  insatiable  thirst 
for  praise  of  the  French  author,  and  they  parted  with  mutual 
respect,  but  irretrievable  alienation.  Meanwhile,  the  strength 
of  the  monarchy  was  daily  increasing  under  Frederic’s  wise 
and  provident  administration.  The  population  nearly  reached 
six  millions  of  souls  ;  the  cavalry  mustered  thirty  thousand,  all 
in  the  highest  state  of  discipline  and  equipment ;  and  the  in¬ 
fantry,  esteemed  with  reason  the  most  perfect  in  Europe,  num¬ 
bered  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  bayonets. 

These  troops  had  long  been  accustomed  to  act  together  in 

40.  large  bodies ;  the  best  training  next  to  actual  serv- 

CoaUtion  of  ,  °  ’  6 

Austria, Russia,  ice  in  the  field  which  an  army  can  receive.  They 

France,  Sax- 

ony,  and  Swe-  had  need  of  all  their  skill,  and  discipline,  and  cour- 
i’russfa.lnSt  age  ;  for  Prussia  was  ere  long  threatened  by  the 
most  formidable  confederacy  that  ever  yet  had  been  directed 
in  modern  times  against  a  single  state.  Austria,  Russia, 
France,  Sweden,  and  Saxony  united  in  alliance  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  partitioning  the  Prussian  territories.  These  allies  had 
ninety  millions  of  men  in  their  dominions,  and  could  with  ease 
bring  four  hundred  thousand  men  into  the  field.  Prussia  had 
less  than  six  millions  of  inhabitants,  who  were  strained  to  the 
uttermost  to  array  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  combat¬ 
ants  ;  and  even  with  the  aid  of  England  and  Hanover,  not 
more  than  fifty  thousand  auxiliaries  could  be  relied  on.  Prus- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


343 


sia  had  neither  strong  fortresses  like  Flanders,  nor  mountain 
chains  like  Spain,  nor  a  frontier  stream  like  France.  Its  ter¬ 
ritory,  open  on  every  side,  was  entirely  composed  of  flat  plains, 
unprotected  by  great  rivers,  and  surrounded  on  the  south,  east, 
and  north  by  its  enemies.  The  contest  seemed  utterly  des¬ 
perate,  and  there  did  not  seem  a  chance  of  escape  for  the  Prus¬ 
sian  monarchy. 

Frederic  began  the  contest  by  one  of  those  strokes  which 
demonstrated  the  strength  of  his  understanding  41. 

D  D  Frederic  in- 

and  the  vigor  of  his  determination.  Instead  of  vades  saxony, 

.  .  .  and  conquers 

waiting  to  be  attacked,  he  carried  the  war  at  once  that  country, 
into  the  enemy’s  territories,  and  converted  the  resources  of  the 
nearest  of  them  to  his  own  advantage.  Having  received  au¬ 
thentic  intelligence  of  the  signature  of  a  treaty  for  the  partition 
of  his  kingdom  by  the  great  powers,  on  the  9th  of  May,  1756, 
he  suddenly  entered  the  Saxon  territories,  made  himself  mas¬ 
ter  of  Dresden,  and  shut  up  the  whole  forces  of  Saxony  in  the 
intrenched  camp  at  Pirna.  Marshal  Brown  having  advanced 
at  the  head  of  sixty  thousand  men  to  relieve  them,  he  en¬ 
countered  and  totally  defeated  him  at  Lowositz,  with  the  loss 
of  fifteen  thousand  men.  Deprived  of  all  hope  of  succor,  the 
Saxons  in  Pirna,  after  having  made  vain  eflorts  to  escape, 
were  obliged  to  lay  down  their  arms,  still  fourteen  thousand 
strong.  The  whole  of  Saxony  submitted  to  the  victor,  who 
thenceforward,  during  the  whole  war,  turned  its  entire  re¬ 
sources  to  his  own  support.  Beyond  all  question,  it  was  this 
masterly  and  successful  stroke,  in  the  very  outset,  and  in  the 
teeth  of  his  enemies,  which  added  above  a  third  to  his  war¬ 
like  resources,  and  enabled  him  subsequently  to  maintain  his 
ground  against  the  desperate  odds  by  which  he  was  assailed, 
Most  of  the  Saxons  taken  at  Pirna,  dazzled  by  their  conquer¬ 
or’s  fame,  entered  his  service :  the  Saxon  youth  hastened  in 
crowds  to  enroll  themselves  under  the  banners  of  the  hero  of 
the  North  of  Germany.  Frederic,  at  the  same  time,  effectu¬ 
ally  vindicated  the  step  he  had  taken  in  the  eyes  of  all  Eu¬ 
rope,  by  the  publication  of  the  secret  treaty  of  partition,  which 


344 


THE  LIFE  OF 


he  had  discovered  in  the  archives  at  Dresden,  in  spite  of  the 
efforts  of  the  electress  to  conceal  it.  Whatever  might  have 
been  the  case  in  the  former  war,  when  he  siezed  on  Silesia,  it 
was  apparent  to  the  world  that  he  now,  at  least,  was  strictly 
in  the  right,  and  that  his  invasion  of  Saxony  was  not  less  jus¬ 
tifiable  on  the  score  of  public  morality,  than  important  in  its 
consequences  to  the  great  contest  in  which  he  was  engaged. 

The  allies  made  the  utmost  efforts  to  regain  the  advantages 
40  they  had  lost.  France,  instead  of  the  twenty-four 
Austrian!*16  thousand  men  she  was  bound  to  furnish  by  the 
defeated  a?  Ko^  treaty  °f  partition,  put  a  hundred  thousand  on 
lm-  foot ;  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon  placed  sixty  thousand 

troops  of  the  empire  at  the  disposal  of  Austria  ;  hut  Frederic 
still  preserved  the  ascendant.  Breaking  into  Bohemia  in 
March,  1757,  he  defeated  the  Austrians  in  a  great  battle  un¬ 
der  the  walls  of  Prague,  shut  up  forty  thousand  of  their  best 
troops  in  that  town,  and  soon  reduced  them  to  such  extremi¬ 
ties,  that  it  was  evident,  if  not  succored,  they  must  surrender. 
The  cabinet  of  Viemia  made  the  greatest  efforts  for  their  re¬ 
lief.  Marshal  Daun,  whose  caution  and  scientific  policy  was 
peculiarly  calculated  to  thwart  the  designs  and  baffle  the  au¬ 
dacity  of  his  youthful  antagonist,  advanced  at  the  head  of  six¬ 
ty  thousand  men  to  their  relief.  Frederic  advanced  to  meet 
them  with  less  than  twenty  thousand  combatants.  He  at¬ 
tacked  the  Imperialists  in  a  strong  position  at  Kolin,  on  the 
18th  of  July,  and,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  met  with  a 
bloody  defeat.  His  army,  especially  that  division  commanded 
by  his  brother,  the  prince  royal,  sustained  severe  losses  in  the 
retreat,  which  became  unavoidable,  out  of  Bohemia  ;  and  the 
king  confessed  in  his  private  correspondence  that  an  honora¬ 
ble  death  alone  remained  to  him. 

Disaster  accumulated  on  every  side.  The  English  and 
43.  Hanoverian  army,  his  only  allies,  capitulated  at 

Desperate  sit- 

uation  of  the  Closterseven,  and  left  the  French  army,  sixty  thou- 

Prussianmon-  .  n 

archy.  sand  strong,  at  liberty  to  lollow  the  Frussians  ; 

the  French  and  the  troops  of  the  empire,  with  the  Duke  of 


MARLBOROUGH. 


345 


Richelieu  at  their  head,  menaced  Magdeburg,  where  the  roy¬ 
al  family  of  Prussia  had  taken  refuge,  and  advanced  toward 
Dresden.  The  Russians,  seventy  thousand  strong,  were  mak¬ 
ing  serious  progress  on  the  side  of  Poland,  and  had  recently 
defeated  the  Prussians  opposed  to  them.  The  king  was  put 
to  the  ban  of  the  empire  ;  and  the  army  of  the  empire,  mus¬ 
tering  forty  thousand,  was  moving  against  him.  Four  huge 
armies,  e;lch  stronger  than  his  own,  were  advancing  to  crush  a 
prince  who  could  not  collect  thirty  thousand  men  round  liis 
banners.  At  that  period  he  aarried  a  sure  poison  always  with 
him,  determined  not  to  fall  alive  into  the  hands  of  his  ene¬ 
mies.  He  seriously  contemplated  suicide,  and  gave  vent  to 
the  mournful,  hut  yet  heroic  sentiments  with  which  he  was 
inspired,  in  a  letter  to  Voltaire,  terminating  with  the  lines, 

Pour  moi,  menace  de  naufrage, 

Je  dois,  en  affrontaut  l’orage, 

Penser,  vivre,  et  mourir  en  roi. 

Then  it  was  that  the  astonishing  vigor  and  powers  of  his 
mind  shone  forth  with  their  full  luster.  Collect-  44. 

The  king’s  mar¬ 
ine  hastily  twenty-five  thousand  men  out  of  his  veious  victories 
.  ,  i  ,  atRosbachand 

shattered  battalions,  he  marched  against  the  Leuthen. 

Prince  of  Soubise,  who,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  sixty  thou  ■ 
sand  French  and  Imperial  troops,  was  advancing  against  him 
through  Thuringia,  and  totally  defeated  him,  with  the  loss  of 
eighteen  thousand  men,  on  the  memorable  field  of  Rosbach. 
Hardly  was  this  triumph  achieved,  when  he  was  called,  with 
his  indefatigable  followers,  to  stem  the  progress  of  the  Prince 
of  Lorraine  and  Marshal  Daun,  who  were  making  the  most 
alarming  progress  in  Silesia.  Schweidnitz,  its  capital,  had 
fallen  ;  a  large  body  of  Prussians,  under  the  Duke  de  Bevorn, 
had  been  defeated  at  Breslau.  That  rich  and  important  prov¬ 
ince  seemed  on  the  point  of  falling  again  into  the  hands  of  the 
Austrians,  when  Frederic  reinstated  his  affairs,  which  seemed 
wholly  desperate,  by  one  of  those  astonishing  strokes  which 
distinguish  him,  perhaps,  above  any  general  of  modern  times. 
In  the  depth  of  winter  he  attacked,  at  Leuthen,  on  the  5th 


346 


THE  LIFE  OF 


of  December,  1757,  Marshal  Daun  and  the  Prince,  of  Lor¬ 
raine,  who  had  sixty  thousand  admirable  troops  under  their 
orders,  and,  by  the  skillful  application  of  the  oblique  method 
of  attack,  defeated  them  entirely,  with  the  loss  of  thirty  thou¬ 
sand  men,  of  whom  eighteen  thousand  were  prisoners !  It 
was  the  greatest  victory  that  had  been  gained  in  Europe  since 
the  battle  of  Blenheim.  Its  effects  were  immense  :  the  Aus¬ 
trians  were  driven  headlong  out  of  Silesia ;  Schweidnitz  was 
regained ;  the  King  of  Prussia,  pursuing  them,  carried  the 
war  into  Moravia,  and  laid  siege  to  Ohnutz ;  and  England, 
awakening,  at  the  voice  of  Chatham,  from  its  unworthy  slum¬ 
ber,  refused  to  ratify  the  capitulation  of  Closterseven,  resinned 
the  war  on  the  Continent  with  more  vigor  than  ever,  and  in¬ 
trusted  its  direction  to  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Brunswick,  who 
soon  rivaled  Turennc  in  the  shill  and  science  of  his  method 
ical  warfare. 

But  it  was  the  destiny  of  the  King  of  Prussia — a  destiny 
45-  which  displayed  his  great  qualities  in  their  full  lus- 

Disasters  sus¬ 
tained  by  his  ter — to  be  perpetually  involved  in  difficulties,  from 

er quarters,  the  enormous  numerical  preponderance  of  his  ene- 
Zorndorry°f  mies,  or  the  misfortunes  of  the  lieutenants  to  whom 
his  subordinate  armies  were  intrusted.  Frederic  could  not 
be  personally  present  every  where  at  the  same  time  ;  and 
wherever  he  was  absent,  disaster  revealed  the  overwhelming 
superiority  of  the  force  by  which  he  was  assailed.  The  siege 
of  Olmutz,  commenced  in  March,  1758,  proved  unfortunate. 
The  battering  train  at  the  disposal  of  the  king  was  unequal 
to  its  reduction,  and  it  became  necessary  to  raise  it  on  the  ap¬ 
proach  of  Daun  with  a  formidable  Austrian  army.  During 
this  unsuccessful  irruption  into  the  south,  the  Russians  had 
been  making  alarming  progress  in  the  northeast,  where  the 
feeble  force  opposed  to  them  was  welhiigh  overwhelmed  by 
their  enormous  superiority  of  numbers.  Frederic  led  back 
the  flower  of  his  army  from  Olmutz,  in  Moravia,  crossed  all 
Silesia  and  Prussia,  and  encountered  the  sturdy  barbarians  at 
Zorndorf,  defeating  them  with  the  loss  of  seventeen  thousand 


MARLBOROUGH. 


347 


men,  an  advantage  which  delivered  the  eastern  provinces  of 
the  monarchy  from  this  formidable  invasion.  This  victory 
was  dearly  purchased,  however,  by  the  sacrifice  of  ten  thou¬ 
sand  of  his  own  best  soldiers. 

But,  during  the  king’s  absence,  Prince  Henry  of  Prussia, 
whom  he  had  left  in  command  of  sixteen  thousand  46. 
men,  to  keep  Marshal  Daun  in  check,  was  well-  fcat'nuiohen- 
nigh  overwhelmed  by  that  able  commander,  who  kirchon- 
was  again  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  fifty  thousand.  Fred¬ 
eric  flew  back  to  his  support,  and,  having  joined  his  brother, 
took  post  at  Hohenkirchen.  The  position  was  unfavorable ; 
the  army  inferior  to  the  enemy.  “If  Daun  does  not  attack 
us  here,”  said  Marshal  Keith,  “  he  deserves  to  be  hanged.” 
“I  hope,”  answered  Frederic,  “he  will  be  more  afraid  of  us 
than  the  rope.”  The  Austrian  veteran,  however,  saw  his  ad¬ 
vantage,  and  attacked  the  Prussians  during  the  night  with 
such  skill,  that  he  threw  them  into  momentary  confusion,  took 
one  hundred  and  fifty  pieces  of  cannon,  and  drove  them  from 
their  ground,  with  the  loss  of  seven  thousand  men.  Then  it. 
was  that  the  courage  and  genius  of  the  king  shone  forth  with 
their  full  luster.  Though  grievously  wounded  in  the  conflict, 
and  after  having  seen  his  best  generals  fall  around  him,  he  ral¬ 
lied  his  troops  at  daybreak,  formed  them  in  good  order  behind 
the  village  which  had  been  surprised,  and  led  them  leisurely 
to  a  position  a  mile  from  the  field  of  conflict,  where  he  offer¬ 
ed  battle  to  the  enemy,  who  did  not  venture  to  accept  it. 
Having  remained  two  days  in  this  position  to  reorganize  his 
troops,  he  decamped,  raised  the  siege  of  Neiss,  and  succeeded 
in  taking  up  his  winter  quarters  at  Breslau,  in  the  very  mid¬ 
dle  of  the  province  he  had  wrested  from  the  enemy. 

The  campaign  of  1759  was  still  more  perilous  to  Frederic  ; 

but,  if  possible,  it  displayed  his  extraordinary  4 7. 

/  .  /  /  Terrible  battle 

talents  in  still  brighter  colors.  He  began  by  ob-  otcunnersdorf, 

,  A  •  1  ill  which  Fred- 

serving  the  Austrians,  under  Daun  and  the  Prince  eric  is  defeated, 
of  Lorraine,  in  Silesia,  and  reserved  his  strength  to  combat 
the  Prussians,  who  were  advancing,  eighty  thousand  strong, 


348 


THE  LIFE  OF 


through  East  Prussia.  Frederic  attacked  them  at  Cunners- 
dorf,  with  forty  thousand  only,  in  an  intrenched  position,  guard¬ 
ed  by  two  hundred  pieces  of  cannon.  The  first  onset  of  the 
Prussians  was  entirely  successful :  they  forced  the  front  line 
of  the  Russian  intrenchment,  and  took  seventy-two  pieces 
of  cannon.  The  victory  seemed  gained  :  he  wrote  to  Berlin 
that  they  might  soon  expect  to  hear  of  a  glorious  triumph. 
But  the  situation  of  the  king  was  such,  pressed  on  all  sides 
by  superior  armies,  that  he  could  not  stop  short  with  ordinary 
success  ;  and,  in  the  attempt  to  gain  a  decisive  victory,  he  had 
wellnigh  lost  all.  The  heroism  of  his  troops  was  shattered 
against  the  strength  of  the  second  line  of  the  Russians ;  a 
large  body  of  Austrians  came  up  to  their  support  during  the 
battle,  and,  after  having  exhausted  all  the  resources  of  cour¬ 
age  and  genius,  he  was  driven  from  the  field  with  the  loss  of 
twenty  thousand  men  and  all  his  artillery. 

The  Russians  lost  eighteen  thousand  men  in  this  terrible 
48.  battle,  the  most  bloody  winch  had  been  fought 
mlsfortimeara  f°r  centuries  in  Europe,  and  were  in  no  condition 
othei  qumtera.  f0]j0W  Up  ^heir  victory.  Other  misfortunes, 
however,  in  appearance  overwhelming,  succeeded  each  other. 
General  Schmettau  capitulated  in  Dresden ;  and  General 
Finch,  with  seventeen  thousand  men,  was  obliged  to  lay  down 
his  arms  in  the  defiles  of  the  Bohemian  mountains.  All  seem¬ 
ed  lost  ;  but  the  king  still  persevered,  and  the  victory  of  Min- 
den  enabled  Prince  Ferdinand  to  detach  twelve  thousand  men 
to  his  support.  The  Prussians  nobly  stood  by  their  heroic 
sovereign  in  the  hour  of  trial ;  new  levies  supplied  the  wide 
chasms  in  his  ranks.  Frederic’s  great  skill  averted  all  future 
disasters,  and  the  campaign  of  1759,  the  fourth  of  the  war, 
concluded  with  the  king  still  in  possession  of  all  his  dominions 
in  the  midst  of  the  enormous  forces  of  his  enemies. 

The  campaign  of  1760  began  in  March  by  another  disaster 
49  at  Landshech,  where  ten  thousand  Prussians 
eric  oTerfLaud  were  cut  to  pieces  under  one  of  his  generals,  and 
don  at  Lignetz.  important  fortress  of  Glatz  was  invested  by 


MARLBOROUGH. 


349 


the  Austrians.  Frederic  advanced  to  relieve  it,  but  soon  re¬ 
measured  his  steps  to  attempt  the  siege  of  Dresden.  Daun, 
in  his  turn,  followed  him,  and  obliged  the  Prussian  monarch 
to  raise  the  siege.  Frederic  then  resumed  his  march  into  Si¬ 
lesia,  closely  followed  by  three  annies,  each  more  numerous 
than  his  own,  under  Laudon,  Daun,  and  Lacy,  without  their 
being  able  to  obtain  the  slightest  advantage  over  him.  Lau¬ 
don,  the  most  active  of  them,  attempted  to  surprise  him  ;  but 
Frederic  was  aware  of  his  design,  and  received  the  attacking 
columns  at  Lignetz  in  so  masterly  a  manner,  that  they  were 
totally  defeated,  with  the  loss  of  twelve  thousand  men. 

Scarcely  had  he  achieved  this  victory,  when  he  had  to  make 
head  against  Lacy,  withstand  Daun,  repel  an  so. 

°  S,  i  Dreadful  brittle, 

enormous  body  of  Russians,  who  were  advancing  and  victory  of 
through  East  Prussia,  and  deliver  Berlin,  which  at  Torgau. 
had  been  a  second  time  occupied  by  liis  enemies.  Driven  to 
desperate  measures  by  such  an  unparalleled  succession  of  dan¬ 
gers,  he  extricated  himself  from  them  by  the  terrible  battle 
and  extraordinary  victory  of  Torgau,  on  the  3d  of  November, 
17G1,  in  which,  after  a  dreadful  struggle,  he  defeated  Daun, 
though  intrenched  to  the  teeth,  with  the  loss  of  twenty-five 
thousand  men  :  an  advantage  dearly  purchased  by  the  loss  of 
eighteen  thousand  of  his  own  brave  soldiers.  But  this  victory 
saved  the  Prussian  monarchy  :  Daun,  severely  wounded  in 
the  battle,  retired  to  Vienna ;  the  army  withdrew  into  Bo¬ 
hemia  ;  two  thirds  of  Saxony  was  regained  by  the  Prussians ; 
the  Russians  and  Swedes  retired ;  Berlin  was  delivered  from 
the  enemy  ;  and  the  fifth  campaign  terminated  with  the  un¬ 
conquerable  monarch  still  in  possession  of  nearly  his  whole 
dominions. 

The  military  strength  of  Prussia  was  now  all  but  exhausted 
by  the  unparalleled  and  heroic  efforts  she  had  51. 
made.  Frederic  has  left  us  the  following  picture  ^i^ofrrassia 
of  the  state  of  his  kingdom  and  army  at  this  dis-  at  this  time' 
astrous  period  :  “  Our  condition  at  that  period  can  only  be 
likened  to  that  of  a  man  riddled  with  balls,  weakened  by  the 

G  o 


350 


THE  LIFE  OF 


loss  of  blood,  and  ready  to  sink  under  the  weight  of  his  suffer¬ 
ings.  The  noblesse  was  exhausted,  the  lower  people  ruined  ; 
numbers  of  villages  burned,  many  towns  destroyed ;  a  com¬ 
plete  anarchy  had  overturned  the  whole  order  and  police  of 
government ;  in  a  word,  desolation  was  universal.  The  army 
was  in  no  better  situation.  Seventeen  pitched  battles  had 
mowed  down  the  flower  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  ;  the  regi¬ 
ments  were  broken  down,  and  composed  in  part  of  deserters 
and  prisoners  ;  order  had  disappeared,  and  discipline  relaxed 
to  such  a  degree,  that  the  old  infantry  was  little  better  than 
a  body  of  newly-raised  militia.”*  Necessity,  not  less  than 
prudence,  in  these  circumstances,  which  to  any  other  man 
would  have  seemed  desperate,  prescribed  a  cautious  defensive 
policy ;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  in  it  his  greatness  did  not 
appear  more  conspicuous  than  in  the  bolder  parts  of  his  for¬ 
mer  career. 

The  campaign  of  1761  passed  in  skillful  marches  and  coun- 

52.  termarches,  without  his  numerous  enemies  being 

the  camp  of  able  to  obtain  a  single  advantage,  where  the  king 
Bunzelwitz  . 

in  1761.  commanded  in  person,  lie  was  now,  literally 
speaking,  assailed  on  all  sides ;  the  immense  masses  of  the 
Austrians  and  Russians  were  converging  to  one  point ;  and 
Frederic,  who  could  not  muster  forty  thousand  men  under  his 
banners,  found  himself  assailed  by  one  hundred  thousand  allies, 
whom  six  campaigns  had  trained  to  perfection  in  the  military 
art.  It  seemed  impossible  he  could  escape ;  yet  he  did  so, 
and  compelled  his  enemies  to  retire  without  gaining  the  slight¬ 
est  advantage  over  him.  Taking  post  in  an  intrenched  camp 
at  Bunzelwitz,  fortified  with  the  utmost  skill,  defended  with 
the  utmost  vigilance,  he  succeeded  in  maintaining  himself  and 
providing  food  for  his  troops  for  two  months  within  cannon- 
shot  of  the  enormous  masses  of  the  Russians  and  Austrians, 
till  want  of  provisions  obliged  them  to  separate.  “  It  has  just 
come  to  this,”  said  Frederic,  “who  will  starve  first?”  He 
made  his  enemies  do  so.  Burning  with  shame,  they  were 
’  Histoire  de  mon  Temps,  par  Frederic  IV.,  p.  174. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


351 


forced  to  retire  to  their  respective  territories,  so  that  he  was 
enabled  to  take  up  his  winter  quarters  at  Breslau  in  Silesia. 
But,  during-  this  astonishing  struggle,  disaster  had  accumula¬ 
ted  in  other  quarters.'  His  camp  at  Bunzelwitz  had  only 
been  maintained  by  concentrating  in  it  nearly  the  whole 
strength  of  the  monarchy,  and  its  more  distant  provinces  suf¬ 
fered  severely  under  the  dram.  Schweidnitz,  the  capital  of 
Silesia,  was  surprised  by  the  Austrians,  with  its  garrison  of 
four  thousand  men.  Prince  Henry,  after  the  loss  of  Dresden, 
had  the  utmost  difficulty  in  maintaining  himself  in  the  part 
of  Saxony  wliich  still  remained  to  the  Prussians ;  in  Silesia 
they  had  lost  all  but  Glogau,  Breslau,  and  Neiss ;  and,  to 
complete  his  misfortune,  the  dismissal  of  Lord  Chatham  from 
office  in  England  had  led  to  the  stoppage  of  the  wonted  sub¬ 
sidy  of  £750,000  a  year.  The  resolution  of  the  king  did  not 
sink,  but  his  judgment  almost  despaired  of  success  under  such 
a  complication  of  disasters.  Determined  not  to  yield,  he  dis¬ 
covered  a  conspiracy  at  his  head-quarters  to  seize  him,  and 
deliver  him  to  his  enemies.  Dreading  such  a  calamity  more 
than  death,  lie  carried  with  him,  as  formerly  hi  similar  cir¬ 
cumstances,  a  sure  poison,  intended,  in  the  last  extremity,  to 
terminate  his  days. 

“  Nevertheless,”  as  he  himself  said,  “  affairs  which  seemed 
desperate,  in  reality  were  not  so  ;  and  perseverance  5:! 
at  length  surmounted  every  peril.”  Fortune  often,  ^Empress 
in  real  life,  as  well  as  in  romance,  favors  the  brave,  etoresbis 
In  the  case  of  Frederic,  however,  it  would  be  unjust  fmrs- 
to  say  he  was  favored  by  Fortune.  On  the  contrary,  she  long 
proved  adverse  to  him  ;  and  lie  recovered  her  smiles  only  by 
heroically  persevering  till  the  ordinary  chances  of  human  af¬ 
fairs  turned  in  his  favor.  He  accomplished  what  hi  serious 
cases  is  the  great  aim  of  medicine  ;  he  made  the  patient  sur¬ 
vive  the  disease.  In  the  winter  of  1761,  the  Empress  of 
Russia  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Peter  III.  That  prince 
had  long  conceived  the  most  ardent  admiration  for  Frederic, 
and  he  manifested  it  in  the  most  decisive  maimer  on  his  ac- 


352 


THE  LIFE  OF 


cession  to  the  throne,  by  not  only  withdrawing  from  the  alli¬ 
ance,  but  uniting  his  forces  with  those  of  Prussia  against  Aus¬ 
tria.  This  great  event  speedily  changed  the  face  of  affairs. 
The  united  Prussians  and  Russians  under  Frederic,  seventy 
thousand  strong,  retook  Schweidnitz,  in  the  face  of  Daun,  who 
had  only  sixty  thousand  men  ;  and,  although  the  sudden  death 
of  the  Czar  Peter  in  a  few  months  deprived  him  of  the  aid  of 
his  powerful  neighbors,  yet  Russia  took  no  further  part  in  the 
contest.  France,  exhausted  and  defeated  in  every  quarter  of 
the  globe  by  England,  could  render  no  aid  to  Austria,  upon 
whom  the  whole  weight  of  the  contest  fell.  It  was  soon  ap¬ 
parent  that  she  was  overmatched  by  the  Prussian  hero.  Re¬ 
lieved  from  the  load  which  had  so  long  oppressed  him,  Fred¬ 
eric  vigorously  resumed  the  offensive.  Silesia  was  wholly  re¬ 
gained  by  the  king  in  person  ;  the  battle  of  Freyberg  gave  his 
brother,  Prince  Henry,  the  ascendant  in  Saxony ;  and  the 
cabinet  of  Vienna,  seeing  the  contest  hopeless,  were  glad  to 
make  peace  at  Hubertsbourg,  on  the  15th  of  February,  1763, 
on  terms  which,  besides  Silesia,  left  entire  the  whole  domin¬ 
ions  of  the  King  of  Prussia. 

He  entered  Berlin  in  triumph  after  six  years’  absence,  in  an 
54.  open  chariot,  with  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Brunswick 
re.TOifof  the  seated  by  his  side.  No  words  can  paint  the  enthu- 
stmggie.  siasm  of  the  spectators  at  the  august  spectacle,  or 
the  admiration  with  which  they  regarded  the  hero  who  had 
filled  the  world  with  his  renown.  It  was  no  wonder  they 
were  proud  of  their  sovereign.  His  like  had  never  been  seen 
since  the  fall  of  the  Roman  empire.  He  had  founded  and 
saved  a  kingdom.  He  had  conquered  Europe  in  arms.  With 
six  millions  of  subjects  he  had  vanquished  powers  possessing 
ninety  millions.  He  had  created  a  new  era  in  the  art  of  war. 
His  people  were  exhausted,  pillaged,  ruined ;  their  numbers 
had  declined  a  tenth  during  the  contest.  But  what  then  ? 
They  had  come  victorious  out  of  a  struggle  unparalleled  in 
modem  times  :  the  halo  of  Leuthen  and  Rosbach,  of  Zomdorf 
and  Torgau,  played  round  their  bayonets ;  they  were  inspired 


M  A  R  L  B  O  It  O  U  G  II. 


353 


with  the  energy  which  so  speedily  repairs  any  disaster.  Fred¬ 
eric  wisely  and  magnanimously  laid  aside  the  sword  when  he 
resumed  the  pacific  scepter.  His  subsequent  reign  was  almost 
entirely  spent  in  tranquillity  ;  all  the  wounds  of  war  were 
speedily  healed  under  his  sage  and  beneficent  administration. 
Before  his  death,  his  subjects  had  been  doubled,  the  national 
wealth  had  been  made  triple  of  what  it  had  been  at  the  com¬ 
mencement  of  his  reign,  and  Prussia  now  boasts  of  sixteen 
millions  of  inhabitants,  and  a  population  increasing  faster  in 
numbers  and  resources  than  that  of  any  other  state  in  Europe. 

No  labored  character,  no  studied  eulogium,  can  paint  Fred¬ 
eric  like  this  brief  and  simple  narrative  of  his  ex-  55. 

His  character 

ploits.  It  places  him  at  once  at  the  head  of  mod-  as  a  gaieral. 
ern  generals  ;  if  Hannibal  be  excepted,  perhaps  of  ancient  and 
modern.  He  was  not  uniformly  successful ;  on  the  contrary, 
he  sustained  several  dreadful  defeats.  But  that  arose  from 
the  enormous  superiority  of  force  by  which  he  was  assailed, 
and  the  desperate  state  of  his  affairs,  which  were  generally  so 
pressing,  that  even  a  respite  in  one  quarter  could  be  obtained 
only  by  a  victory  instantly  gained,  under  whatever  circum¬ 
stances,  in  another.  What  appears  rashness  was  often  in  him 
the  height  of  wisdom.  He  had  no  Parliament  or  coalition  to 
consider,  no  adverse  faction  was  on  the  watch  to  convert  cas¬ 
ual  disaster  into  the  means  of  rum.  He  was  at  liberty  to  take 
counsel  only  from  his  own  heroic  breast.  He  could  protract 
the  struggle,  however,  by  no  other  means  but  strong  and  vig¬ 
orous  strokes,  and  the  luster  of  instant  success,  and  they  could 
not  be  dealt  out  without  the  risk  of  receiving  as  many.  The 
fact  of  his  maintaining  the  struggle  against  such  desperate 
odds  proves  the  general  wisdom  of  his  policy.  No  man  ever 
made  more  skillful  use  of  an  interior  line  of  communication,  or 
flew  with  such  rapidity  from  one  threatened  part  of  his  do¬ 
minions  to  another.  None  ever,  by  the  force  of  skill  in  tac¬ 
tics  and  sagacity  in  strategy,  gained  such  astonishing  success¬ 
es  with  forces  so  inferior.  And  if  some  generals  have  com¬ 
mitted  fewer  faults,  none  were  impelled  by  such  desperate  cir- 
G  g  2 


354 


THE  LIFE  OF 


cumstances  to  a  hazardous  course,  and  none  had  ever  greater 
magnanimity  in  confessing  and  explaining  them  for  the  bene¬ 
fit  of  future  times. 

The  only  general  in  modem  times  who  can  bear  a  compar- 
56.  ison  with  Frederic,  if  the  difficulties  of  his  situa- 
f red p ric'and° *  tion  are  considered,  is  Napoleon.  It  is  a  part  only 
Napoleon.  0f  pjg  campaigns,  however,  which  sustains  the 
analogy.  There  is  no  resemblance  between  the  mighty  con¬ 
queror  pouring  down  the  valley  of  the  Danube,  at  the  head 
of  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men,  invading  Russia 
with  five  hundred  thousand,  or  overrunning  Spam  with  three 
hundred  thousand,  and  Frederic  the  Great,  with  thirty  thou¬ 
sand  or  forty  thousand,  turning  every  way  against  quadruple 
the  number  of  Austrians,  French,  Swedes,  and  Russians.  Yet 
a  part,  and  the  most  brilliant  part  of  Napoleon’s  career,  bears 
a  close  resemblance  to  that  of  the  Prussian  hero.  In  Lom¬ 
bardy  in  1796,  in  Saxony  in  1813,  and  in  the  plain  of  Cham¬ 
pagne  in  1814,  he  was,  upon  the  whole,  inferior  in  force  to 
his  opponents,  and  owed  the  superiority  which  he  generally 
enjoyed  on  the  point  of  attack  to  the  rapidity  of  his  move¬ 
ments,  and  the  skill  with  which,  like  Frederic,  he  availed 
himself  of  an  interior  line  of  communication.  His  immortal 
campaign  in  France  in  1814,  in  particular,  where  he  bore  up 
with  seventy  thousand  men  against  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  enemies,  bears  the  closest  resemblance  to  those  which 
Frederic  sustained  for  six  years  against  the  forces  of  the  coa¬ 
lition.  Both  were  often  to  appearance  rash,  because  the  af¬ 
fairs  of  each  were  so  desperate  that  nothing  could  save  them 
but  an  audacious  policy.  Both  were  indomitable  in  resolu¬ 
tion,  and  preferred  ruin  and  death  to  sitting  down  on  a  dis¬ 
honored  throne.  Both  were  from  the  outset  of  the  struggle 
placed  in  circumstances  apparently  hopeless,  and  each  succeed¬ 
ed  in  protracting  it  solely  by  his  astonishing  talent  and  reso¬ 
lution.  The  fate  of  the  two  was  widely  different :  the  one 
transmitted  an  honored  and  aggrandized  throne  to  his  success¬ 
ors  ;  the  other,  overthrown  and  discrowned,  terminated  his 


MARLBOROUGH. 


355 


days  on  the  rock  of  St.  Helena.  But  success  is  not  always 
the  test  of  real  merit :  the  verdict  of  ages  is  often  different 
from  the  judgment  or  fate  of  present  times.  Hannibal  con¬ 
quered,  has  left  a  greater  name  among  men  than  Scipio  vic¬ 
torious.  In  depth  of  thought,  force  of  genius,  variety  of  infor¬ 
mation,  and  splendor  of  success,  Frederic  will  bear  no  compar¬ 
ison  with  Napoleon.  But  Frederic’s  deeds,  as  a  general,  were 
more  extraordinary  than  those  of  the  French  emperor,  because 
he  bore  up  longer  against  greater  odds.  It  is  the  highest 
praise  of  Napoleon  to  say,  that  he  did  in  one  campaign — his 
last  and  greatest — what  Frederic  had  done  in  six. 

If  the  campaigns  of  Eugene  and  Frederic  suggest  a  com¬ 
parison  with  those  of  Napoleon,  those  of  Marlbor-  57. 

1  1  Of  Marlborough 

ough  challenge  a  parallel  with  those  of  the  other  and  Wellington. 

great  commander  of  our  day — Wellington.  Their  political 
and  military  situations  were  in  many  respects  alike.  Both 
combated  at  the  head  of  the  forces  of  a  coalition,  composed  of 
dissimilar  nations,  actuated  by  separate  interests,  inflamed  by 
different  passions.  Both  had  the  utmost  difficulty  in  soothing 
the  jealousies  and  stifling  the  selfishness  of  these  nations  ;  and 
both  found  themselves  often  more  seriously  impeded  by  the 
allied  cabinets  in  their  rear,  than  by  the  enemy’s  forces  in 
their  front.  Both  were  the  generals  of  a  nation  which,  albeit 
covetous  of  military  glory,  and  proud  of  warlike  renown,  is  to 
the  last  degree  impatient  of  previous  preparation  ;  which  ever 
frets  at  the  cost  of  wars  that  its  political  position  renders  un¬ 
avoidable,  or  that  in  its  ambitious  spirit  it  had  readily  under¬ 
taken.  Both  were  compelled  to  husband  the  blood  of  their 
soldiers,  and  spare  the  resources  of  their  governments,  from 
the  consciousness  that  they  had  already  been  strained  to  the 
uttermost  in  the  cause,  and  that  any  further  demands  would 
render  the  war  so  unpopular  as  speedily  to  lead  to  its  termina¬ 
tion.  The  career  of  both  occurred  at  a  time  when  political 
passions  were  strongly  roused  in  their  coiuitry  ;  when  the  war 
in  which  they  were  engaged  was  waged  against  the  inclina¬ 
tion,  and,  in  appearance  at  least,  against  the  interests,  of  a 


356 


THE  LIFE  OF 


large  and  powerful  party  at  home,  who  sympathized  from  po¬ 
litical  feeling  with  their  enemies,  and  were  ready  to  decry 
every  success  and  magnify  every  disaster  of  their  own  arms, 
from  a  secret  feeling  that  their  party  elevation  was  identified 
rather  with  the  successes  of  the  enemy  than  with  those  of 
their  own  countrymen.  The  Tories  were  to  Marlborough 
precisely  what  the  Whigs  were  to  Wellington.  Both  were 
opposed  to  the  armies  of  the  most  powerful  monarch,  led  by 
the  most  renowned  generals  of  Europe,  whose  forces,  prepon¬ 
derating  over  those  of  the  adjoining  states,  had  come  to  threat¬ 
en  the  liberties  of  all  Europe,  and  against  whom  there  had  at 
last  been  formed  a  general  coalition,  to  restrain  the  ambition 
from  which  so  much  detriment  had  already  been  experienced. 

But  while  in  these  respects  the  two  British  heroes  were 
53  placed  very  much  in  the  same  circumstances,  in 
tiie^triruaiiMs  other  particulars,  not  less  material,  their  situa- 
diftered.  tions  were  widely  different.  Marlborough  had 
never  any  difficulties  in  the  field  to  struggle  with,  approach¬ 
ing  those  which  beset  Wellington.  By  great  exertions,  both 
on  his  own  part  and  that  of  the  British  and  Dutch  govern¬ 
ment,  his  force  was  generally  almost  equal  to  that  with  which 
he  had  to  contend.  It  was  often  exactly  so.  War  at  that 
period,  in  the  Low  Countries  at  least,  consisted  chiefly  of  a 
single  battle  during  a  campaign,  followed  by  the  siege  of  two 
or  three  frontier  fortresses.  The  number  of  strongholds  with 
which  the  country  bristled,  rendered  any  further  or  more  ex¬ 
tensive  operations,  in  general,  impossible.  This  state  of  mat¬ 
ters  at  once  rendered  success  more  probable  to  a  general  of 
superior  abilities,  and  made  it  more  easy  to  repair  disaster. 
No  vehement  passions  had  been  roused,  bringing  whole  na¬ 
tions  into  the  field,  and  giving  one  state,  where  they  had  burn¬ 
ed  the  fiercest,  a  vast  superiority  in  point  of  numbers  over  its 
more  pacific  or  less  excited  neighbors.  But  hi  all  these  re¬ 
spects,  the  circumstances  hi  winch  Wellington  was  placed 
were  not  only  not  parallel — they  were  contrasted.  From  first 
to  last,  in  the  Peninsula,  he  was  enormously  outnumbered  by 


MARLBOROUGH. 


357 


the  enemy.  Until  the  campaign  of  1813,  when  his  force  in 
the  field  was,  for  the  first  time,  equal  to  that  of  the  French, 
the  superiority  to  which  he  was  opposed  was  so  prodigious, 
that  the  oidy  surprising  thing  is,  how  he  was  not  driven  into 
the  sea  at  the  very  first  encounter. 

While  the  French  had  never  less  than  two  hundred  thou¬ 
sand  effective  troops  at  their  disposal,  after  pro-  59, 
viding  for  all  their  garrisons  and  communications,  it£  of  force  with 
the  English  general  had  never  more  than  thirty  tonhaiLtcfcon- 
thousand  effective  British,  and  twenty  thousand  tend' 
Portuguese  around  liis  standard.  The  French  wrere  direct¬ 
ed  by  the  emperor,  who,  intent  on  the  subjugation  of  the  Pen¬ 
insula,  and  wielding  the  inexhaustible  powers  given  by  the 
conscription  for  the  supply  of  Ids  armies,  cared  not  though  he 
lost  a  hundred  thousand  men  in  every  campaign,  provided  he 
purchased  success  by  their  sacrifice.  Wellington  was  sup¬ 
ported  at  home  by  a  government  which,  raising  its  soldiers  by 
voluntary  enrollment,  could  with  difficulty  supply  a  drain  of 
fifteen  thousand  men  a  year  from  their  ranks  for  service  in 
every  quarter  of  the  globe.  lie  was  watched  by  a  party 
which  decried  every  advantage  and  magnified  every  disaster, 
in  order  to  induce  the  entire  withdrawal  of  the  troops  from 
the  Peninsula.  Napoleon  sent  into  Spain  a  host  of  veterans 
trained  in  fifteen  years’  combats,  who  had  carried  the  French 
standards  into  every  capital  of  Europe.  Wellington  led  to 
their  encounter  troops  admirably  disciplined  indeed,  but  al¬ 
most  all  unacquainted  with  actual  war,  and  having  often  to 
learn  the  rudiments  even  of  the  most  necessary  field  opera¬ 
tions  hi  presence  of  the  enemy.  Marlborough’s  troops,  though 
heterogeneous  and  dissimilar,  had  been  trained  to  their  prac¬ 
tical  duties  in  the  preceding  wars  under  William  III.,  and 
brought  into  the  field  a  degree  of  experience  noways  inferior 
to  that  of  their  opponents.  Bolingbroke  tells  us  that,  from 
the  very  outset  of  his  command,  in  the  wars  of  the  Succession, 
Marlborough  placed  his  main  reliance  on  this  circumstance. 
Whoever  weighs  with  impartiality  those  different  circum- 


358 


THE  LIFE  OF 


stances,  can  not  avoid  arriving  at  the  conclusion,  that  as  Wei 
lington’s  difficulties  were  incomparably  more  formidable  than 
Marlborough’s,  so  his  merit.,  in  surmounting  them,  was  pro¬ 
portionally  greater. 

Though  similar  in  many  respects,  so  far  as  the  general  con¬ 
duct  of  their  campaigns  is  concerned,  from  the  ne-  fi0. 
cessity  under  which  both  labored  of  husbanding  ^e°Aaracter- 
the  blood  of  their  soldiers,  the  military  qualities  of  lstlcs' 
England’s  two  chiefs  were  essentially  different,  and  each  pos¬ 
sessed  some  points  in  which  he  was  superior  to  the  other.  By 
nature  Wellington  was  more  daring  than  Marlborough,  and 
though  soon  constrained,  by  necessity,  to  adopt  a  cautious  sys¬ 
tem,  he  continued,  throughout  all  his  career,  to  incline  more 
to  a  hazardous  policy  than  his  great  predecessor.  The  in¬ 
trepid  advance  and  fight  at  Assaye  ;  the  crossing  of  the  Douro 
and  movement  on  Talavera  in  1809  ;  the  advance  to  Madrid 
.nd  Burgos  in  1812;  the  actions  before  Bayonne  in  1813, 
the  desperate  stand  made  at  Waterloo  in  1815,  place  this  be¬ 
yond  a  doubt.  Marlborough  never  hazarded  so  much  on  the 
success  of  a  single  enterprise  ;  he  ever  aimed  at  compassing  his 
objects  by  skill  and  combination,  rather  than  risking  them  on 
the  chance  of  arms.  Wellington  was  a  mixture  of  Turenne 
and  Eugene  ;  Marlborough  was  the  perfection  of  the  Turenne 
school  alone.  No  man  could  fight  more  ably  and  gallantly 
than  Marlborough ;  his  talent  and  rapidity  of  eye  in  tactics 
were  at  least  equal  to  his  skill  hi  strategy  and  previous  com¬ 
bination.  But  he  was  not  partial  to  such  desperate  passages 
at  arms,  and  never  resorted  to  them  but  from  necessity,  or 
when  encouraged  by  a  happy  opportunity  for  striking  a  blow. 
The  proof  of  this  is  decisive.  Marlborough,  during  ten  cam¬ 
paigns,  fought  only  five  pitched  battles.  Wellington,  in  sev¬ 
en,  fought  fifteen,  in  every  one  of  which  he  proved  victorious.* 

Marlborough’s  consummate  generalship  throughout  his 

*  Viz.,  Vimiera,  the  Douro,  Talavera,  Busaco,  Fuentes  d’Onoro,  Sala¬ 
manca,  Vittorin,  the  Pyrenees,  the  Bidassoa,  the  Nive,  the  Nivellc,  Orthos, 
Toulouse,  (Auatre  Bras,  and  Waterloo. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


359 


whole  career  kept  him  out  of  disaster.  It  was  6i. 

/  #  A  Wellington’s 

said,  with  justice,  that  he  never  fought  a  battle  policy  was 

.  .  more  daring, 

wluch  he  did  not  gain,  nor  laid  siege  to  a  town  but  more  haz- 
which  he  did  not  take.  He  took  above  twenty  Marlborough’s, 
fortified  places  of  the  first  order,  generally  in  presence  of  an 
enemy’s  army  superior  to  his  own.  Wellington’s  holder  dis¬ 
position  more  frequently  involved  him  in  peril,  and  on  some 
occasions  caused  serious  losses  to  his  army  ;  hut  they  were  the 
price  at  which  he  purchased  his  transcendent  successes.  Wel¬ 
lington’s  holder  strategy  gained  for  him  advantages  which  the 
more  circumspect  measures  of  his  predecessor  never  could  have 
attained.  Marlborough  would  never,  with  scarcely  any  artil¬ 
lery,  have  hazarded  the  attack  on  Burgos,  nor  incurred  the 
perilous  chances  of  the  retreat  from  that  town  ;  hut  he  never 
would  have  delivered  the  south  of  the  Peninsula  in  a  single 
campaign,  by  throwing  himself,  with  forty  thousand  men,  upon 
the  communications  in  the  north,  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thou¬ 
sand.  It  is  hard  to  say  which  was  the  greater  general,  if 
their  merits  in  the  field  alone  are  considered ;  but  Welling¬ 
ton’s  successes  were  the  more  vital  to  his  country,  for  they 
delivered  it  from  the  greater  peril ;  and  they  were  more  hon¬ 
orable  to  himself,  for  they  were  achieved  against  greater  odds. 
And  his  fame,  in  future  times,  will  be  proportionally  brighter  ; 
for  the  final  overthrow  of  Napoleon,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  revolutionary  power,  in  a  single  battle,  present  an  object 
of  surpassing  interest,  to  which  there  is  nothing  in  history, 
perhaps,  parallel,  and  which,  to  the  latest  generation,  will  fas¬ 
cinate  the  minds  of  men. 

Marlborough  laid  great  stress  on  cavalry  in  war ;  his  chief 
successes  in  the  field  were  owing  to  the  skillful  62 
use  made  of  a  powerful  reserve  body  of  horse  in  Semoreuse 
the  decisive  point  and  at  the  decisive  moment.  It  weiu^to^an 
was  thus  that  he  overthrew  the  French  center  at  and  wliy- 
Blenheim  by  the  charge  of  six  thousand  cavalry,  headed  by 
himself  in  person,  in  the  interval  between  that  village  and 
Oberglau  ;  struck  the  decisive  blow  at  Pi  amillies  by  the  charge 


360 


THE  LIFE  OF 


of  a  reserve  of  twenty  squadrons  drawn  from  the  rear  of  the 
right ;  and  broke  through  the  formidable  intrenchments  at 
Malplaquet  by  instantly  following  up  the  irruption  of  Lord 
Orkney  into  the  center  of  the  lines  by  a  vigorous  charge  of 
thirty  squadrons  of  cavalry  in  at  the  opening.  The  propor¬ 
tion  of  horse  to  infantry  was  much  greater  in  his  armies  than 
it  has  since  been  in  the  British  service ;  it  was  never  under 
eighty,  and  at  last  as  high  as  a  hundred  and  sixty  squadrons, 
which,  at  the  usual  rate  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  to  a  squadron, 
must,  when  complete,  have  mustered  twelve  and  twenty-four 
thousand  sabers.  This  wTas  from  a  fourth  to  a  fifth  of  their 
amount  at  each  time.  His  horse,  in  great  part  composed  of 
the  steady  German  dragoons,  was  in  general  of  the  very  best 
description.  Wellington’s  victories  were,  for  the  most  part, 
less  owing  to  the  action  of  cavalry  ;  but  that  was  because  the 
country,  which  was  the  theater  of  war — Portugal,  Spain,  and 
the  south  of  France — was  commonly  too  rocky  or  mountain¬ 
ous  to  admit  of  the  use  of  horse  on  an  extended  scale,  and  he 
had  not  nearly  so  large  a  body  of  cavalry  at  his  disposal. 
Where  they  could  be  rendered  available,  he  made  the  best 
use  of  tliis  powerful  arm,  as  was  shown  in  Le  Mar  chant’s  no¬ 
ble  charge  at  Salamanca,  Bock’s  with  the  heavy  Germans 
next  day,  and  Ponsonby’s  and  Somerset’s  at  Waterloo.  In 
recent  times,  and  especially  since  the  campaigns  of  Frederic 
the  Great,  the  importance  of  cavalry  has  been  too  much  un¬ 
derrated  by  military  men.  Napoleon  had  the  highest  opinion 
of  the  value  of  cavalry  in  war  ;  he  constantly  said,  that  if  the 
courage  and  leading  on  both  sides  were  equal,  horse  should 
break  the  steadiest  infantry.  Almost  all  Iris  great  victories — 
Austerlitz,  Jena,  Friedland,  Borodino,  Dresden,  Montmirail, 
Vauchamps — were  owing  to  the  terrible  charge  at  the  close 
of  the  day  by  Murat  or  his  successors,  with  Iris  immense  body 
of  heavy  horse.  This  vehemence  all  but  reft  the  day  from 
the  British  at  W aterloo ;  opposed  by  any  other  infantry,  it 
unquestionably  would  have  done  so.  Haimibal’s  victories 
were  all  gained  by  his  Numidian  cavalry ;  the  sight  of  the 


MARLBOROUGH. 


361 


uniform  of  two  or  three  of  them  was  sufficient  after  Cannae 
to  make  a  whole  Roman  legion  stand  to  arms.  This  is  ad¬ 
verse  to  the  general  doctrine  of  military  men  at  this  period, 
but  there  are  phases  in  opinion  on  war  as  in  other  things ; 
what  is  commonly  thought  at  a  particular  time  is  not  always 
right.  The  recent  victories  of  Aliwal  and  Sobraon  in  India 
have  gone  far  to  shake  the  validity  of  the  more  current  opin¬ 
ion  ;  and  if  authority  is  to  decide  the  matter,  he  is  a  hold  man 
who  gainsays  the  united  judgment  of  Hannibal,  Marlborough, 
and  Napoleon. 

Marlborough  was  more  fortunate  than  Wellington,  perhaps 
more  so  than  any  general  of  modern  times,  in  sieges.  63- 

*  D  .  °  Marlborough 

He  took  twenty  of  the  strongest  places  in  Europe  was  more  sue- 

cessful  than 

in  presence  of  an  enemy  s  army,  always  equal,  gen-  Wellington  in 
erally  superior  to  his  own  ;  he  never  once  laid  siege  why.*' dU< 
to  a  fortress  that  he  did  not  subdue.  His  reduction  of  Lille, 
with  its  noble  garrison  of  fifteen  thousand  men,  in  presence  of 
Vendome  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand,  was 
the  most  wonderful  achievement  of  the  kind  which  modern  Eu¬ 
rope  had  witnessed.  Wellington  was  less  fortunate  in  this 
branch  of  warfare.  He  made  three  successful  sieges,  those  of 
Ciudad  Rodrigo,  Badajoz,  and  St.  Sebastian  ;  but  he  sustained 
three  bloody  repulses,  at  Badajoz  in  1811,  Burgos  in  1812,  and 
St.  Sebastian  in  the  first  siege  in  1813.  But,  hi  justice  to  Wel¬ 
lington,  the  essential  difference  between  his  situation  and  that 
of  Marlborough  in  this  respect  must  be  considered.  The  latter 
carried  on  the  war  in  Flanders  close  to  the  strongholds  of  Aus¬ 
tria  and  Holland,  at  no  great  distance  from  the  arsenals  of  En¬ 
gland,  and  with  the  facilities  of  water-carriage  in  general  for 
bringing  up  his  battering  trains.  His  troops,  trained  by  ex¬ 
perience  in  the  long  war  which  terminated  with  the  peace  of 
Ryswick  in  1697,  had  becorde  as  expert  as  their  enemies  hi  all 
the  branches  of  the  military  art.  Wellington  carried  on  the 
war  at  a  great  distance  from  the  resources  of  Great  Britain, 
with  little  aid  from  the  inefficient  or  distracted  councils  of  Por¬ 
tugal  or  Spain,  in  a  mountainous  country,  where  water  com¬ 
bi  H 


362 


THE  LIFE  OF 


munication  could  only  penetrate  a  short  way  into  the  interior, 
in  presence  of  an  enemy’s  force  always  double,  often  triple  his 
own,  and  with  troops  whom  a  century  of  domestic  peace, 
bought  by  Marlborough’s  victories,  had  caused  so  completely 
to  forget  the  practical  details  of  wrar,  that  even  some  of  the 
best  of  the  general  officers,  when  they  embarked  for  the  Pen¬ 
insula,  had  to  be  told  what  a  ravelin  and  a  counterscarp 
were.*  He  was  compelled  by  the  pressure  of  time,  and  the 
approach  of  forces  greatly  superior  to  his  own,  to  make  as¬ 
saults  as  his  last  chance,  when  the  breaches  were  scarcely 
practicable,  and  the  parapets  and  defenses  around  them  had 
not  even  been  knocked  away.  The  attacks  on  Ciudad  Rod¬ 
rigo  and  Badajoz  were  not  regular  sieges  ;  they  were  sudden 
assaults  on  strong  places  by  a  sort  of  coup-de-main,  under  cir¬ 
cumstances  where  methodical  approaches  were  impossible. 
Whoever  weighs  these  circumstances,  so  far  from  wondering 
at  the  checkered  fortune  of  Wellington  in  sieges,  will  rather 
be  surprised  that  he  was  successful  at  all. 

The  examination  of  the  comparative  merits  of  these  two  il- 
G4.  lustrious  generals,  and  the  enumeration  of  the 
markable  land  names  of  their  glorious  triumphs,  suggests  one  re- 
EngUmd9 over  flection  of  a  very  peculiar  kind.  That  England 
France.  -g  a  marjtjme  power,  that  the  spirit  of  her  inhab¬ 
itants  is  essentially  nautical,  and  that  the  sea  is  the  element 
on  which  her  power  has  chiefly  been  developed,  need  be  told 
to  none  who  reflect  on  the  magnitude  of  her  present  colonial 
empire,  and  how  long  she  has  wielded  the  empire  of  the 
waves.  The  French  are  the  first  to  tell  us  that  her  strength 
is  confined  to  that  element ;  that  she  is,  at  land,  only  a  third- 
rate  powTer ;  and  that  the  military  career  does  not  suit  the 
genius  of  her  people.  How,  then,  has  it  happened  that  En¬ 
gland,  the  nautical  power,  and  little  inured  to  land  operations, 

*  This  was  literally  true  of  the  generals  of  infantry.  Picton,  whose  gal¬ 
lant  assault  won  the  castle  of  Badajoz.  and  closed  its  terrible  siege,  spent 
some  days  with  a  celebrated  officer,  still  alive,  whose  knowledge  of  fortifi¬ 
cation  and  gunnery  is  well  known,  in  learning  the  rudiments  of  fortification 
and  the  attack  of  places. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


363 


has  inflicted  greater  wounds  upon  F ranee  by  military  success 
than  any  other  power,  and  that  in  almost  all  the  pitched  bat¬ 
tles  which  the  two  nations  have  fought  during  five  centuries, 
the  English  have  proved  victorious  ?  That  England’s  mili¬ 
tary  force  is  absorbed  in  the  defense  of  a  colonial  empire  which 
encircles  the  earth,  is  indeed  certain  ;  and,  in  every  age,  the 
impatience  of  taxation  in  her  people  has  starved  down  her 
military  establishment,  during  peace,  to  so  low  a  point,  as 
rendered  the  occurrence  of  disaster,  in  the  first  years  subse¬ 
quent  to  the  breaking  out  of  war,  a  matter  of  certainty.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  military  spirit  of  her  neighbors  has  al¬ 
most  constantly  kept  theirs  at  the  level  which  insures  early 
success.  Yet  with  all  these  disadvantages,  and  with  a  pop¬ 
ulation  which,  down  to  the  close  of  the  last  war,  was  little 
more  than  half  that  of  France,  she  has  inflicted  far  greater 
land  disasters  on  her  redoubtable  neighbor  than  all  the  mili¬ 
tary  monarchies  of  Europe  put  together. 

English  armies,  for  a  hundred  and  twenty  years,  ravaged 
France ;  but  England  has  not  seen  the  fires  of  a  gs. 
French  camp  since  the  battle  of  Hastings.  En-  ^^asters 
glish  troops  have  twice  taken  the  French  capital ;  ^ai^eefrom 
an  English  king  was  crowned  at  Paris ;  a  French  EnsIand- 
king  rode  captive  through  London;  a  French  emperor  died  in 
English  captivity,  and  his  remains  were  surrendered  by  En¬ 
glish  generosity.  Twice  the  English  horse  marched  from  Ca¬ 
lais  to  the  Pyrenees ;  once  from  the  Pyrenees  to  Calais ;  the 
monuments  of  Napoleon  in  the  French  capital  at  this  moment 
owe  their  preservation  from  German  revenge  to  an  English 
general.  All  the  great  disasters  and  days  of  mourning  for 
France,  since  the  battle  of  Hastings — Tenchebray,  Cressy, 
Poitiers,  Azincour,  Verneuil,  Crevont,  Blenheim,  Oudenarde, 
Ramillies,  Malplaquet,  Minden,  Dettingen,  Quebec,  Egypt, 
Talavera,  Salamanca,  Vittoria,  Orthes,  the  Pyrenees,  Water¬ 
loo — were  gained  by  English  generals,  and  won,  for  the  most 
part,  by  English  soldiers.  Even  at  Fontenoy,  the  greatest 
victory  over  England  of  which  France  can  boast  since  Has- 


364 


THE  LIFE  OF 


tings,  every  regiment  in  the  French  army  was,  on  their  own 
admission,  routed  by  the  terrible  English  column,  and  victory 
was  snatched  from  its  grasp  solely  by  want  of  support  on  the 
part  of  the  Dutch  and  Austrians.  No  coalition  against  France 
has  ever  been  successful,  in  which  England  did  not  take  a 
prominent  part  ;  none,  in  the  end,  has  failed  of  gaining  its 
objects,  in  which  she  stood  foremost  in  the  fight.  This  fact 
is  so  apparent  on  the  most  superficial  survey  of  history,  that  it 
is  admitted  by  the  ablest  French  historians,  though  they  pro¬ 
fess  themselves  unable  to  explain  it. 

Is  it  that  there  is  a  degree  of  hardihood  and  courage  in  the 
66.  Anglo-Saxon  race,  which  renders  them,  without 
been  the  cau9-  the  benefit  of  previous  experience  in  war,  adequate 
es  oi  this  ?  £0  conquest,  on  land,  even  of  the  most  warlike 

Continental  military  nations  ?  Is  it  that  the  quality  of  dog¬ 
ged  resolution,  determination  not  to  he  conquered — bottom ,  in 
the  familiar  English  phrase — is  of  such  value  in  war,  that  it 
compensates  almost  any  degree  of  inferiority  in  the  practical 
acquaintance  with  war  ?  Is  it  that  the  North  brings  forth  a 
bolder  race  of  men  than  the  South,  and  that,  other  things 
being  equal,  the  people  nursed  imder  a  more  rigorous  climate 
will  vanquish  those  of  a  more  genial  ?  Is  it  that  the  free 
spirit  which,  in  every  age,  has  distinguished  the  English  peo¬ 
ple,  has  communicated  a  degree  of  vigor  and  resolution  to  their 
warlike  operations,  which  has  rendered  them  so  often  victori¬ 
ous  in  land-fights,  albeit  nautical  and  commercial  in  their 
ideas,  over  their  military  neighbors  ?  Or  is  it  that  this  cour¬ 
age  in  war,  and  this  vigor  in  peace,  and  this  passion  for  free¬ 
dom  at  all  times,  arise  from,  and  are  but  symptoms  of,  an  ar¬ 
dent  and  aspiring  disposition,  imprinted  by  Nature  on  the  race 
to  whom  the  dominion  of  half  the  globe  has  been  destined  ? 
Experience  has  not  yet  determined  to  which  of  these  causes 
this  most  extraordinary  fact  has  been  owing ;  but  it  is  one 
upon  which  our  military  neighbors,  and  especially  the  French, 
would  do  well  to  ponder,  now  that  the  population  of  the  Brit¬ 
ish  isles  will,  on  the  next  census,  be  thirty  millions.  If  En- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


365 


gland  has  done  such  things  in  Continental  warfare,  with  an 
army  which  never  brought  fifty  thousand  native  British  sabers 
and  bayonets  into  the  field,  what  would  be  the  result  if  na¬ 
tional  distress  or  necessities,  or  a  change  in  the  objects  of  gen¬ 
eral  desire,  wore  to  send  two  hundred  thousand  ? 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  PEACE  OF  UTRECHT. 

The  wars  in  which  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  was  engaged 
were  not  contests  produced  merely  bv  the  ambi-  i. 

.  J  .  .  Moral  charac- 

tions  of  lungs  or  the  rivalry  of  ministers;  they  ter  of  the  Duke 

.  „  ,  ...  .  of  Marlbor- 

were  not  waged  tor  the  acquisition  of  a  provuice  ough’s  wars, 
or  the  capture  of  a  fortress  ;  they  were  not  incurred,  like  those 
of  Frederic,  for  the  gain  of  Silesia,  or  impelled  to,  like  those 
of  Charles  XII.,  by  the  thirst  for  glory.  Great  moral  princi¬ 
ples  were  involved  in  the  contest.  The  League  of  Augsburg, 
which  terminated  in  the  peace  of  Ryswick,  and  first  put  a 
bridle  on  the  ambition  of  France,  was  the  direct  and  immedi¬ 
ate  consequence  of  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and 
the  exile  of  the  persecuted  Protestants  by  Louis  XIV.  The 
W ar  of  the  Succession  arose  unavoidably  from  this  selfish  am¬ 
bition,  and  desire  to  appropriate  the  whole  magnificent  spoils 
of  the  Spanish  monarchy,  which  he  had  won  by  diplomatic 
astuteness,  for  the  aggrandizement  of  the  house  of  Bourbon. 
The  great  interests  of  religious  freedom  and  national  independ¬ 
ence  were  at  stake  in  the  struggle. 

Freedom  of  thought,  emancipation  from  Romish  tyranny, 
liberty  in  the  choice  of  worship,  the  preaching  of  o 
the  Gospel  to  the  poor,  were  borne  aloft  on  Marl-  <°s^7dca^ra 
borough’s  banners ;  national  independence,  death 
to  the  Bourbons,  hatred  to  France,  were  inscribed  tcnded- 
on  those  of  Eugene.  The  Church  of  Rome,  indeed,  had  few 
more  faithful  subjects  than  the  house  of  Hapsburg  ;  but  dread 
H  h  2 


366 


THE  LIFE  OF 


of  the  ambition  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  the  glittering  prospect  of 
the  Spanish  succession,  had  brought  her  Catholic  sovereigns 
into  a  close  union  with  the  Protestants  of  the  north  ;  and  the 
admirable  temper  and  judgment  of  the  English  and  Austrian 
chiefs  kept  their  troops  in  a  state  of  concord  and  amity,  rarely 
witnessed  in  the  best-cemented  alliances.  Feudal  honor,  chiv¬ 
alrous  loyalty,  the  unity  of  the  Church,  were  the  principles 
which  had  roused  the  armies  and  directed  the  councils  of  Louis 
XIV.  The  exaltation  of  France,  the  glory  of  their  sovereign, 
the  spoils  of  Spain,  awakened  the  ambition  of  its  government, 
and  animated  the  spirit  of  its  people.  The  influence  of  these 
opposite  principles  was  felt  not  only  in  the  council,  but  in  the 
field ;  not  only  in  the  minister’s  cabinet,  but  in  the  soldier’s 
tent.  Divine  service,  after  the  Protestant  form,  was  regularly 
performed,  morning  and  evening,  in  every  regiment  of  Marl¬ 
borough’s  army ;  they  prepared  for  battle  by  taking  the  sacra¬ 
ment  ;  they  terminated  their  victories  by  thanksgiving.  The 
armies  of  Louis,  in  a  gay  and  gallant  spirit,  set  out  for  the 
conflict.  If  any  ecclesiastic  appeared  to  bless  their  arms,  it 
was  the  gorgeous  priests  of  the  ancient  faith  ;  they  struck  rath¬ 
er  for  the  honor  of  their  country,  or  the  glory  of  their  sovereign, 
than  the  unity  in  Church  and  State  on  which  he  was  so  strong¬ 
ly  bent ;  and  went  to  battle  dreaming  more  of  the  splendor  of 
Versailles  or  the  smiles  of  beauty,  than  the  dogmas  of  religion 
or  the  crusade  of  the  Church  of  Rome. 

As  the  principles  and  passions  which  animated  the  contend- 
3.  ing  parties  were  thus  opposite,  proportionately  great 
thfMiancer  °f  was  peril  alike  to  the  cause  of  religious  freedom 
ened  Europe  ail(l  European  independence,  if  the  coalition  had  not 
provedCsuc-d  Prove(l  successful.  That  no  danger  was  to  be  ap- 
cessfui.  prehended  from  its  triumph  has  been  decisively  prov¬ 
ed  by  the  event ;  the  allies  were  victorious,  and  both  have  been 
preserved.  But  very  different  would  have  been  the  results  if 
a  power,  animated  by  the  ambition,  guided  by  the  fanaticism, 
and  directed  by  the  ability  of  that  of  Louis  XIV.,  had  gained 
the  ascendency  in  Europe.  Beyond  all  question,  a  universal 


MARLBOROUGH. 


367 


despotic  dominion  would  have  been  established  over  the  bod¬ 
ies,  a  cruel  spiritual  thraldom  over  the  minds  of  men.  France 
and  Spain  united  under  Bourbon  princes,  and  in  a  close  family 
alliance — the  empire  of  Charlemagne  with  that  of  Charles  V. 
— the  power  which  revoked  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  perpe¬ 
trated  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  with  that  which  ban¬ 
ished  the  Moriscoes,  and  established  the  Inquisition,  would 
have  proved  irresistible,  and  beyond  example  destructive  to  the 
best  interests  of  mankind. 

The  Protestants  might  have  been  driven,  like  the  Pagan 
heathens  of  old  bv  the  son  of  Pepin,  beyond  the 

J  1  J  Results  which 

Elbe  ;  the  Stuart  race,  and  with  them  Romish  might  have  foi- 

...  .  .  lowed  the  tri- 

aseendency,  might  have  been  re-established  in  umph  of  France. 
England  ;  the  fire  lighted  by  Latimer  and  Ridley  might  have 
been  extinguished  in  blood  ;  and  the  energy  breathed  by  relig¬ 
ious  freedom  into  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  might  have  expired. 
The  destinies  of  the  world  would  have  been  changed.  Eu¬ 
rope,  instead  of  a  variety  of  independent  states,  whose  mutual 
hostility  kept  alive  courage,  while  their  national  rivalry  stim¬ 
ulated  talent,  would  have  sunk  into  the  slumber  attendant  on 
universal  dominion.  The  colonial  empire  of  England  would 
have  withered  away  and  perished,  as  that  of  Spain  has  done 
in  the  grasp  of  the  Inquisition.  The  Anglo-Saxon  race  would 
have  been  arrested  in  its  mission  to  overspread  the  earth  and 
subdue  it.  The  centralized  despotism  of  the  Roman  empire 
would  have  been  renewed  on  Continental  Europe  ;  the  chains 
of  Romish  tyranny,  and  with  them  the  general  infidelity  of 
F ranee  before  the  Revolution,  wrould  have  extinguished  or  per¬ 
verted  thought  in  the  British  Islands.  There,  too,  the  event 
has  proved  the  justice  of  these  anticipations.  France,  during 
the  eighteenth  century,  has  taught  us  in  what  state  our  minds 
would  have  been  had  Marlborough  been  overthrown ;  the  in¬ 
fidelity  of  Voltaire,  to  what  a  state  of  anarchy  our  religious 
opinions  would  have  been  reduced ;  the  despotism  of  Napo¬ 
leon  at  its  close,  to  what  tyranny  our  persons  would  have  been 
subjected. 


368 


THE  LIFE  OF 


The  opposite  principles  which  animated  the  contending  par- 

5  ties  were  very  similar  to  those  which  a  century  aft- 
?n  politic iddtS  er  ranged  Europe  against  France,  in  the  wars  of 
which  the  par-  ^ie  French  Revolution  ;  the  great  conflict  of  the 
e^sImtiarTo  eighteenth  century  was  but  an  extension,  to  the 
ward  occur  political  and  social  relations  of  men,  of  the  relig- 
red.  ious  divisions  which  distracted  the  seventeenth. 

But  in  one  respect  the  antagonists  were  on  opposite  sides.  In 
so  far  as  they  were  handed  together  against  the  ambition  of 
France,  the  coalition  of  1689  was  guided  by  the  same  princi 
pies  as  that  of  1793  ;  the  armies  of  Eugene  struck  for  the 
same  cause  as  those  of  the  Archduke  Charles.  But  in  so  far 
as  they  contended  for  a  moral  principle,  their  relative  position 
was  in  a  great  measure  reversed  :  England,  in  the  wars  of 
William  and  Anne,  was  on  the  side  of  civil  and  religious  free¬ 
dom  ;  she  stood  foremost  in  the  contest  for  liberty  of  thought 
and  the  free  choice  of  worship  ;  she  was  herself  the  first  and 
greatest  of  revolutionary  powers.  France  supported  the  des¬ 
potism  of  the  Romish  faith,  and  that  system  of  unity  in  civil 
government  which  aimed  at  extending  claims  as  strong  over 
the  temporal  concerns  of  men.  The  industry  of  towns,  the 
wealth  of  commerce,  arrayed  a  numerous  but  motley  array  of 
many  nations  aroimd  the  banner  of  St.  George  ;  the  strength 
of  feudal  attachment,  the  loyalty  of  chivalrous  devotion,  brought 
the  strength  of  a  gallant  people  round  the  oriflamme  of  St. 
Denis. 

Yet,  though  apparently  on  opposite,  the  forces  of  the  Coali- 

6.  tion  and  of  France  were  in  reality  ranged  on  the 
Yet  fundament-  .  J  °  . 

ally  the  allies  same  sides  in  the  War  of  the  Succession  as  m  that 

and  France  .  .  . 

were  in  both  of  the  French  Revolution.  In  both,  religion  and 
the  same’sides.  freedom  were  the  principles  on  which  the  allies 
rested,  and  unity  of  government  and  military  glory  were  the 
moving  springs  of  effort  in  France.  The  iron  rule  of  the  Con¬ 
vention,  the  despotism  of  Napoleon,  were  essentially  identical, 
though  wielded  by  different  hands  and  hi  a  different  name, 
with  the  government  of  Louis  XIV.  National  independence, 


MARLBOROUGH. 


369 


religious  duty,  breathed  in  the  proclamations  of  Alexander,  not 
less  than  the  daily  services  amid  the  tents  of  Marlborough.  It 
matters  not  by  whom  despots  are  elected,  provided  they  are 
despots  and  support  power.  The  absolute  nature  of  a  contest 
is  not  to  be  judged  of  merely  by  the  war-cries  which  the  par¬ 
ties  raise,  or  the  banners  under  which  their  forces  are  nomin¬ 
ally  enrolled.  The  true  test  is  to  be  found  in  the  practical 
tendency  and  social  results  of  the  institutions  for  which  its 
partisans  contend.  The  cause  of  real  freedom  is  often  ad¬ 
vanced  by  the  victories  gained  by  a  monarch’s  armies ;  the 
march  of  practical  despotism  is  never  so  accelerated  as  by  the 
triumph  of  Republican  bayonets.  William  III.  was  the  head 
of  a  revolutionary  dynasty,  but  he  established  the  government 
of  Great  Britain  on  a  far  more  aristocratic  basis  during  the 
succeeding  century  than  it  had  ever  before  attained.  Louis 
XIV.  was  the  leader  of  a  crusade  of  the  faithful  against  the 
Protestant  party,  but  he  bequeathed  a  century  of  irreligion  to 
France,  which  ended  in  the  overthrow  of  its  government. 
The  Committee  of  Public  Salvation,  wielding  the  forces  of  the 
Revolution,  established  a  centralized  military  despotism  in 
France,  far  exceeding  any  thing  dreamed  of  by  Richelieu  or 
Louvois,  and  which  has  never  since  been  shaken  off  in  that 
country.  The  spread  of  political  power,  the  popularization 
of  social  institutions,  have  never  been  so  rapid  in  Great  Brit¬ 
ain  as  during  the  thirty  years  which  immediately  succeeded 
the  glorious  termination  of  the  anti-revolutionary  war. 

But  from  this  ranging  of  the  contending  parties,  in  name  at 
least,  on  opposite  sides,  and  the  important  fact  of  Imporjant  dif 
the  legitimate  dynasty  having  been  displaced  by  a  ference  in  the 

°  _  J  J  O  r  j  parties  by 

revolutionary  monarch  on  the  throne  of  England,  whom  the  war 

J  t  .  was  opposed 

there  arose  a  most  important  difference  between  in  the  time  of 

Marlborough 

the  respective  parties  who  opposed  the  war,  com-  and  Napoleon, 
mencing  in  1679,  and  that  which  began  in  1793.  The  war 
Avhich  terminated  with  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick  was  waged  by 
William,  himself  the  Louis  Philippe  of  the  younger  branch  of 
the  Stuart  dynasty ;  that  of  the  Succession  was  headed  by 


370 


THE  LIFE  OF 


Anne,  his  successor  on  the  revolutionary  throne.  It  was  car 
ried  on  for  the  freedom  of  conscience  and  liberty  of  worship, 
and  supported  by  the  whole  strength  of  the  Whig  aristocracy, 
and  the  whole  vehemence  of  the  Protestant  fervor.  Hence, 
the  enemies  of  the  war,  the  opposition  to  the  government,  nat¬ 
urally  espoused  the  other  side.  The  Tory  and  High-Church 
party  gradually  became  estranged  from  the  government,  and 
at  length  openly  came  into  hostility  with  it,  in  consequence  of 
the  continued  increase  which  the  prosecution  of  the  war  gave 
to  the  influence  of  its  opponents,  and  the  dreadful  and  interm¬ 
inable  dangers  with  which  it  seemed  to  threaten  the  finances 
of  the  country.  Then  the  positions  of  parties  became  precise¬ 
ly  the  reverse  of  what  they  subsequently  were  during  the  war 
with  revolutionary  F ranee  ;  and  yet  both  at  heart  were  actu¬ 
ated  by  the  same  motives.  The  Tories  opposed  the  War  of 
the  Succession  and  decried  Marlborough’s  victories  as  warmly 
as  the  Whigs  resisted  the  contest  with  France,  and  strove  to 
lessen  Wellington’s  fame,  a  century  later.  Both  put  forth 
public  principle  and  the  interest  of  the  nation  as  the  ostensible 
grounds  of  their  conduct ;  but  both  in  secret  were  actuated, 
perhaps  unconsciously,  by  different  and  more  pressing  motives. 
The  Tories  opposed  the  war  with  Louis  XIV.  because  it  tend¬ 
ed  to  confirm  their  opponents  in  power,  and  postpone,  if  not 
destroy,  their  hopes  of  restoring  the  exiled  family.  The 
Whigs  opposed  the  war  with  Napoleon  because  it  was  waged 
against  a  power  which  at  least  began  with  the  principles  of 
democracy,  and  because  they  expected  its  successful  issue 
would,  for  perhaps  more  than  a  generation,  confirm  the  Tories 
in  possession  of  the  reins  of  government. 

Political  parties,  and  the  alliances  of  cabinets  in  Europe, 
8.  had  been  long  actuated  and  regulated  by  these 
porite  parties  Si  principles,  which  had,  in  an  especial  mamier,  be- 
siScethe’Great  come  predominant  since  the  terrible  conflict  of  the 
Rebellion.  Great  Rebellion  in  England.  All  the  foreign  al¬ 
liances  of  Charles  II.  had  in  secret  been  suggested  by  jealousy 
of  the  Republican  party,  from  which  his  family  had  sustained 


MARLBOROUGH. 


371 


such  grievous  injuries  at  home.  French  mistresses,  the  charms 
of  the  Duchess  of  Portsmouth,  were  not  disregarded  by  the 
amorous  monarch  ;  but  the  chief  motive  of  his  conduct  was  a 
desire  to  extinguish  the  Puritan  faction  and  the  Protestant 
faith  in  his  dominions.  It  was  an  article  of  the  secret  treaty 
between  Charles  and  Louis  XIV.,  that  the  Republican  forms 
of  government,  as  existing  in  Holland,  should  be  superseded 
by  an  hereditary  monarchy  in  the  person  of  the  stadtholder 
and  his  family  ;  and  that  the  English  monarch  should,  as  soon 
as  prudent,  do  what  was  possible  for  the  re-establishment  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  Great  Britain.*  These  so¬ 
cial  and  political  divisions,  naturally  arising  from  the  vehe¬ 
ment  contests  of  the  seventeenth  century,  derived  additional 
strength  from  the  expulsion  of  the  ancient  dynasty,  and  the 
successful  result  of  the  Revolution  of  1688  in  Great  Britain. 
Personal  animosity  and  party  ambition  were  inunediately  add¬ 
ed  to  the  flames  of  political  hostility.  It  was  felt  by  all  that 
the  change  of  dynasty  had  been  brought  about  by  many  dis¬ 
graceful  acts  of  treachery  in  the  leaders  of  the  movement,  as 
well  as  by  the  generous  indignation  of  a  nation  at  attempts  to 
enslave  them.  The  bitterness  of  lost  influence,  the  recollec¬ 
tion  of  shattered  power,  were  added  to  the  broad  lines  of  po¬ 
litical  distinction  ;  and  a  cast-down  party,  which  had  generous 
feelings  and  profound  attachments  to  rest  upon,  ere  long  gath¬ 
ered  strength  from  the  very  circumstances,  in  the  external 
condition  of  the  nation,  which  to  appearance  had  established 
the  power  of  their  opponents  on  an  immovable  foundation. 

The  Revolution  had  been  brought  about  by  a  coalition  of 
parties,  arising  from  the  general  feeling  of  unbear-  9 
able  oppression  experienced  by  the  nation.  The  plrti'^had* 
Tories  had  joined  in  it  as  cordially  as  the  Whigs ;  about  the 
the  High-Church  party  as  much  as  the  Dissenters.  Resolution. 
It  began  with  sending  the  seven  bishops  to  the  Tower ;  it 
was  ended  by  the  cheers  of  the  troops  at  their  acquittal  on 
Hounslow  Heath.  Bolingbroke  has  well  expressed  the  views 
*  Capefigue,  Hist,  de  Louis  XIV.,  ii.,  167. 


372 


THE  LIFE  OF 


which  induced  the  Tory  party  and  ancient  cavaliers  of  the 
realm  to  take  part  in  this  great  movement,  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  believe  that  he  was  insincere  in  what  he  said. 
“  Many,”  says  he,  “  of  the  most  distinguished  Tories,  some  of 
those  who  carried  highest  the  doctrines  of  passive  obedience 
and  non-resistance,  were  engaged  in  it,  and  the  whole  nation 
was  ripe  for  it.  The  Whigs  were  zealous  in  the  same  cause, 
hut  their  zeal  was  not  such  as  I  think  it  had  been  some  years 
before,  a  zeal  without  knowledge.  I  mean,  it  was  better  tem¬ 
pered  and  more  prudently  conducted.  Though  the  king  was 
not  the  better  for  his  experience,  parties  were.  Both  saw 
their  errors.  The  Tories  stopped  short  in  pursuit  of  a  bad 
principle  ;  the  Whigs  reformed  the  abuse  of  a  good  one.  Both 
had  sacrificed  then  country  to  their  party  ;  both,  on  this  oc¬ 
casion,  sacrificed  their  party  to  their  country.  The  cause  of 
liberty  was  no  longer  made  the  cause  of  a  party,  by  being  set 
on  such  a  bottom  as  one  party  alone  approved.  The  Revolu¬ 
tion  was  plainly  designed  to  restore  and  secure  the  government, 
ecclesiastical  and  civil,  on  true  foundations ;  and  whatever 
might  happen  to  the  king,  there  was  no  room  to  apprehend 
any  change  hi  the  Constitution.  The  Republican  whimsies, 
indeed,  that  reigned  in  the  days  of  usurpation  and  confusion, 
still  prevailed  among  some  of  that  party.  But  this  leaven 
was  so  near  worn  out,  that  it  could  neither  corrupt,  nor  seem 
any  longer  to  corrupt,  the  mass  of  the  Whig  party.  That 
party  never  had  been  Republicans  or  Presbyterians  any  more 
than  they  had  been  Quakers — any  more  than  the  Tory  party 
had  been  Papists  when,  notwithstanding  their  aversion  to 
popery,  they  were  undeniably  under  the  accidental  influence 
of  popish  councils.  But  even  the  appearances  were  now  rec¬ 
tified.  The  Revolution  was  a  fire  which  purged  off  the  dross 
of  both  parties  ;  and  the  dross  being  purged  off,  they  appeared 
to  be  the  same  metal,  and  answered  the  same  standard.”* 
But  it  is  a  dangerous  thing  for  the  people,  even  for  the  best- 
founded  causes  of  dissatisfaction,  to  overturn  an  established 
*  A  Dissertation  on  Parties.  Boungbroke’s  Works,  iii.,  125. 


MARLBOROUGH 


373 


government.  Such  a  step  generally  remedies  the  d  10. 
immediate  evils  which  produced  the  discontent,  hut  which  flowed 
it  does  so  only  by  introducing  a  host  of  others,  oiution. 
often  still  more  injurious,  and  which  become,  by  the  triumph 
of  the  first  convulsion,  wholly  irremovable.  No  nation  ever 
had  juster  cause  for  dispossessing  a  sovereign  than  England 
had  in  1688  ;  for  James  was  striving  at  once  and  by  force  to 
subvert  the  civil  liberties,  and  change  the  established  religion 
of  his  people.  Yet  from  this  just  and  necessary  change,  as 
all  parties  then  felt  it  to  be,  were  soon  found  to  flow  a  series 
of  causes  and  effects  which  induced  a  host  of  evils  so  serious 
and  appalling,  that  the  cotemporary  age  was  seized  with  con¬ 
sternation  at  their  magnitude,  and  the  effects  of  which  will 
be  felt  to  the  latest  generation  in  Great  Britain. 

The  first  effect  which  immediately  followed  was  the  com¬ 
mencement  of  the  great  war  with  France,  which,  11. 

.  .  .  The  funding 

beginning  in  1G89,  continued,  with  a  cessation  only  system  isin- 

troduced  by 

oi  nve  years,  till  1/13.  Jsngland  was  now  the  William  hi. 
head  of  the  Protestant  and  independent  league,  and  upon  her 
fell  the  weight  of  the  contest  with  Romish  and  despotic  France. 
The  finances  of  Great  Britain,  as  they  were  managed  in  for¬ 
mer  times,  could  never  have  sustained  the  cost  of  such  a  war 
for  a  tenth  part  of  the  time.  But  expense  now  seemed  to  be 
no  obstacle  to  the  government.  A  new  engine  of  surpassing 
strength  had  been  discovered  for  extracting  capital  out  of  a 
country ;  and  the  able  statesmen  who  had  it  in  their  hands, 
felt  it  to  be  not  less  serviceable  in  consolidating  the  internal 
power  than  in  meeting  the  external  expenses  of  the  new  dy¬ 
nasty.  The  revenue  at  the  dethronement  of  James  II.  was 
only  £2,000,000  a  year,  a  sum  not  equal  to  three  months’  ex¬ 
penditure  of  the  war ;  and  long  experience  had  proved  the 
extreme  difficulty  of  getting  the  people,  even  under  the  most 
pressing  emergencies  of  government,  to  make  any  addition  to 
the  public  burdens.  But  William  brought  with  lum  from 
Holland  the  secret  of  the  Funding  System.  He  showed  the 
nation  what  may  be  done  by  forestalling  the  resources  of  future 

I  i 


374 


THE  LIFE  OF 


years  in  the  present,  by  pledging  the  industry  of  a  people  to 
its  capital.  It  was  this  marvelous  discovery,  then  new  to  the 
world,  which  at  once  occasioned  the  successes  which  signal¬ 
ized  the  external  government  of  the  Revolution,  and  engen¬ 
dered  the  internal  discontent  which  all  but  produced  its  down¬ 
fall. 

When  this  system  first  began,  the  nation  was  not  sensible 
12.  of  the  important  consequences  to  which  it  could 
it  exdtedS0”  lead.  They  thought  that  it  could  only  be  a  tem- 
Great  Britain.  p0rary  expedient ;  and  that,  though  perhaps  it 
might  lead  to  a  few  millions  being  unnecessarily  added  to  the 
national  debt,  yet  that  would  be  all.  Though  from  the  first, 
accordingly,  its  progress  was  viewed  with  a  jealous  eye  by  the 
thinking  few,  it  made  but  little  impression  upon  the  unthink¬ 
ing  many  before  the  peace  of  Ryswick.  But  when  the  War 
of  the  Succession  began  in  1702,  and  continued  without  in¬ 
termission,  and  attended  by  daily  increasing  expenditure  for 
ten  years,  the  apprehensions  of  a  large  part  of  the  nation  be¬ 
came  excessive.  At  the  Revolution,  the  national  debt,  as  al¬ 
ready  mentioned,  was  £601,000  ;  by  the  year  1710  it  exceed¬ 
ed  £50,000,000  sterling.  Though  this  sum  may  seem  incon¬ 
siderable  to  us  who  have  become  accustomed  to  the  much 
greater  debts  which  have  since  been  contracted,  yet  it  appear¬ 
ed  prodigious  to  a  people  then  beginning  to  learn  for  the  first 
time  to  what  burden  the  finances  of  a  nation  may,  by  the  fund¬ 
ing  system,  be  subjected.  It  was  a  terrible  thing  to  think  that 
in  twenty  years  the  public  debt  had  been  augmented  eighty¬ 
fold  ;  that  in  that  short  time  it  had  come  to  amount  to  ticcn- 
ty-five  times  the  revenue  of  the  nation  at  its  commencement. 
And  it  had,  in  reality,  become  a  formidable  burden,  as  com¬ 
pared  with  the  resources  of  the  state  even  at  that  time ;  for 
the  public  income,  which  had  been  two  millions  at  the  de¬ 
thronement  of  James,  had  only  risen  to  £5,691,000  at  the 
death  of  Anne,  while  the  debt  was  £54,000,000,  being  near¬ 
ly  ten  times  its  amount,  and  about  half  in  proportion  to  the 
national  revenue  of  what  it  is  at  this  time. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


375 


Bolingbroke  has  left  us  the  following  vivid  picture  of  the 
apprehensions  with  which,  in  the  latter  years  of  13 
the  War  of  the  Succession,  the  minds  of  men  were  ^Jmmt'onts 
filled  on  this  dismal  subject.  “It  is  impossible  to  ,lanser3- 
look  back  without  grief  on  the  necessary  and  mia voidable  con¬ 
sequences  of  this  establishment,  or  without  indignation  on  that 
mystery  of  iniquity  which  hath  been  raised  upon  it,  and  car¬ 
ried  on  by  means  of  it.  Who  can  answer  that  a  scheme  which 
oppresses  the  farmer,  ruins  the  manufacturer,  breaks  the  mer¬ 
chant,  discourages  industry,  and  reduces  fraud  to  a  system ; 
which  drains  continually  a  portion  of  our  national  wealth 
away  to  foreigners,  and  draws  most  perniciously  the  rest  of 
that  immense  property  that  was  diffused  among  thousands  into 
the  pockets  of  a  few — who  can  answer  that  such  a  scheme 
will  always  endure  ?  The  whole  art  of  stock-jobbing,  the 
whole  mystery  of  iniquity  mentioned  above,  arises  from  this 
establishment,  and  is  employed  about  the  funds ;  and  the  main¬ 
springs  which  turn  or  may  turn  the  artificial  wheel  of  credit, 
and  make  the  paper  estates  that  are  fastened  to  it  rise  or  fall, 
lurk  behind  the  veil  of  the  treasury.  That  luxury  which  be¬ 
gan  to  spread  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  hath  increas¬ 
ed  ever  since  from  the  growth  of  wealth  among  the  stock-job¬ 
bers  from  this  system.  Nothing  can  be  more  certain  than 
this,  that  national  luxury  and  national  poverty  may  in  time 
establish  national  prostitution.  The  immense  wealth  of  par¬ 
ticular  men  is  a  circumstance  which  always  attends  national 
poverty,  and  is,  in  a  great  measure,  the  cause  of  it.  We  may 
already  apply  to  our  country  what  Sallust  makes  Cato  say  of 
the  state  of  Rome,  and  I  wish  we  could  apply  no  more  :  ‘  Pro 
his  nos  habemus  luxuriam  ;  publice  egestatem,  privatim  opu- 
lentiam.’  ‘  Public  want  and  private  wealth  abound  in  all 
declining  states.’  ”* 

What  rendered  this  system  peculiarly  alarming  was  the 
simultaneous  development  of  a  new  and  apparently  intermin¬ 
able  system  of  government  by  which  it  was  to  be  carried 
*  Bolingbroke's  Dissertation  on  Parties.  Works,  iii.,  298,  299. 


376 


THE  LIFE  OF 


„  14-  on.  The  Stuarts  had  tried  to  reign  by  prerogative ; 

General  cor-  n  j  r  o 

ruption  which  and  as  one  monarch  had  lost  his  head  and  anoth- 

was  induced  in  . 

the  country,  er  his  crown  in  the  attempt,  the  friends  of  freedom 
flattered  themselves  that  the  liberties  of  the  nation  were  now 
established  on  a  foundation  which  no  future  sovereign  woul 
attempt  to  shake.  But  the  accession  of  William  soon  showed 
that  there  are  other  ways  of  managing  a  people  than  by  open 
force.  The  Stuarts  had  failed  because  they  had  been  bred 
under  monarchical  habits,  and  had  no  other  ideas  of  govern¬ 
ment  than  those  of  prerogative  and  power.  Experience  had 
not  taught  them  the  secret,  so  well  known  to  the  Roman  em¬ 
peror,  of  veiling  authority  under  the  name  of  freedom,  and  dis¬ 
arming  opposition  by  attending  to  the  interests  of  its  leaders. 
William  brought  from  the  commercial  republic  of  Holland, 
where  they  had  been  long  practiced  and  were  perfectly  under¬ 
stood,  a  thorough  knowledge  of  both  these  important  state  se¬ 
crets.  Introduced  by  Parliament,  having  no  legitimate  title 
to  the  throne,  standing  solely  on  the  choice  of  the  nation,  he 
was  careful  in  all  his  measures  not  to  run  counter  either  in 
form  or  substance  to  the  power  which  had  raised  him  to  the 
throne.  Every  thing  originated  with  the  Legislature.  The 
House  of  Commons  stood  forth  in  appearance  as  the  ruler  of 
the  state.  But  then  he  contrived,  by  a  simple  expedient,  to 
rule  the  House  of  Commons.  The  wars  hi  which  he  was  of 
necessity  engaged ;  the  loans  which  they  rendered  unavoida¬ 
ble,  and  which  the  commercial  wealth  of  the  nation  enabled 
it  to  advance ;  and  the  great  increase  in  the  general  expendi¬ 
ture  of  the  Exchequer,  all  conspired  to  place  a  vast  and  un¬ 
precedented  amount  of  patronage  in  the  hands  of  government. 
This  was  systematically  directed  to  buy  off  opposition  in  Par¬ 
liament,  and  secure  a  majority  in  the  constituencies.  Corrup¬ 
tion  in  every  possible  form,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  was 
employed  in  all  parts  of  Great  Britain,  especially  among  tho 
urban  electors  ;  and  with  such  success,  that  almost  every  meas¬ 
ure  of  government  passed  without  difficulty  through  both 
houses  of  Parliament.  The  nation  had  shaken  off  the  prerog- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


377 


atives  of  the  crown,  hut  they  had  fallen  under  the  domination 
of  its  influence.  The  gold  of  the  Exchequer  was  found  to  be 
more  powerful  than  the  penalties  of  the  Star  Chamber,  and 
the  last  state  of  the  realm  was  worse  than  the  first 

If  this  enormous  increase  in  the  public  debt,  under  the  in¬ 
fluence  of  the  funding  system,  awakened  the  ap-  „  ,  15- 

°  J  m  Bolingbroke’e 

prehension  of  the  thoughtful,  not  less  did  the  un-  account of  the 

Jr  .......  general  indig- 

bounded  spread  of  corruption  excite  the  indignation  nation  at  this 

r  ,  r  ,  .  mi  r  -1  demoralizing 

oi  the  virtuous  part  ol  the  nation.  1  he  hrst  might  system, 
embarrass  the  revenue  and  cripple  the  resources  of  the  nation, 
but  this  threatened  to  sap  the  foundations  of  its  prosperity 
by  undermining  its  virtue.  Bolingbroke,  whose  genius,  how¬ 
ever  brilliant,  seldom  did  more  than  reflect  the  ideas  of  that 
part  of  the  empire  which  constituted  his  section  of  the  com¬ 
munity,  has  left  the  following  account  of  the  sentiments  with 
which  this  new  and  demoralizing  system  of  influence  was  re¬ 
garded  by  the  sturdy  English  or  country  party.  “  As  the 
means  of  influencing  by  prerogative  and  of  governing  by  force 
were  considered  to  be  increased  formerly  upon  every  addition 
to  the  power  of  the  crown,  so  are  the  means  of  influencing  by 
money  and  of  governing  by  corruption  to  be  considered  as  in¬ 
creased  now,  upon  that  increase  of  power  which  hath  accrued 
to  the  crown  by  the  new  constitution  of  the  revenue  since  the 
Revolution.  Not  only  the  means  of  corrupting  are  increased 
on  the  part  of  the  crown,  but  the  facility  of  employing  these 
means  with  success  is  increased,  on  the  part  of  the  people,  on 
the  part  of  the  electors,  and  the  part  of  the  elected.  The 
power  of  the  crown  to  corrupt,  and  the  proneness  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  to  be  corrupted,  must  continue  to  increase  on  the  same 
principles,  until  a  stop  be  put  to  the  growing  wealth  and 
power  of  the  one,  and  the  growing  depravity  of  the  other. 
The  ministers,  though  never  so  weak,  are  always  impudent 
enough  to  act,  and  able  enough  to  get  frequent  supplies  on  na¬ 
tional  pretenses  for  private  purposes.  The  consequences  of 
this  are  manifold ;  for  the  more  money  passes  through  their 
hands,  the  more  opportunities  they  have  of  gain  ;  and,  in  par- 
1 1  2 


378 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ticular,  they  may  share  it,  if  they  please,  iii  every  bad  bai-' 
gain  they  make  for  the  public  ;  and  the  worse  their  bargain, 
the  better  their  share  will  he.  Then  an  immense  subsidy 
given  to  some  little  prince  who  deals  in  soldiers,  or  an  im¬ 
mense  arrear  stated  in  favor  of  these  little  'merchants  of  hu¬ 
man  flesh,  may  be  so  ordered  as  to  steal  enough  from  the  pub¬ 
lic  to  replenish  the  royal  coffers,  glut  the  ministers,  feed  some 
of  their  hungry  creatures,  and  bribe  a  Parliament  besides. 
The  establishment  of  public  funds  on  the  credit  of  these  taxes 
hath  been  productive  of  far  greater  mischiefs  than  the  taxes 
themselves,  not  only  by  increasing  the  means  of  corruption 
and  the  power  of  corruption,  but  the  effect  it  hath  had  on  the 
spirit  of  the  nation,  its  manners  and  morals.  Britain  will  soon 
be  in  the  state  described  by  Philip  II.  of  his  own  court : 
1  They  all  take  money  except  myself  and  Sapona.’  Britain 
may  ere  long  be  in  that  very  condition  in  which,  and  in  which 
alone,  her  Constitution  and  her  liberty,  in  consequence,  may 
be  destroyed,  because  the  people  may,  in  a  state  of  universal 
corruption,  and  mil  in  no  other,  either  suffer  others  to  betray 
them  or  betray  themselves.  How  near  a  progress  we  had 
made  to  this,  I  determine  not.  This  I  say,  that  it  is  time  for 
every  man  who  is  desirous  to  preserve  the  British  Constitu¬ 
tion,  to  contribute  all  he  can  to  prevent  the  ill  effects  of  that 
new  influence  and  power  which  has  gained  strength  in  every 
reign  since  the  Revolution ;  of  those  means  of  corruption  that 
may  be  employed  one  time  or  other  on  the  part  of  the  crown  ; 
and  of  that  proneness  to  corruption  on  the  part  of  the  people 
that  hath  been  long  growing,  and  still  grows.”* 

Independent  of  these  considerations,  which  were  so  obvious 
16-  that  they  forced  themselves  on  the  consideration  of 

Strong  prin-  . 

cipies  of  free-  every  thinking  person  in  the  country,  there  were  a 

dom  and  loy- 

aity  in  theEn-  powerful  set  of  feelings,  which  ere  long  began  to 
ter.h  charac  impel  the  public  mind  in  the  same  direction.  Not¬ 
withstanding  the  strong  love  of  freedom  which  has  in  every 
age  characterized  the  English  people,  and  which  has  been 
*  Bolingbroke’s  Dissertation  on  Parties.  Works,  iii.,  302. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


379 


evinced  for  nearly  a  thousand  years  by  the  constant  struggles 
they  have  made  to  maintain  and  extend  their  liberties,  there 
is  no  nation  in  whom  the  principle  of  loyalty  has  taken  a 
stronger  root,  or  in  which  the  precept  to  “  fear  God  and  honor 
the  King”  is  more  thoroughly  interwoven  with  their  domestic 
affections.  It  is  the  contest  of  these  opposite  principles  which 
has  produced  such  constant  struggles  in  every  period  of  En¬ 
glish  history  ;  for  not  only  has  the  strife  repeatedly  been  fierce 
between  them  while  it  lasted,  hut  the  temporary  triumph  of 
the  one  has  invariably  and  speedily  been  followed  by  a  decided 
reaction  hi  favor  of  the  other.  Vehement  and  energetic  in 
whatever  it  undertakes,  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  rush  alternate¬ 
ly  into  the  extreme  of  Republican  licentiousness  and  the  en¬ 
thusiasm  of  chivalrous  loyalty.  It  was  thus  that  the  general 
and  unaccountable  submission  to  their  Norman  rulers  was 
succeeded  by  the  rebellion  of  Jack  Cade  ;  the  fervor  of  the 
Reformation  by  the  slavish  crouching  to  Henry  VIII.,  and 
devoted  loyalty  to  Elizabeth  ;  the  bloodshed  of  the  Great  Re¬ 
bellion  by  the  transports  of  the  Restoration  ;  and  that,  after 
running  wellnigh  mad  on  occasion  of  the  Popish  plot  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  II.,  the  people  flew  into  excesses  as  great 
against  the  other  party  on  occasion  of  the  R-ye-house  conspiracy. 

A  similar  reaction  took  place  after  James  II.  was  expelled 
and  William  III.  seated  on  the  throne.  The  im-  17. 
minent  danger  winch  the  civil  and  religious  liber-  generous  feel- 
ties  of  the  country  had  run  of  being  subverted  by  th^Toriesh^ 
the  arbitrary  measures  of  that  sincere  and  consci-  |,eriodTof  the 
entious,  but  headstrong  and  senseless  prince,  had  war- 
produced  a  general  combination  of  parties,  which  rendered  the 
monarch  powerless,  and  occasioned  his  bloodless  fall  from  the 
throne.  But  after  the  deed  was  accomplished,  and  the  king 
dethroned,  the  nation  began  to  reflect  on  what  it  had  done. 
Divisions,  as  usual,  were  consequent  on  success.  A  reaction, 
similar  in  kind,  though  inferior  in  degree,  to  what  took  place 
when  the  head  of  Charles  I.  fell  on  the  scafiold,  took  place 
over  the  whole  country.  Surrounded  by  his  guards,  directed 


THE  LIFE  OF 


380 

by  his  priests,  preceded  by  Ids  lawyers,  aided  by  Jefferies, 
James  had  been  regarded  with  deserved  hatred  and  dread. 
Exiled  from  his  country,  cast  down  from  his  throne,  eating 
the  bread  of  the  stranger,  he  became  the  object  of  pity.  The 
loyal  and  generous  feelings  revived  with  additional  force  on 
the  cessation  of  the  dangers  which  had  for  a  time  restrained 
their  manifestation.  These  feelings  became  peculiarly  strong 
in  the  rural  or  country  party',  which  beheld,  with  undisguised 
indignation,  their  fortunes  eclipsed  and  their  influence  destroy¬ 
ed  by  the  sycophants  and  capitalists  who  crowded  the  royal 
ante-chamber,  and  participated  hi  the  gains  of  the  treasury. 
It  was  soon  found  that  the  Revolution  had  removed  one  set 
of  dangers  only  to  introduce  another.  Protestantism  was  se¬ 
cure,  but  public  morality  was  sinking ;  the  Star  Chamber 
was  no  longer  to  be  feared,  but  corruption  had  become  gener¬ 
al  ;  nothing  was  heard  of  the  prerogative,  but  Parliament  had 
become  so  obsequious  that  its  submission  seemed  almost  a  mat¬ 
ter  of  course,  even  to  a  despotic  prince.  When  to  this  natu¬ 
ral  reaction  against  a  great  and  violent  change  in  the  govern¬ 
ment  was  added  the  spontaneous  return  of  a  loyal  people  to 
that  attachment  to  their  sovereign  from  which  they  could  not 
be  long  estranged,  and  the  enormous  and  seemingly  intermina¬ 
ble  expenses  of  a  protracted  and  burdensome  contest,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the  war  became  daily  more  unpopular,  and 
Marlborough,  who  was  with  justice  regarded  as  its  head,  the 
object  of  general  obloquy. 

Voltaire,  who  never  lost  an  opportunity  of  representing  hu- 

.  hdi-tinc  t  man  aSan's  as  governed  entirely  by  caprice  or  ac- 
iy  appeared  in  cident,  would  make  his  readers  believe  that  the 

the  votes  and 

composition  of  whole  change  was  the  result  oi  a  bed-chamber 
the  House  of  .  _  . 

Commons.  mtngue  at  the  court  ot  t^ueen  Aime,  and  that  a 

fit  of  passion  in  Mrs.  Masfram  arrested  the  course  of  Marlbor¬ 
ough’s  victories,  and  preserved  the  tottering  throne  of  Louis 
XIV.  But  the  considerations  which  have  now'  been  stated, 
demonstrate  that  this  was  very  far  from  being  the  case ;  that 
general  causes  co-operated  with  special  ones  in  producing  the 


MARLBOROUGH. 


381 


grand  result ;  and  that  the  palace  intrigue  was  not  so  much 
the  cause  as  the  effect  of  that  general  change  in  the  public 
mind,  which  had  come  over  the  nation  in  the  later  years  of 
the  war,  and  which  all  the  luster  of  Marlborough’s  victories 
had  not  been  able  to  arrest.  And  this  appeared  in  the  most 
decisive  maimer  in  the  votes  of  the  House  during  the  progress 
of  the  contest.  When  the  war  began,  it  was  supported  by  a 
large  majority  in  both  houses ;  but  as  the  contest  rolled  on 
and  its  expenses  increased,  the  majority  in  the  lower  House 
gradually  dropped  off;  when  Harley  and  St.  John  were  in¬ 
troduced  into  the  ministry,  it  assumed  that  transition  charac¬ 
ter  which  is  seldom  of  long  duration,  but  which  always  ac¬ 
companies  a  coalition ;  and  when  at  length  the  Whigs,  with 
the  exception  of  Marlborough,  were  entirely  turned  out,  and 
he  was  left  alone  to  conduct  the  war,  amid  his  political  ene¬ 
mies,  the  government  was  supported  by  a  large  majority  in 
the  House  of  Commons.  All  the  violent  and  ungenerous  pro¬ 
ceedings  against  that  great  general,  his  dismissal  from  office, 
the  innumerable  vexations  to  which  he  was  exposed,  and  the 
accusations  of  peculation  which  were  brought  against  him, 
were  carried  by  large  majorities  in  the  House  of  Commons ; 
the  House  of  Peers,  after  it  had  been  swamped  by  the  crea¬ 
tion  of  twelve,  ceased  to  struggle  any  longer  with  the  declared 
voice  of  the  public  ;  and,  whatever  posterity  may  have  thought 
of  it,  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  the  peace  of  Utrecht 
itself  was,  despite  the  cutting  strictures  of  a  few  indignant 
patriots,  cordially  approved  of  at  the  time  by  a  great  majority 
in  the  nation. 

Bolingbroke,  whose  great  abilities,  both  as  a  statesman,  an 
orator,  and  a  writer,  rendered  him  the  real  head  of  ^  19^  ^ 

the  party  in  England  that  ultimately  effected  the  Bolingbroke. 
great  change  in  its  foreign  policy  which  altered  the  whole  face 
of  Europe,  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men,  even  among 
the  brilliant  wits  of  Queen  Anne’s  reign.  It  could  not  be 
said  of  him,  as  he  said  of  Marlborough,  that  he  was  the  per¬ 
fection  of  genius  aided  only  by  experience.  On  the  contrary, 


382 


THE  LIFE  OF 


he  shared  largely  in  the  advantages  of  a  refined  education,  and 
his  native  abilities  acquired  additional  luster  from  the  brilliant 
foreign  setting  in  which  they  never  failed  to  appear.  An  ac¬ 
complished  classical  scholar,  profoundly  versed  in  the  philoso¬ 
phy,  history',  and  poetry  of  Greece  and  Rome,  he  not  only 
made  use  of  the  treasures  of  ancient  genius  to  enrich  his 
thoughts,  hut  brought  forward  then-  expressions  with  the  hap¬ 
piest  effect,  to  aid  and  adorn  his  eloquence.  Nature  had  been 
prodigal  to  him  of  those  gifts,  without  which  the  most  brilliant 
genius  can  seldom  produce  any  lasting  effect  on  popular  as¬ 
semblies.  His  countenance  was  in  the  highest  degree  express¬ 
ive,  his  elocution  rapid  and  easy,  his  memory  ready'  and  te¬ 
nacious,  his  imagination  vivid  and  impassioned.  Such  was 
the  power  of  extempore  composition  which  he  possessed,  that 
on  the  testimony,  even  of  the  most  inveterate  of  his  political 
opponents,  you  might  have  printed  what  fell  from  him,  during 
•“he  warmth  of  convivial  conversation,  without  any  inelegance 
or  inaccuracy  being  perceptible.  These  brilliant  qualities 
shone  forth  with  peculiar  luster  in  the  ease  and  abandon  of 
social  intercourse  with  the  illustrious  literary  men  who  adorn¬ 
ed  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne,  and  the  early  part  of  that  of 
George  I.  Pope,  it  is  well  known,  almost  idolized  him  ;  and 
the  thoughts  in  the  “  Essay  on  Man”  are  said  to  have  been  in 
great  part  suggested  by  his  conversation. 

“  Awake,  my  St.  John,  leave  all  meaner  things 
To  low  ambition  and  the  pride  of  kings  ; 

Let  us,  since  life  can  little  more  supply, 

Than  just  to  look  about  us  and  to  die. 

Expatiate  free  o’er  all  this  scene  of  man, 

A  mighty  maze  !  but  not  without  a  plan  ; 

Laugh  where  we  must,  be  candid  where  we  can, 

But  vindicate  the  ways  of  God  to  man.” 

Had  Bolingbroke’s  steadiness  of  principle  and  consistency 
20.  of  conduct  been  equal  to  these  shining  abilities, 

His  inconsisten¬ 
cies  and  faults,  he  would.  have  been  one  of  the  most  eminent  men 

that  England  ever  produced.  But  this,  unfortunately',  was 

very  far  from  being  the  case.  In  him,  more  truly  than  any 


MARLBOROUGH. 


383 


other  man,  might  be  seen  the  truth  of  the  words  of  Scripture, 
“  mis  table  as  water,  thou  shalt  not  excel.”  Inconsistency  and 
want  of  rectitude  were  the  bane  at  once  of  his  political  con¬ 
duct  and  literary  compositions.  He  was  so  changeable  in  Ins 
partialities,  so  variable  in  his  declamations,  that  there  is  hardly 
an  eminent  man,  and  certainly  not  a  political  party  of  his 
time,  that  he  has  not  alternately  praised  to  the  skies,  and  load¬ 
ed  with  vituperation.  It  is  scarcely  possible  to  say  what  his 
principles  were,  for  at  different  periods  of  his  life  he  espoused 
those  of  all  men.  His  only  steady  aversion  seemed  to  have 
been  to  Christianity  ;  and  Voltaire  acquired  almost  all  the  ar¬ 
guments  which  he  afterward  wielded  with  so  much  effect 
against  religion  from  his  conversation  and  knowledge.  Yet 
he  was  not  an  atheist.  Pope’s  “  Essay  on  Man,”  and  many 
other  passages  in  his  own  writings,  demonstrate  that  he  had 
exalted  but  vague  and  dreamy  ideas  of  natural  religion. 
Horace  Walpole  said  of  him,  “  With  the  most  agreeable  tal¬ 
ents  in  the  world,  and  with  great  parts,  he  was  neither  happy 
nor  successful.  He  wrote  against  the  king  who  had  forgiven 
him,  against  Sir  Robert  Walpole  who  did  forgive  him,  against 
the  Pretender  and  the  clergy  wdro  never  will  forgive  him.  He 
is  one  of  our  best  winters,  though  his  attacks  on  all  govern¬ 
ments  and  all  religions  (neither  of  which  he  cared  directly  to 
own)  have  necessarily  involved  his  style  in  a  want  of  perspi¬ 
cuity.  One  must  know  the  man  before  we  can  often  guess 
his  meaning.”*  This  inconsistency  tainted  his  private  and 
moral,  as  well  as  public  and  political  character.  He  was  am¬ 
bitious,  and  unscrupulous  as  to  the  means  of  elevation  ;  vehe¬ 
ment  in  hatred  ;  variable  in  principle.  Capable  of  profound 
dissimulation,  he  occasionally  exercised  it,  and  effectually  de¬ 
ceived  the  most  penetrating  of  his  opponents.  But,  in  gen¬ 
eral,  the  liveliness  of  his  imagination  and  quickness  of  his  tem¬ 
per  caused  him  to  give  vent  to  the  desire  or  feeling  of  the 
moment  with  an  ardor  which  admitted  neither  of  concealment 
nor  moderation.  And  hence  the  otherwise  inexplicable  incon- 
*  Royal  and  Noble  Authors,  74. 


384 


TI1E  LIFE  OF 


sistencies  and  contradictions  both  of  his  public  life  and  private 
thoughts. 

Harley,  afterward  created  Earl  of  Oxford,  brought  to  the 
21.  support  of  the  same  party  talents  of  a  much  infe- 
Hariey, oarklf  rior,  but  still  very  serviceable  kind.  He  had  not 
Oxford.  the  brilliancy  of  St.  John’s  imagination,  Iris  vast 
stores  of  erudition,  or  his  power  of  ready  and  extempore  elo¬ 
quence  ;  but  he  was  more  prudent  and  sagacious,  had  more 
worldly  wisdom,  and  incomparably  more  of  a  statesman’s  tact 
than  his  brilliant  coadjutor.  His  wisdom  and  discretion,  like 
that  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  in  the  reconstruction  of  the  same 
party  after  its  discomfiture  by  the  Revolution  of  1832,  brought 
the  Tories  up  from  a  small  minority  in  the  commencement  of 
the  War  of  the  Succession,  to  a  decided  majority  before  its 
close,  in  the  Commons,  Lords,  and  queen’s  council.  He  was 
no  common  man  who,  in  the  face  of  a  large  Whig  majority 
at  the  commencement  of  the  struggle,  and  despite  the  luster 
of  Marlborough’s  victories,  could  so  take  advantage  of  the  mu¬ 
tations  of  fortune,  the  changes  of  public  opinion,  and  the  still 
more  variable  gales  of  court  favor,  as,  under  such  circumstan¬ 
ces,  to  accomplish  such  a  success. 

It  was  not,  however,  either  in  Parliament  or  the  cabinet 
22  that  the  main  strength  of  the  party  which  over¬ 
ly  writers  threw  Marlborough,  and  brought  about  the  peace 
m  the  press.  0f  Utrecht,  was  found.  It  wras  the  vast  abil¬ 
ity  and  sarcastic  powers  of  their  allies  in  the  press  which 
chiefly  produced  the  result.  The  Tories  were  supported  by 
a  band  of  writers  who,  in  the  war  of  pamphlets  by  which 
the  contests  of  parties  out  of  Parliament  at  that  period 
were  carried  on,  never  have  been  exceeded  as  regards  the 
versatility  of  their  powers,  and  thorough  knowledge  they 
possessed  of  the  means  of  rousing  and  inflaming  the  general 
mind.  Swift  w'as  the  most  powerful  of  that  determined 
band  ;  and  never  did  intellectual  gladiator  bring  to  the  dead¬ 
ly  strife  of  envenomed  rapiers  qualities  more  admirably  adapt¬ 
ed  for  success.  Able,  penetrating,  and  sagacious ;  possessed 


MARLBOROUGH. 


385 


of  great  powers  of  argument ;  greater  still  of  sarcasm  ;  thor¬ 
oughly  acquainted  with  human  nature,  and  unfettered  hy  any 
of  the  delicacies  which,  in  men  of  more  refined  minds,  often 
prevent  the  stirring  of  its  passions,  he  knew  how  to  excite  the 
public  mind  hy  awakening  their  jealousy  in  regard  to  matters 
which  came  home  to  every  understanding.  Disregarding  all 
remote  considerations  adapted  only  for  the  thoughtful,  drawn 
from  the  balance  of  power,  matters  of  foreign  policy,  or  the 
ultimate  danger  of  England,  he  at  once  fastened  on  Marlbor¬ 
ough  the  damning  charge  of  pecuniary  cupidity  ;  held  forth 
the  continuance  of  the  war  as  entirely  owing  to  his  sordid 
thirst  of  gain  ;  and  all  the  wealth  which  flowed  into  the  cof¬ 
fers  of  the  great  commander  as  wrung  from  the  labors  of  hard- 
wrought  Englishmen.  Concealing  and  perverting  what  he 
knew  was  the  truth  of  ancient  history,  he  represented  the  Ro¬ 
man  consul  as  rewarded  for  his  victories  by  a  triumph  which 
cost  less  than  a  thousand  pounds,  and  Marlborough  enjoying 
five  hundred  thousand  as  the  fruit  of  his  laurels.  He  forgot 
to  add,  that  such  were  the  means  of  amassing  a  fortune  which 
victory  gave  to  the  Roman  proconsuls,  that  Caesar,  before  ob¬ 
taining  the  province  of  Gaul,  was  enabled,  on  its  prospect,  to 
contract  ,£2,500,000  of  debt.  It  may  be  conceived  what  ef¬ 
fect  such  misrepresentations  had  upon  a  people  already  groan¬ 
ing  under  new  taxes,  terrified  at  the  growth  of  the  national 
debt,  and  inflamed  with  that  envy  which  the  rapid  rise,  even 
of  the  most  exalted  merit,  scarce  ever  fails  to  produce  in  the 
great  majority  of  men.  The  Whigs  had  able  writers,  too,  on 
their  side,  but  they  were  no  match  for  their  adversaries  in  the 
power  of  producing  a  present  effect  on  the  multitude,  what¬ 
ever  they  might  be  on  the  cultivated  in  future  ages ;  and  the 
elegant  papers  of  Addison  and  Steele,  in  the  Spectator  and 
Freeholder ,  were  hut  a  poor  set-off  to  the  coarse  invectives 
and  withering  sarcasms  of  Swift. 

Bolingbroke  and  Harley  were  Tory  and  monarchical  in 
their  ideas  :  they  belonged  to  the  High-Church  party  in  relig¬ 
ion  ;  and  in  secret,  they  dreamed  of  the  restoration  of  the  ex- 

K  K 


384 


THE  LIFE  OF 


sistencies  and.  contradictions  both  of  his  public  life  and  private 
thoughts. 

Harley,  afterward  created  Earl  of  Oxford,  brought  to  the 

21  support  of  the  same  party  talents  of  a  much  infe- 
Har ley  eari'of  rior>  but  still  very  serviceable  kind.  He  had  not 
Oxford.  the  brilliancy  of  St.  John’s  imagination,  liis  vast 
stores  of  erudition,  or  his  power  of  ready  and  extempore  elo¬ 
quence  ;  but  he  was  more  prudent  and  sagacious,  had  more 
worldly  wisdom,  and  incomparably  more  of  a  statesman’s  tact 
than  his  brilliant  coadjutor.  His  wisdom  and  discretion,  like 
that  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  in  the  reconstruction  of  the  same 
party  after  its  discomfiture  by  the  Revolution  of  1832,  brought 
the  Tories  up  from  a  small  minority  in  the  commencement  of 
the  War  of  the  Succession,  to  a  decided  majority  before  its 
close,  in  the  Commons,  Lords,  and  queen’s  council.  He  was 
no  common  man  who,  in  the  face  of  a  large  Whig  majority 
at  the  commencement  of  the  struggle,  and  despite  the  luster 
of  Marlborough’s  victories,  could  so  take  advantage  of  the  mu¬ 
tations  of  fortune,  the  changes  of  public  opinion,  and  the  still 
more  variable  gales  of  court  favor,  as,  under  such  circumstan¬ 
ces,  to  accomplish  such  a  success. 

It  was  not,  however,  either  in  Parliament  or  the  cabinet 

22  that  the  main  strength  of  the  party  which  over¬ 
ly  writers  threw  Marlborough,  and  brought  about  the  peace 
m  the  press.  0j-  Utrecht,  was  found.  It  was  the  vast  abil¬ 
ity  and  sarcastic  powers  of  their  allies  in  the  press  which 
chiefly  produced  the  result.  The  Tories  were  supported  by 
a  band  of  writers  who,  in  the  war  of  pamphlets  by  which 
the  contests  of  parties  out  of  Parliament  at  that  period 
were  carried  on,  never  have  been  exceeded  as  regards  the 
versatility  of  their  powers,  and  thorough  knowledge  they 
possessed  of  the  means  of  rousing  and  inflaming  the  general 
mind.  Swift  was  the  most  powerful  of  that  determined 
band  ;  and  never  did  intellectual  gladiator  bring  to  the  dead¬ 
ly  strife  of  envenomed  rapiers  qualities  more  admirably  adapt¬ 
ed  for  success.  Able,  penetrating,  and  sagacious ;  possessed 


MARLBOROUGH. 


385 


of  great  powers  of  argument ;  greater  still  of  sarcasm  ;  thor¬ 
oughly  acquainted  with  human  nature,  and  unfettered  by  any 
of  the  delicacies  which,  in  men  of  more  refined  minds,  often 
prevent  the  stirring  of  its  passions,  he  knew  how  to  excite  the 
public  mind  by  awakening  their  jealousy  in  regard  to  matters 
which  came  home  to  every  understanding.  Disregarding  all 
remote  considerations  adapted  only  for  the  thoughtful,  drawn 
from  the  balance  of  power,  matters  of  foreign  policy,  or  the 
ultimate  danger  of  England,  he  at  once  fastened  on  Marlbor¬ 
ough  the  damning  charge  of  pecuniary  cupidity ;  held  forth 
the  continuance  of  the  war  as  entirely  owing  to  his  sordid 
thirst  of  gain ;  and  all  the  wealth  which  flowed  into  the  cof¬ 
fers  of  the  great  commander  as  wrung  from  the  labors  of  hard- 
wrought  Englishmen.  Concealing  and  perverting  what  he 
knew  was  the  truth  of  ancient  history,  he  represented  the  Ro¬ 
man  consul  as  rewarded  for  his  victories  by  a  triumph  which 
cost  less  than  a  thousand  pounds,  and  Marlborough  enjoying 
five  hundred  thousand  as  the  fruit  of  his  laurels.  He  forgot 
to  add,  that  such  were  the  means  of  amassing  a  fortune  which 
victory  gave  to  the  Roman  proconsuls,  that  Ceesar,  before  ob¬ 
taining  the  province  of  Gaul,  was  enabled,  on  its  prospect,  to 
contract  £2, 500, 000  of  debt.  It  may  be  conceived  what  ef¬ 
fect  such  misrepresentations  had  upon  a  people  already  groan¬ 
ing  under  new  taxes,  terrified  at  the  growth  of  the  national 
debt,  and  inflamed  with  that  envy  which  the  rapid  rise,  even 
of  the  most  exalted  merit,  scarce  ever  fails  to  produce  in  the 
great  majority  of  men.  The  Whigs  had  able  writers,  too,  on 
their  side,  but  they  were  no  match  for  their  adversaries  in  the 
power  of  producing  a  present  effect  on  the  multitude,  what¬ 
ever  they  might  be  on  the  cultivated  in  future  ages ;  and  the 
elegant  papers  of  Addison  and  Steele,  in  the  Spectator  and 
Freeholder ,  were  but  a  poor  set-off  to  the  coarse  invectives 
and  withering  sarcasms  of  Swift. 

Bolingbroke  and  Harley  were  Tory  and  monarchical  in 
their  ideas  :  they  belonged  to  the  High-Church  party  in  relig¬ 
ion  ;  and  in  secret,  they  dreamed  of  the  restoration  of  the  ex¬ 
it  K 


388 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ferred  the  covert  attacks  of  envy,  malice,  and  uncharitable¬ 
ness.  Their  weapons,  with  the  people,  were  malignant  libels ; 
at  court,  underhand  bed-chamber  intrigues.  They  did  not  de¬ 
prive  the  hero  of  his  command,  but  they  strove  to  thwart  his 
measures  so  that  they  might  prove  unsuccessful.  Openly 
they  declared  that  any  minister  deserved  to  lose  his  head  who 
should  propose  to  abandon  Spain  and  the  Indies  to  a  Bourbon 
prince  ;  in  secret  they  were  negotiating  with  Louis  at  that 
very  moment  a  treaty  of  peace,  the  basis  of  which  was  that 
very  relinquishment.  Ostensibly  they  still  paid  to  Marlbor¬ 
ough  the  external  marks  of  respect,  but  they  ceased  to  admit 
him  to  their  confidential  councils  ;  they  denied  him  the  thanks 
of  Parliament  for  his  services ;  they  encouraged  the  circula¬ 
tion  of  the  most  malignant  falsehoods  regarding  his  character ; 
they  did  their  utmost  to  load  him  with  indignities  and  morti¬ 
fications  at  court.  Their  object  seems  to  have  been  to  induce 
him,  through  disgust  at  their  ingratitude,  to  resign,  and  thus 
to  have  spared  them  the  discredit  of  removing  the  greatest 
general  of  England  from  a  command  which  he  had  held  with 
so  much  glory.  And  when  the  temper  or  patriotism  of  Marl¬ 
borough  was  proof  against  their  attack,  they  descended  to  the 
infamy  of  charging  him  with  peculation,  on  grounds  so  false 
that  they  did  not  venture  to  bring  them  to  judicial  investiga¬ 
tion,  even  in  the  House  of  Peers,  which  they  had  swamped 
for  his  overthrow.  At  last  they  drove  the  greatest  general  of 
England,  and  the  most  signal  benefactor  that  had  ever  arisen 
to  his  country,  into  disgrace,  in  order  to  bring  about  a  dis¬ 
creditable  peace,  which  deprived  the  nation  of  the  chief  fruit 
of  his  victories. 

And  the  result  has  now  decisively  proved  that  Bolingbroke 
25.  and  the  Tories  were  as  wrong  on  this  occasion  in 

What  was  the  .  .  . 

danger  to  be  their  general  policy,  as  in  the  means  for  ijs  accom 

guarded  against 

in  the  peace,  plishment ;  and  that  the  course  which  Lrodolpnin 
and  Marlborough  contended  for,  and,  but  for  the  change  of 
ministry,  undoubtedly  would  have  carried  into  effect,  was  the 
one  imperatively  required  by  the  honor  and  interests  of  En- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


389 


gland.  Spain  and  France  were  the  two  powers  by  whom 
the  independence  of  England  had  been  separately  threatened 
for  two  centuries.  The  narrow  escape  made  from  invasion, 
and  possibly  dismemberment,  on  occasion  of  the  Spanish  Ar¬ 
mada  in  1588,  and  the  battle  of  La  Hogue  in  1692,  suffi¬ 
ciently  demonstrate  this.  The  Union  of  the  two  under  one 
head,  therefore,  could  not  but  prove  in  the  highest  degree  per¬ 
ilous  to  the  independence  of  England.  Both  parties  seemed 
to  admit  this  ;  but  they  proposed  different  means  to  avert  the 
danger.  Marlborough  and  the  Whigs  maintained  that  it 
could  be  effectually  done  only  by  separating,  in  a  permanent 
manner,  the  reigning  families,  in  France  and  Spam ;  and  to 
effect  this,  they  proposed  to  settle  the  crown  of  Spain  on 
Charles  VI.,  archduke  of  Austria.  Provided  this  was  done, 
they  had  no  objections  that  an  appanage  for  the  Duke  of  An¬ 
jou,  the  other  competitor  for  the  throne,  should  be  carved  out 
of  the  other  possessions  of  the  Spanish  crown  hi  Italy  and 
Sicily.  This  was  substantially  the  basis  they  assumed  in  the 
conferences  of  Gertruydenberg  in  1709.  Bolingbroke  and  the 
Tories,  again,  contended  that  it  was  necessary  to  separate  the 
reigning  families,  provided  only  that  the  two  crotons  were  pre¬ 
vented  from  uniting  on  one  head ;  and  to  prevent  this,  they 
introduced  the  stringent  clauses  into  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht, 
already  mentioned,  providing  that  the  Salic  law,  which  ex¬ 
cludes  females  from  the  succession,  should  be  the  law  of  the 
Spanish  throne,  and  that  hi  no  event,  and  under  no  circum- 
stanees,  should  the  crowns  of  Spain  and  France  be  muted  on 
the  same  head. 

These  provisions  appeared,  at  first  sight,  to  guard,  in  part 

at  least,  against  the  danger  which  threatened :  and  26. 
...  ....  ii-  The  result  haa 

this  circumstance,  coupled  with  the  natural  desire  proved  the 

of  men  to  terminate  a  long  and  burdensome  war,  wrong  in  their 

rendered  the  peace  of  Utrecht  generally  acceptable  mg'it  re§ard‘ 

to  the  nation.  It  was  foreseen,  however,  at  the  time,  and 

loudly  declared  by  the  Whigs,  both  in  Parliament  and  the 

country,  that  this  security  was  seeming  only,  and  that  leaving 

K  k  2 


390 


THE  LIFE  OF 


a  grandson  cl  Louis  XIV.  on  the  throne  of  Spain,  with  the 
name  of  an  independent  kingdom,  was  in  reality  more  danger¬ 
ous  to  the  security  of  England  than  the  junction  of  the  two 
crowns  on  the  same  head  would  have  been.  The  event  has 
now  decisively  proved  the  justice  of  this  view.  Had  the  crown 
of  Spain  been  openly  placed  on  the  same  head  as  that  of 
France,  the  alliance  of  the  two  powers  could  not  have  been 
of  long  continuance.  Castilian  pride  would  have  revolted  at 
the  idea  of  being  subjected  to  the  government  of  Paris ;  the 
war  of  independence  in  1808  has  shown  what  results  follow 
the  open  assertion  over  the  Peninsula  of  French  domination. 
Cut  by  leaving  Spain  a  crown  nominally  independent,  but 
closely  united  by  blood  and  interest  with  the  French  monarchy, 
the  object  of  Louis  XIV.  was  gained,  and  in  a  way  more  safe 
and  certain  than  even  the  union  of  the  crowns  could  have  af¬ 
forded.  The  family  compact  succeeded.  A  close  and  indis¬ 
soluble  alliance  between  France  and  Spain,  which  subsisted 
unbroken  for  above  a  century,  was  the  result.  Spanish  pride 
was  soothed  by  the  appearance  of  an  independent  government 
at  Madrid  ;  French  ambition  was  gratified  by  the  substantial 
devotion  of  the  whole  resources  of  Spain  to  the  purposes  of 
France. 

The  effects  were  soon  apparent.  In  every  war  which  en- 
27.  sued  between  France  and  England  for  the  next 

Disastrous  ef- 

fects  and  sen-  century — that  of  1739,  that  of  1756,  the  Ameri- 

ous  dangers  to  n  w  ~  1 

England  which  can  war,  that  ot  1793 — Spain  and  h  ranee  ere 
leaving  a  Bour-  long  united  in  hostilities  against  Great  Britain. 
Spanish  throne.  Astonishing  exertions  of  vigor  and  bravery  on  the 
part  of  our  countrymen  alone  prevented  the  alliance  proving 
fatal  to  the  independence  of  England.  We  were  worsted  by 
them  in  the  very  next  contest  which  followed  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  that  which  was  terminated  by  the  peace  of  Aix  la 
ChapeHe.  The  extraordinary  genius  of  Frederic  of  Prussia 
and  of  Lord  Chatham,  joined  to  corresponding  incapacity  in 
the  government  of  Louis  XIV.,  gave  us,  indeed,  a  glorious  ca¬ 
reer  of  triumphs  during  the  Seven  Years’  War.  But  when 


MARLBOROUGH. 


391 


another  power  was  added  to  their  league,  it  became  evident 
that  England  was  overmatched  by  France  and  Spain.  En¬ 
gland  was  brought  by  the  forces  of  France,  Spain,  and  Amer¬ 
ica,  to  the  brink  of  ruin  in  the  American  war.  The  want  of 
any  popular  historian  to  recount  the  events  of  that  calamitous 
period,  has  rendered  the  nation  insensible  to  the  dangers  it 
then  ran  ;  when  the  American  colonies  were  in  open  and  fierce 
revolt,  when  Hyder  Ali  had  driven  the  English  into  Madras, 
and  preparations  were  making  for  crossing  the  surf  and  aban¬ 
doning  India  forever ;  and  when  our  colonial  empire  in  the 
East  was  saved  solely  by  the  firmness  of  one  man,  whom  En¬ 
gland  rewarded  for  his  conduct  by  an  impeachment !  At  that 
dreadful  moment,  the  French  and  Spanish  armies  and  fleets 
besieged  Gibraltar,  which  was  saved  only  by  an  extraordi¬ 
nary  effort  of  skill  on  the  part  of  Lord  Howe,  and  soon  after 
the  combined  fleets  rode  triumphant  in  the  Channel,  and 
blockaded  Plymouth  with  forty-seven  sail  of  the  line,  where 
the  English  fleet  had  sought  refuge  with  twenty-one  sail  only. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  the  French 
and  Spanish  navies  greatly  outnumbered  those  of  28. 
Great  Britain,*  and  in  every  one  of  the  actions  thfoS^ate? 
which  followed  from  that  of  St.  Vincent,  where  the  time3, 
English  fleet  was  fifteen  sail  to  twenty-seven,  to  that  of  Traf¬ 
algar,  where  it  was  twenty-seven  to  thirty-three,  the  combin¬ 
ed  fleets  were  superior  in  numerical  amount  to  our  own.  It 
is  not  generally  known,  but  it  is  historically  certain,  that  En¬ 
gland  was  brought  nearer  to  destruction  by  the  alliance  of 
Louis  XVI.  and  the  Spanish  monarchy  in  1782,  than  she  af¬ 
terward  was  by  the  arms  and  power  of  Napoleon.  And  who¬ 
ever  contemplates  these  events  with  calmness  and  impartiali- 

*  Viz.: 


Line  fit  for  Service. 

Frigates. 

French . 

.  .  82 

79 

Spanish . 

.  .  76 

68 

158 

147 

English . 

.  .  115 

85 

of  French  and  Spanish  . 

.  .  43 

62 

James’s  Naval  History,  i.,  49-51-53.  Appx.  11,  6  and  7. 


392 


THE  LIFE  OF 


ty,  -will  have  little  difficulty  in  arriving  at  the  conclusion  that, 
had  not  the  naval  resources  of  France  been  destroyed  by  the 
confiscations  and  disasters  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  strength 
of  the  Peninsula  been  bound  to  our  side  by  the  unprovoked  at¬ 
tack  of  Napoleon  on  Spanish  independence  in  1808,  it  is  more 
than  doubtful  whether,  ere  this,  the  maritime  superiority  and 
colonial  empire  of  England  would  not  have  been  destroyed, 
and  with  them  our  national  independence  forever  lost.  Such 
and  so  real  were  the  dangers  which  Marlborough  strove  to 
avert ;  such  and  so  great  the  perils  brought  upon  the  state  by 
the  Tories  in  1712,  from  suffering  political  passions  and  private 
interests  to  render  them  insensible  to  the  calls  of  public  duty. 

And  it  is  worthy  of  especial  observation,  that  this  danger, 
29.  from  the  close  alliance  of  France  and  Spain,  was 
have  arisen^  entirely  owing  to  the  family  compact,  arising  from 
SpanLh°iS-hL  the  Bourbons  having  been  permitted  by  the  Treaty 
ance'  of  Utrecht  to  remain  on  the  throne  of  Spain.  Pri¬ 

or  to  that  succession,  France  and  Spain  were  not  only  never 
in  alliance,  but  always  on  terms  of  the  most  bitter  and  ran¬ 
corous  hostility.  “  My  father’s  bones  would  rise  from  their 
grave,”  was  a  common  saying  in  Castile,  “  if  he  could  foresee 
a  war  with  France.”  All  the  greatest  wars  in  which  France, 
prior  to  the  succession  of  1703,  had  engaged  with  continental 
powers,  had  been  with  Spain.  A  French  monarch  had  been 
made  prisoner  at  Pavia,  and  conducted  to  Madrid :  French 
chivalry  avenged  the  insult  at  Rocroy  and  Lens  ;  Henry  IV. 
and  the  Prince  of  Parma  had  exerted  their  rival  talents  against 
each  other  ;  and  even  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Louis 
XIV.,  the  Spaniards  were  the  most  formidable  enemies  with 
which  that  monarch  had  to  contend  on  the  Continent.  So 
late  as  1688,  the  same  disposition  of  the  cabinets  of  Madrid 
and  Paris  continued ;  and  it  was  the  knowledge  that  Spain 
had  in  secret  joined  the  league  of  Augsburg  in  that  year  against 
him,  which  determined  Louis  XIV.  to  exert  all  his  influence 
to  obtain  the  Spanish  succession  for  his  grandson.*  With  an 
*  Capefigue,  Hist,  de  Louis  XIV.,  iii.,  296. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


393 


Austrian  prince  seated  on  the  throne  at  Madrid,  this  alliance 
of  France  and  Spain  was  not  only  impossible,  but  it  was  cer¬ 
tain  that  the  resources  of  the  Peninsula  would  be  mainly  di¬ 
rected  in  hostility  to  French  interests.  Mutual  necessity,  and 
jealousy  of  their  formidable  common  enemy,  would  have  made 
Spam  and  England  as  cordial  allies  during  the  whole  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  as  Scotland  and  France  were  in  the  days 
of  Scottish  independence  ;  as  Turkey  and  France  were  during 
the  long  wars  of  the  latter  power  with  the  Imperialists  in  Ger¬ 
many  ;  or  as  Spain  and  England  became  on  the  occasion  of 
the  invasion  of  the  Peninsula  by  Napoleon  in  1808.  It  was 
this  great  benefit  which  Marlborough’s  victories  had  secured 
for  his  country ;  it  is  this  alliance  which  his  diplomacy,  had 
it  been  unopposed  at  home,  would  have  secured,  instead  of  the 
subservient  government  which,  for  a  whole  century  after, 
placed  its  fleets  and  armies  at  the  disposal  of  the  F rench  gov¬ 
ernment,  and  brought  Great  Britain  to  the  verge  of  perdition 
in  consequence. 

If  any  doubt  could  exist  on  this  subject,  and  with  regard  to 
the  imminent  danger  of  a  family  alliance  between  T  30- 

°  .  .  It  was  a  sense  of 

France  and  Spain  to  Great  Britain,  it  would  be  this  advantage 

x  ,  which  made  Na- 

removed  by  the  following  consideration.  Though  poieon  engage 

J  _  .  .  .  in  the  Peninsu- 

Spam,  in  the  first  instance,  joined  the  coalition  lar  War. 
against  the  French  republic,  she  soon  fell  off  from  it ;  and  the 
treaty  between  the  two  countries  in  1795  was  immediately 
followed  by  the  accession  of  the  court  of  Madrid  to  the  league 
of  our  enemies.  With  Spain  by  his  side,  Napoleon  was  con¬ 
stantly  victorious ;  but  from  the  moment  that,  through  Iris 
perfidious  aggression,  he  converted  the  Peninsular  power  into 
an  enemy,  his  fortunes  declined,  until,  from  the  effects  of  the 
double  strain  on  his  resources,  he  was  involved  in  ruin.  Taught 
by  this  great  example,  we  shall  no  longer  wonder  that  Louis 
XIV.  made  it  the  chief  boast  of  his  reign,  “  Enfin  il  n’y  a  plus 
de  Pyrenees;”  and  braved  the  hostility  of  combined  Europe, 
and  risked  destruction  from  Marlborough’s  victories,  in  order 
to  secure  tho  succession  for  his  grandson.  It  will  no  longer 


394 


THE  LIFE  OF 


appear  surprising  that  Napoleon  hazarded  all  upon  preserving 
his  hold  of  the  Peninsula,  and  incurred  destruction  rather  than 
abandon  its  strongholds  when  he  set  out  on  his  Russian  expe¬ 
dition.  It  will  cease  to  he  a  matter  of  wonder  that  Parisian 
diplomacy  has  been  so  incessantly  directed  since  1830  to  se¬ 
cure  this  benefit  for  the  King  of  the  French,  and  that  Louis 
Philippe  regards  the  Montpensier  alliance  as  the  brightest 
event  of  his  reign.  United  by  family  compact  to  Spain, 
France  has  been  proved  by  experience  to  be  so  strong  as  to 
become  formidable  to  the  liberties  of  all  Europe.  Severed 
from  Spam,  she  is  deprived  of  her  chief  means  of  aggrandize¬ 
ment,  and  in  an  especial  manner  ceases  to  be  dangerous  to  the 
independence  of  Great  Britain. 

The  circumstance  which,  in  every  age,  and  in  the  opinion 
31-  of  the  most  penetrating  statesmen  of  Europe,  has 

Causes  which  .  .  .  . 

render  the  ai-  rendered  the  Spanish  alliance  of  such  vital  import- 

liance  of  Spain 

of  such  vital  ance  to  the  French  monarchy,  is  not  merely  the  ac- 

importance  to  .  ,  .  ,  ,  .  .  .  ,  , 

France.  cession  of  power  which  it  brings,  considerable 
though  that  has  often  proved,  to  the  court  of  the  Tuilleries. 
It  is  the  securing  it  in  rear  which  is  the  great  advantage.  In 
alliance  with  §jpain,'F ranee  can  send  her  whole  military  force 
to  the  Rhine ;  the  weight  of  thirty-four  millions  of  men  is  at 
once  felt  by  Germany.  In  hostility  to  Spain,  half  the  force 
of  France  must  be  reserved  at  home,  or  placed  in  observation 
on  the  Pyrenees  to  secure  the  southern  provinces  of  the  mon¬ 
archy  from  insult.  The  doubtful  chance  of  the  War  of  the 
Succession,  the  disastrous  termination  of  the  Peninsular  con¬ 
test,  has  shown  France  but  too  clearly  what  a  dangerous  bat 
tie-field  for  foreign  hostility  the  mountains  of  Spain  and  Por¬ 
tugal  afford.  If  we  would  duly  estimate  the  addition  the 
Spanish  affiance  makes,  even  without  any  actual  increase  of 
soldiers  or  sailors,  to  the  power  of  France,  we  have  only  to  re¬ 
flect  on  the  vast  increase  which  the  strength  of  England  re¬ 
ceived  without  any  great  addition  to  its  material  resources, 
from  the  mere  union  with  Scotland,  and  consequent  termina¬ 
tion  of  those  mischievous  intrigues  which,  before  that  auspi- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


395 


cious  event,  constantly,  on  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  with 
France,  occasioned  a  distracting  warfare  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tweed.  Or  perhaps  a  still  apter  illustration  may  he  found  in 
the  present  state  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  Certainly  no 
minister  ever  could  add  so  much  to  the  power  of  Great  Britain 
as  that  one  who,  without  drawing  any  supplies  from  the  Em¬ 
erald  Isle,  should  merely  prevent  the  constant  distraction  of 
the  resources  of  the  empire  from  the  alternately  turbulent  and 
miserable  state  of  its  inhabitants ;  and  whatever  cause  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  might  have  to  applaud,  most  certainly 
its  enemies  would  have  little  reason  to  thank  the  statesman 
who  kindly  provided  a  princess,  the  marriage  of  whom  with 
an  English  prince  might  render  real  an  alliance  which  all  the 
eflorts  of  six  centuries  had  been  unable  to  consummate. 

If  any  surprise  should  exist  as  to  the  blindness  of  Boling- 
broke  and  the  Tories,  when  they  arrested  the  32. 

...  ,  Instance  of  the 

course  of  Marlborough’s  victories  and  secured  the  same  political 

i  n-  i  i  i  infatuation  in 

fepamsh  alliance  to  the  h  rench  monarchy,  or  any  our  times, 
doubt  as  to  political  passion  being  the  real  cause  which  in¬ 
duced  this  insensibility  to  national  interests,  it  would  be  re¬ 
moved  by  what  has  occurred  in  our  own  time.  The  heroic 
and  persevering  eflorts  of  the  nation  during  the  Revolutionary 
war,  the  victories  of  Nelson  and  Wellington,  had  again  re¬ 
duced  France  to  its  original  limits;  and  though  the  Bourbon 
dynasty  was  still  on  the  throne  of  Madrid,  yet  the  exaspera¬ 
tion  and  exhaustion  of  the  Peninsula,  consequent  on  the  dread¬ 
ful  war  it  had  sustained  with  France,  had  rendered  it  no  long¬ 
er  formidable,  at  least  for  the  present,  as  an  ally  of  that  power. 
But  political  passions  in  1830,  as  in  1712,  got  possession  of 
England,  and  with  an  infatuation  which  would  be  incredible, 
if  the  blindness  ever  produced  by  those  passions  was  not  con¬ 
sidered,  we  surrendered  the  whole  objects  for  which  we  had 
so  long  been  contending,  and  which  had,  in  part,  at  least, 
been  secured  by  the  triumphs  of  Marlborough  and  Welling¬ 
ton.  With  one  hand  we  favored  the  partition  of  the  kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands,  which  we  ourselves  had  created  to  be  a 


396 


THE  LIFE  OF 


check  on  France,  and  had  guaranteed  by  the  Treaty  of  Vienna 
in  1815  as  a  united  power ;  aided  with  our  fleets  the  army 
of  Louis  Philippe  in  restoring  Antwerp,  the  great  outwork  of 
Napoleon  against  this  country,  to  the  sway  of  the  tri-color 
flag ;  and  converted  the  Flemish  fortresses,  the  outwork  of 
Europe  against  France,  into  the  outwork  of  France  against 
Europe.  With  the  other  we  have  crushed  the  efiorts  of  the 
Spanish  people  to  place  a  king  of  their  choice  on  the  throne ; 
kept  alive  for  years  a  frightful  and  desolating  civil  war  in  the 
Basque  provinces ;  concluded  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  in  or¬ 
der  to  change  the  Salic  law,  which  we  ourselves  had  stipula¬ 
ted  for  Spain,  and  solemnly  guaranteed  by  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht ;  and  violated  our  pledged  national  faith,  in  order  to 
place  a  succession  of  revolutionary  queens  on  the  throne  of  the 
Peninsula. 

We  have  got  our  reward.  The  result  has  followed  which 
33-  the  few  thoughtful  persons,  whom  the  prevailing 

Results  which  6  f  r  ° 

have  followed  mania  of  the  day  had  not  carried  away,  clearly  an- 

from  it  in  the  ....  r  r  , 

last  instance,  ticipated  at  the  very  hrst,  from  our  revolutionary 
propagandism.  Our  whole  policy,  for  the  ten  years  during 
which  it  was  dictated  by  political  passions — not  regulated  by 
regard  to  national  interests — has  turned  to  the  advantage  of 
our  enemies.  Louis  Philippe  has  profited,  as  well  he  might, 
by  the  temporary  eclipse  of  our  reason.  He  has  secured  the 
Netherlands  for  France,  with  its  magnificent  fortresses,  and 
noble  harbor  of  Antwerp,  by  the  marriage  of  a  daughter , 
and  to  all  appearance  gained  Spam,  with  its  vast  sea-coast 
and  boundless  capabilities,  by  the  marriage  of  a  son.  He  has 
united  these  powers  to  France  by  a  more  enduring  bond  than 
even  family  alliance — the  lasting  tie  of  common  interest  aris¬ 
ing  from  a  common  origin.  Through  all  the  changes  of  for¬ 
tune,  revolutionary  powers  will  hold  by  each  other,  because 
they  feel  that  mutual  support  is  essential  to  their  defense 
against  legitimate  monarchies.  He  has  condescended  to  ac 
cept  the  princess,  whom  our  strange  and  perfidious  policy  had 
rendered  the  heiress-presumptive  of  the  throne  of  Madrid,  for 


MARLBOROUGH. 


397 


a  son  of  France.  The  dream  of  Louis  XIV.  is  realized  : 
there  are  no  longer  any  Pyrenees.  By  erecting  the  revolu¬ 
tionary  throne  of  Belgium,  and  dispossessing  the  male  line  in 
Spain,  we  have  at  one  blow  abandoned  the  whole  security 
gained  by  the  victories  of  Marlborough  and  Wellington.  We 
have  done  that  for  France  which  neither  the  ambition  of 
Louis  XIV.  nor  the  arms  of  Napoleon  could  effect.  We  have 
abandoned  even  the  slight  security  against  the  union  of  the 
French  and  Spanish  powers  which  Bolingbroke  stipulated  by 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht.  There  is  no  longer  any  real  impedi¬ 
ment  to  the  union  of  the  French  and  Spanish  crowns.  Back¬ 
ed  by  the  Belgian  and  Spanish  alliances,  Louis  Philippe  may 
deride  our  impotent  protests.  And  when  next  we  go  to  war 
with  France,  we  shall  have  to  confront  a  power  stretching 
from  the  Scheldt  to  Gibraltar,  and  to  combat  fleets  which 
in  1782  blockaded  Plymouth  with  forty-seven  sail  of  the  line, 
and  in  1793  outnumbered  the  English  navy  by  forty-three 
line  of  battle  ships  ! 

It  is  stated  by  Capefigue,  in  his  admirable  History  of  Louis 
XIV.,*  that  we  should  err  much  if  we  imagined  34 
that  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  was  re-  fensibulty  to 
garded  in  the  same  light  by  its  cotemporaries  with  which  often3 
which  it  is  viewed  by  ourselves.  Notwithstanding  Prevails- 
its  frightful  cruelty,  it  was  universally  regarded  by  the  domi¬ 
nant  Catholic  majority  over  all  Europe  as  a  master-piece  of 
political  wisdom ;  a  measure  alike  called  for  by  its  evident 
justice  and  its  palpable  expedience.!  Even  the  massacre  of 
St.  Bartholomew  is  never  mentioned  by  the  cotemporary  Cath¬ 
olic  historians  save  with  exultation ;  and  Charles  IX.,  who 
perpetrated  it,  is  the  object  of  universal  eulogium.t  It  was 
the  same  in  1793.  The  expatriation  of  a  hundred  thou¬ 
sand  emigrants,  the  confiscation  of  their  estates,  the  mur¬ 
der  of  a  tithe  of  their  number  on  the  scaffold,  the  destruction 

*  By  far  the  best  history  of  that  eventful  reign  which  has  yet  appeared 
in  Europe.  t  Capefigue,  Hist,  de  Louis  XIV.,  iii.,  172. 

j:  Capefigue,  Hist,  de  la  Reforme,  iii.,  239,  240. 

L  L 


398 


THE  LIFE  OF 


of  a  million  of  lives  during  the  Revolution,  excited  neither  in¬ 
dignation  nor  commiseration  in  the  Jacobin  majority  in  France. 
It  was  universally  regarded  by  them  as  a  measure  equally  ex¬ 
pedient,  justifiable,  and  necessaiy.  The  entire  abandonment 
at  once  of  our  public  faith  and  national  policy,  in  like  manner, 
during  the  fervor  of  political  passions  in  this  country,  some 
years  ago,  in  relation  both  to  Spain  and  the  Netherlands  ;  the 
nourishing  a  frightful  civil  war  for  years  together  on  the  hanks 
of  the  Ebro ;  the  dispossessing  a  sovereign  we  were  pledged 
as  a  nation  to  maintain  on  the  throne  of  Spain,  excited  no 
general  feeling,  either  of  pity  or  indignation,  in  Great  Britain. 
It  was  thought  to  be  quite  natural  and  proper  that  we  should 
supplant  legitimate  kings  by  revolutionary  queens  in  every 
country  around  us.  Examples  of  this  sort  are  fitted  to  awaken 
at  once  feelings  of  charity  and  distrust  in  our  breasts — charity 
to  others,  distrust  of  ourselves.  They  may  teach  us  to  view 
with  a  lenient,  if  not  a  forgiving  eye,  the  aberrations  of  those 
nations  which  have  yielded  to  the  force  of  those  passions  un¬ 
der  which,  with  so  many  more  means  of  resistance,  our  own 
understandings  have  so  violently  reeled  ;  and  to  examine  anx¬ 
iously  whether  many  of  the  public  measures  which  at  the 
time  are  the  subject  of  the  most  general  approbation  in  Great 
Britain,  are  not  in  reality  as  unjust,  and  will  not  be  condemn¬ 
ed  by  posterity  as  unanimously,  as  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes,  or  any  other  of  the  most  atrocious  acts  by  which 
the  pages  of  history  are  stained. 

The  remarkable  analogy  must  strike  even  the  most  super- 
35.  ficial  observer,  between  the  position  of  the  Tories, 
tween’fce^iit-  and  the  policy  which  they  adopted  during  the  con- 
Torfes  in  the  test  of  the  Succession,  and  that  which  the  Whigs 
Succession  occupied,  and  their  conduct  during  the  war  of  the 
that  of  the* 111  Revolution.  On  both  occasions,  the  opposition  was 
Revolution,  determinedly  set  against  a  war,  which  a  ministry 
in  power  was  carrying  on  with  vigor  and  success  against  a 
preponderating  power  in  France,  that  threatened,  and  had 
wellnigh  overturned,  the  independence  of  all  the  adjoining 


MARLBOROUGH. 


399 


states  in  Europe.  In  both,  the  contest  was  one  of  life  or  death 
for  the  liberties  and  even  the  existence  of  England  ;  and  yet 
the  opposition  in  both  exerted  their  whole  influence  and  abil¬ 
ities  to  mar  its  progress  and  impede  its  success.  In  both,  a 
great  and  victorious  English  general  headed  the  forces  of  the 
alliance  ;  and  in  both,  for  a  series  of  years,  his  successes  were 
underrated,  his  achievements  vilified,  his  efforts  thwarted,  by 
the  opposition  in  the  very  country  whose  glory  he  was  daily 
augmenting,  and  securely  establishing  on  a  more  durable  foun¬ 
dation.  In  both,  Great  Britain  was  combating  a  power  which 
had  proved  itself  to  be  the  deadliest  enemy  to  real  freedom, 
for  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  Louis  XIV. ’s  persecution  of  the 
Protestants,  or  the  atrocities  of  the  Convention  at  Paris  a  cen¬ 
tury  after,  inflicted  the  crudest  wounds  on  the  cause  of  liber¬ 
ty.  In  both,  the  league  of  the  allies,  though  originally  spring¬ 
ing  out  of  this  unbearable  oppression,  had  come  to  hinge  main¬ 
ly  on  the  necessity  of  preventing  the  political  power  of  France 
being  extended  over  Spain.  In  both,  the  chief  seats  of  war 
for  the  English  and  French  armies  were  Spain  and  the  Low 
Countries ;  and  in  both,  the  decisive  blows  were  at  length 
struck  on  the  Flemish  plains. 

And  the  crisis  in  both  brings  the  parallel  still  closer,  and 

to  a  most  singular,  and  some  may  think  almost  36- 

.  ■  ir  Extraordinary 

providential,  coincidence  ;  for  in  May ,  1712,  the  coincidence  in 
rn  ■  ,  .  the  crisis  of  the 

Pones  consummated  the  wrar  on  which  they  had  two  contests. 

so  long  been  engaged,  by  effecting  the  separation  of  England 
from  the  alliance,  when  the  iron  barrier  of  France  was  at  last 
effectually  broken  through,  and  nothing  remained  to  prevent 
Marlborough  and  Eugene  from  marching  in  triumph  to  Paris  ; 
and  in  May,  1812,  just  a  hundred  years  after,  the  Whigs  had 
the  means  put  into  their  hands  of  effecting  their  long-desired 
pacification  with  France,  by  the  prince  regent  sending  for  their 
leaders  to  form  a  ministry  on  the  expiry  of  the  year  of  restric¬ 
tion  enforced  on  him  by  act  of  Parliament,  on  his  assuming 
the  power  of  king.  If  the  Whigs  had  succeeded  in  forming 
a  government  at  that  period,  if  the  apparently  trivial  dispute 


400 


THE  LIFE  OF 


about  the  household  appointments  had  not  restored  their  op¬ 
ponents  to  power,  there  can  he  no  doubt  that  a  peace,  similar 
to  that  of  Utrecht,  would  have  stopped  the  war  for  a  time, 
and  bequeathed  its  dangers  and  its  burdens  to  another,  per¬ 
haps  the  present  age.  And  this  was  on  the  eve  of  the  Sala¬ 
manca  campaign,  at  the  opening  of  the  Moscow  expedition  !* 

It  must  appear,  at  first  sight,  not  a  little  extraordinary,  that 
„  ,  3~-  ,  conduct  so  precisely  similar,  and  in  both  cases  so 

Real  causes  of  r  J  # 

this  identity  of  diametrically  at  variance  with  the  real  interests  of 

conduct  of  the  J 

opposite  par-  the  country,  should  in  this  manner  have  been  ai¬ 
des  on  these  . 

occasions.  temately  pursued  by  the  two  great  parties  whose 
contests  have  for  nearly  two  hundred  years  so  entirely  en¬ 
grossed  English  domestic  history.  But  the  marvel  ceases  when 
their  internal  political  situation  is  considered.  In  both  cases, 
the  opposition  who  resisted  the  war  and  strove  to  arrest  its 
progress,  which  was  conducted  with  glory  and  success  by  their 
opponents,  had  recently  before  been  dispossessed  of  power. 
The  Tories,  by  the  Revolution  of  1688,  had  been  so  complete¬ 
ly  driven  from  the  helm,  that,  as  the  event  proved,  they  did 
not  recover  their  ground  for  seventy  years,  and  a  change  of 
dynasty  at  the  time  could  alone  secure  them  in  it.  The 
Whigs  had,  by  the  ministerial  revolutions  of  1784,  been,  aft¬ 
er  the  most  strenuous  efforts  on  their  part,  so  effectually  dis¬ 
possessed  of  power,  that  they  had  no  prospect  of  recovering  it 
but  by  the  national  calamity  of  a  failure  in  the  war  in  which 
their  antagonists  were  engaged.  Thus,  by  a  singular  combi¬ 
nation  of  circumstances,  the  two  parties,  at  the  interval  of  a 
century  from  each  other,  stood  in  precisely  the  same  situation, 
so  far  as  the  foreign  war  and  its  reactions  upon  their  domes¬ 
tic  prospects  was  concerned.  The  interests  of  both  were  iden¬ 
tified  with  the  misfortunes  of  their  country  and  the  triumphs  of 

*  “  The  negotiation  between  the  prince  regent  and  the  Whigs  was  broken 
off  on  the  6th  of  June,  1812.  On  the  13th  of  the  same  month  Wellington 
crossed  the  Portuguese  frontier  and  commenced  the  Salamanca  campaign, 
while  on  the  23d  Napoleon  passed  the  Niemen,  and  periled  his  crown  and 
his  life  on  the  precarious  issue  of  a  Russian  invasion.” — Alison’s  Europe, 
chap,  lxiv.,  §  45. 


MARLBOROUGH. 


401 


its  enemies.  Their  wishes,  as  is  generally  the  case,  followed 
in  the  same  direction.  The  secret  inclinations  of  the  Tories, 
in  the  War  of  the  Succession,  were  with  the  court  of  St.  Ger¬ 
main’s,  because  its  restoration  to  royalty  would  at  once  have 
replaced  them  at  the  helm  ;  the  secret  wishes  of  the  Whigs, 
in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  were  with  the  tricolor  flag,  be¬ 
cause  its  triumphs  would  at  once  have  ruined  the  Tories,  and 
restored  them  to  the  much-coveted  possession  of  power.  In 
both  cases  the  selfish  prevailed  over  the  generous,  the  party 
over  the  patriotic,  feelings  of  our  nature.  In  both  the  party 
in  opposition  were  false  to  their  country,  but  true,  as  they 
thought,  at  least  to  themselves.  And  both  have  obtained 
their  just  punishment  by  receiving  the  merited  condemnation 
of  succeeding  times. 

Though  the  event,  however,  has  decisively  proved  that  Bo 
lingbroke  and  Oxford  judged  wrong  in  detaching  38. 
England  from  the  Grand  Alliance  in  1712,  and  existed  fomhe 
that  their  measures,  by  securing  to  France  the  nesat theTrea- 
family  compact  with  the  Spanish  Bourbons,  ^omtf^djfad 
brought  the  country  to  the  brink  of  ruin  in  1782,  ot  sPain- 
yet  it  must  be  admitted,  in  their  vindication,  that  plausible 
arguments  were  not  wanting  to  justify  the  unpatriotic  course 
which  they  adopted.  Great  as  was  the  power  of  France  in 
the  time  of  Louis  XIV.,  it  was  comparatively  of  recent  growth. 
Serious  as  had  been  the  perils  of  the  nation  from  his  ambition, 
it  had  been  placed  in  yet  greater  danger  by  the  enterprises  of 
the  Spanish  monarchy.  The  terrors  of  the  Armada  were  yet 
fresh  in  the  minds  of  the  people  ;  the  monarchy  of  Charles  V. 
was  the  nearest  approach  to  universal  dominion  which  had 
been  made  since  the  days  of  Charlemagne.  If  the  Whigs  had 
succeeded  in  making  Louis  XIV.  accept  the  terms  offered  to 
him  by  the  allies  at  Gertruydenberg  in  1709,  which  they  were 
within  a  hair-breadth  of  doing,  the  monarchy  of  Charles  V. 
was  reconstructed  in  favor  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  with 
an  apparently  considerable  accession  of  power.  The  whole 
present  dominions  of  Austria  in  Germany  and  Lombardy,  Na- 
L  l  2 


402 


THE  LIFE  OF 


pies  and  Sicily,  Flanders,  Spain,  and  South  America,  would 
have  constituted  the  hereditary  dominions  of  a  power  to  which 
the  imperial  crown  would,  as  a  matter  of  course,  have  come 
to  he  permanently  united. 

The  Tories,  however,  in  the  time  of  Queen  Anne,  were  too 

„  39-  ,  clear-sighted  not  to  see  that  the  danger  from  the 

Bolingbroke’s  #  ° 

picture  of  the  Spanish  monarchy,  great  as  it  had  been  a  century 

ruined  state  J  J 

oftheSpanish  before,  had  passed  away  before  their  time,  and  that 
this  period.  France  was  the  power  by  which  the  independence 
of  England  was  really  threatened.  If  circumstances  had  ren¬ 
dered  the  junction  of  the  Spanish  dominions  to  one  or  other 
unavoidable,  it  was  evidently  for  the  interest  of  Great  Britain 
that  it  should  be  united  to  the  distant  and  inland  territories  of 
the  house  of  Austria,  destitute  of  fleets  and  harbors,  and  con¬ 
stantly  engrossed  with  wars  with  the  Turks,  rather  than  to 
the  great  and  flourishing  monarchy  of  France,  with  an  ex¬ 
tensive  sea-coast,  and  a  navy  rivaling  our  own,  in  close  vicin¬ 
ity,  and  actuated  by  a  jealousy  of  England  of  many  centuries’ 
standing.  Bolingbroke  has  shown  that  he  perceived  these  ob¬ 
vious  truths  as  clearly  as  any  man,  and  consequently  that  the 
terrors  expressed  by  the  Tories  on  occasion  of  the  peace  of 
Utrecht,  at  the  prospect  of  reconstructing  the  empire  of  Charles 
V.,  were  hypocritical,  and  had  been  got  up  to  conceal  objects 
fundamentally  different.  “  Philip  II.,”  says  he,  “  left  his  suc¬ 
cessors  a  ruined  monarchy.  He  left  them  something  worse  ; 
he  left  them  his  example  and  his  principles  of  government, 
founded  in  ambition,  pride,  ignorance,  bigotry,  and  all  the  ped¬ 
antry  of  state.  The  war  in  the  Low  Countries  cost  him,  by 
his  own  confession,  five  hundred  and  sixty-four  millions,  a  pro¬ 
digious  sum,  in  whatever  specie  he  reckoned.  At  home,  there 
was  much  form,  but  no  good  order,  no  economy  or  wisdom  of 
policy  in  the  state.  The  Church  continued  to  devour  its  re¬ 
sources  ;  and  that  monster,  the  Inquisition,  to  dispeople  the 
country,  even  more  than  perpetual  war,  and  all  the  numerous 
colonies  that  Spain  had  sent  out  to  the  West  Indies ;  for 
Philip  III.  drove  more  than  nine  hundred  thousand  Moris- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


403 


coes  out  of  his  dominions  by  one  edict,  with  such  circumstances 
of  inhumanity  as  the  Spaniards  alone  could  exercise,  and  that 
tribunal,  which  had  provoked  that  unhappy  race  to  revolt, 
could  alone  approve.  Abroad,  the  conduct  of  that  prince  was 
directed  by  the  same  wild  spirit  of  ambition.  Rash  in  un¬ 
dertaking,  though  slow  to  execute,  obstinate  in  pursuing,  though 
unable  to  succeed,  they  opened  a  new  sluice  to  let  out  the  little 
life  and  vigor  that  remained  in  the  monarchy.  What  com¬ 
pleted  their  ruin  was  this,  they  knew  not  how  to  lose  nor 
when  to  yield.  They  acknowledged  the  independence  of  the 
Dutch  commonwealth,  and  became  the  allies  of  their  ancient 
subjects  by  the  Treaty  of  Munster ;  hut  they  would  not  fore¬ 
go  their  usurped  claims  on  Portugal,  and  they  persisted  in  car¬ 
rying  on  singly  the  war  against  France.  Thus  they  were 
reduced  to  such  a  lowness  of  power  as  can  scarcely  be  paral¬ 
leled  in  any  other  kingdom.  As  to  France,  this  era  of  tho 
entire  fall  of  the  Spanish  power  is  likewise  that  from  which 
we  may  reckon  that  France  grew  as  formidable  as  we  have 
seen  her  to  her  neighbors  in  power  and  pretensions.”* 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  which  subsequent  events  have 
proved  to  he  entirely  well  founded,  it  is  not  surpris-  40. 

^  What  course 

ing  that  the  1  ones,  in  the  days  of  Queen  Anne,  the  Tories 
paused  before  contributing  to  such  a  result,  as  the  pursued  at 
consequence  of  the  national  efforts  during  ten  cam-  Utrecht!17  °f 
paigns  for  the  preservation  of  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe. 
There  were  difficulties,  and  those,  too,  of  a  very  serious  na¬ 
ture,  on  all  sides.  They  were  right  in  their  dread  of  recon¬ 
structing  the  monarchy  of  Charles  V. ;  their  great  error  con¬ 
sisted  in  the  way  they  set  about  preventing  it.  They  did  this 
by  giving  Spain  and  the  Indies  to  a  Bourbon  prince,  which  at 
once  closely  united  two  great  maritime  powers,  far  more  for¬ 
midable  to  Britain  than  the  union  of  one  of  these  with  the  in¬ 
land  and  far-severed  monarchy  of  Charles  V.  ever  could  have 
been.  What  they  should  have  done  was  to  have  given  tho 
crown  of  Spain  and  the  Indies  to  the  Austrian  archduke,  but 
*  Bolingbroke,  On  the  Study  of  History,  Let.  6.  Works,  iii.,  4C4,  465 


404 


THE  LIFE  OF 


to  have  stipulated  that  it  should  never  he  placed  on  the  same 
head  as  the  Imperial  crown,  or  on  that  which  wore  the  dia¬ 
dem  of  the  hereditary  dominions  in  Germany.  But,  though 
this  would  have  preserved  the  balance  of  power,  it  would  not 
have  answered  their  secret  views  for  rescuing  Louis  XIV.  from 


his  difficulties,  in  order  to  prop  the  exiled  throne  of  St.  Ger¬ 
main’s.  Thence  it  was  that  they  preferred  all  the  risks  of 
leaving  Spain  and  the  Indies  in  the  hands  of  a  Bourbon 
prince,  the  result  of  which,  seventy  years  afterward,  brought 
England  to  the  verge  of  ruin  in  consequence.  Thence  it  is 
that  they  have  incurred  the  merited  condemnation  of  all  sub¬ 
sequent  ages. 

It  is  difficult,  however,  to  see  even  a  plausible  reason  on  the 
4i.  surface  of  things  for  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain 


canbe°foundfor  bi  1834,  hi  violating  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  and 
the"  Treaty  of°f  forming  the  Quadruple  Affiance  with  France,  for 
Quadruple  aiu-  the  purpose  of  dispossessing  the  male  line,  which 
ance  in  1834.  pad  herself  established  in  Spam,  as  a  security 

against  its  crown  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  French  prince, 
and  establishing  the  female  succession  in  its  stead.  Was  it 
that  the  experience  of  the  preceding  forty  years  had  shown 
that  revolutionary  dynasties  were  so  very  stable,  that  it  was 
necessary  to  violate  our  faith  plighted  at  Utrecht  in  order  to 
establish  a  lasting  democratic  sovereign  power  in  the  Peninsu¬ 
la  ?  Was  it  that  revolutionary  governments  had  been  found 
by  experience  to  be  so  strict  and  honorable  in  their  deahngs, 
so  correct  and  punctual  in  their  payments,  so  abhorrent  to  any 
tiling  like  repudiation  of  debts,  that  it  was  for  the  interest  of 
the  commercial  and  money-lending  state  to  uphold  their  estab¬ 
lishment  ?  Was  it  that  the  annals  of  the  French  Revolution 
had  demonstrated  that  the  universal  suffrage  by  which  the 
S  panish  Cortos  was  elected  was  so  very  safe  and  workable  a 
s  :ie  engine,  that  it  might  securely  be  intrusted  to  the  fiery 
p.  Ions  of  Spain,  in  its  apprenticeship  to  freedom  ?  Was  it 
tii  it  we  were  so  very  secure,  that  a  queen  or  princess  of  Spain, 
heiress  presumptive  to  the  throne,  would  not  attract  the  no- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


405 


tice  and  win  the  regard  of  a  prince  of  France  ;  and  that  thus 
the  slender  security  provided  even  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
against  the  union  of  the  two  crowns  on  the  same  head  might 
not  be  entirely  destroyed  ?  Was  it  that  French  princes  had 
been  proved  by  history  to  he  so  singularly  repulsive  in  their 
maimers,  or  ungainly  in  their  appearance,  that  there  was  no 
risk  of  their  attracting  the  notice  of  the  heiress  of  Spain  ?  We 
know  not  what  the  motive  was  which  led  this  nation  to  inter¬ 
fere  in  breaking  through  the  male  succession  as  settled  by  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  establishing  the  female  line  in  its  stead. 
We  know  only  that  the  thing  was  done,  and  by  ourselves.  It 
is  for  the  authors  of  the  Quadruple  Alliance  of  1834  to  ex¬ 
plain  its  motives,  and  point  out  its  advantages. 

The  common  argument  used  on  this  head,  viz.,  that  the 
young  queen,  to  whom  the  crown  of  Spain  had  42. 

J  O  A  .  Answer  to  the 

been  bequeathed  by  Ferdinand  VII.,  had  been  ac-  common  argu- 

.  ment  used  in 

knowledged  by  the  Cortes  and  constitutional  au-  behalf  of  the 

,  .  .  .  '  .  .  Quadruple  Al- 

thonties  m  bpain,  and  that  we,  a  constitutional  liance. 
monarchy,  could  not  oppose  a  sovereign  of  the  people’s  choice, 
is  obviously  devoid  of  foundation.  The  settlement  of  the  crown 
of  Spain  on  the  male  line,  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  was  a 
public  act  guaranteed  by  all  the  powers  of  Europe,  for  pur¬ 
poses  of  general  policy  and  the  preservation  of  the  balance  of 
power.  It  was  meant  to  guard  against  the  precise  danger 
which  has  since  occurred,  viz.,  the  marriage  of  a  Spanish 
princess,  heiress  presumptive  to  the  throne,  to  a  prince  of 
France.  Serious  deliberations,  a  congress  of  all  the  powers 
which  had  signed  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  were  requisite,  be¬ 
fore  the  main  security  it  provided  against  the  dangers  which 
had  rendered  the  W ar  of  the  Succession  necessary  was  aban¬ 
doned.  But  nothing  of  that  sort  was  thought  of.  The  thing 
was  done  at  once,  without  either  congress  or  deliberation,  and 
in  defiance  of  a  solemn  protest  by  Don  Carlos,  as  the  head  of 
the  male  line,  against  such  an  invasion  of  his  rights  and  those 
of  his  family.  The  northern  powers  of  Europe  have  never 
yet  recognized  the  female  line  in  Spain.  And  yet  the  English 


406 


THE  LIFE  OF 


nation  never  seems  to  have  been  awakened  to  the  impolicy,  as 
well  as  bad  faith,  of  these  proceedings,  till  a  Spanish  princess, 
as  the  result  to  he  naturally  expected  from  such  a  splendid  en¬ 
dowment  of  English  creation,  dropped  into  the  arms  of  a  prince 
of  France. 

But  the  matter  does  not  rest  here.  It  would  be  well  for 
43.  the  honor  and  future  fate  of  England  if  it  did. 
terference  to  We  not  only  recognized  the  Queen  of  Spain  in  de- 
Cariosandthe  fiance  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  hut  we  concluded 
stin Cm ore  with  France  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  to  uphold 

justifiable.  her  and  the  Queen  of  Portugal  on  the  throne,  in 
opposition  to  the  male  and  legitimate  line  in  both  countries. 
We  followed  this  up  by  an  armed  intervention,  to  put  down 
the  Carlists  and  Royalists  in  the  northern  provinces.  Lord 
John  Hay  was  sent  with  the  royal  marines ;  General  Evans 
was  allowed  to  go  with  ten  thousand  volunteers,  armed  with 
Tower  muskets,  and  in  the  scarlet  uniform.  Warlike  stores, 
to  the  amount  of  £450,000,  were  sent  to  Queen  Christina  in 
the  space  of  three  years.  We  thus  succeeded,  after  a  dread¬ 
ful  civil  war  of  four  years’  duration,  in  beating  down  the  he¬ 
roic  mountaineers  in  the  Basque  provinces,  and  fixing  a  dy¬ 
nasty  hateful  to  nine  tenths  of  the  Spanish  nation  on  the 
throne  of  Madrid.  Was  this  non-intervention?  Was  this 
following  up  the  principles  of  our  Revolution,  that  every  na¬ 
tion  may  choose  its  own  dynasty  ?  Did  we  not  rather  imitate 
the  conduct  of  Louis  XIV.,  who  for  twenty  years  strove  to 
impose  the  Chevalier  St.  George  and  the  Stuart  fine  on  an 
unwilling  people  ?  Can  there  he  a  doubt,  that  if  the  Span¬ 
iards  and  Portuguese  had  been  let  alone  by  France  and  En¬ 
gland,  the  revolutionary  dynasty  of  queens,  with  all  its  at¬ 
tendant  dangers  of  French  princes,  would  long  since  have 
been  sunk  to  the  earth  in  both  parts  of  the  Peninsula  ?  If 
not,  why  did  we  interfere,  and  nourish  for  four  long  years  a 
frightful  civil  war  on  the  Ebro  ?  In  concluding  the  Quadru¬ 
ple  Alliance,  and  aiding  the  Spanish  revolutionists  to  establish 
a  queen  upon  the  throne  of  Madrid,  we  forced  a  hated  dynasty 


MARLBOROUGH. 


407 


upon  an  unwilling  nation,  as  much  as  the  allies  did  when,  in 
1815,  they  restored  the  Bourbons  to  the  throne  of  France  by 
the  force  of  English  and  Prussian  bayonets.  And  we  acted 
not  less  in  opposition  to  the  principles  of  our  own  Revolution 
than  to  the  national  faith  pledged  at  Utrecht,  or  the  plainest 
national  interests,  demonstrated  by  the  most  important  events 
of  the  subsequent  period. 

What  we  should  have  done  is  quite  plain.  It  was  prescrib¬ 
ed  alike  bv  national  faith  and  public  expedience.  44. 

J  1  r  What  England 

We  should  have  done  what  Cardinal  Mazarine  should  have 
•  l  doneontheoc- 

did  during  the  English,  Mr.  Pitt  during  the  early  casion. 

part  of  the  French,  Revolution.  We  should  have  interfered 
neither  in  favor  of  the  one  party  nor  the  other  ;  but,  preserv¬ 
ing  a  strict  neutrality,  recognized  and  continued  the  national 
treaties  with  that  government  which  the  nation  ultimately 
adopted,  as  the  one  suited  to  the  wishes,  and  protective  of  the 
interests,  of  the  majority  of  its  inhabitants.  If  driven  by 
necessity  to  interfere,  it  should  have  been  in  support  of  that 
line  of  descent  which  our  own  security  and  the  interests  of  Eu¬ 
rope  required,  and  the  faith  of  treaties  guaranteed,  rather  than 
of  that  which  endangered  the  former  and  violated  the  latter. 
We  did  none  of  these  things.  We  interfered  by  the  wreight 
of  diplomacy  and  the  force  of  arms  to  force  a  hateful  demo¬ 
cratic  regime  upon  a  people  whose  hearts  were  essentially 
monarchical ;  and  we  succeeded  in  establishing  a  government 
at  Madrid  against  the  wishes  of  nine  tenths  of  the  people  of 
the  country. 

We  now  see  the  result.  We  have  received  our  just  pun¬ 
ishment  in  beholding  the  consummation  of  the  45. 
Montpensier  alliance,  and  the  dream  of  Louis  wehavenowre- 
XIV.  and  Napoleon  realized,  by  the  extension  of  celved- 
French  influence  from  the  Scheldt  to  Gibraltar.  At  one 
blow  we  have  undone  the  whole  work  of  the  wars  of  the 
Succession  and  Revolution.  We  have  lost,  by  a  single  act, 
the  fruit  of  the  victories  of  Marlborough  and  the  triumphs  of 
Wellington.  The  barrier  in  the  Netherlands,  the  counter- 


408 


THE  LIFE  OF 


poise  in  the  Peninsula,  have  been  alike  lost,  or,  rather,  their 
weight  has  been  added  to  the  power  of  our  enemies.  England 
sees  clearly  enough  now  the  erroneous  policy  in  which  her 
rulers  have  got  themselves  involved,  and  the  manner  in  which 
they  have  played  into  the  hands  of  our  enemies  ;  but  she  does 
not  see  as  yet  where  the  fault  really  lay,  and  of  what  we  re¬ 
ally  ought  to  be  ashamed.  She  is  ashamed  of  having  been 
deceived,  but  not  of  having  been  the  deceiver.  It  is  for  the 
latter,  however,  she  should  really  feel  humiliation.  To  be 
duped  in  negotiation,  or  outdone  in  love,  is  no  unusual  occur¬ 
rence  ;  diplomatic  cunning  is  frequently  the  resource  of  the 
weak  against  the  strong,  of  the  perfidious  against  the  unsus¬ 
pecting.  To  break  treaties,  oppress  allies,  and  foment  direful 
civil  wars  for  the  propagation  of  political  opinions  or  supposed 
party  advantages — these  are  the  real  offenses  for  which  na¬ 
tions  must  answer,  and  which  call  down  a  righteous  retribu¬ 
tion  upon  their  rulers  and  themselves. 

By  the  course  which  England  has  of  late  years  adopted  in 
46.  regard  to  Spain,  she  has  deprived  herself  of  all  ti- 

England  has  6  r  .  r  . 

lost  all  title  to  tie  to  complain,  even  of  any  real  violation  of  the 

any  violation  Treaty  of  Utrecht  by  any  other  power.  Having 
of  Utrecht'1'  set  the  first  example  of  violating  its  provisions,  in 
the  essential  article  of  the  succession  to  the  throne,  she  can  no 
longer,  with  effect,  upbraid  France  for  infringement  of  it  in  in¬ 
ferior  particulars.  But,  in  truth,  Louis  Philippe,  in  the  Mont- 
pensier  marriage,  violated  none  of  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty 
of  Utrecht ;  whether  he  deviated  from  any  promises  made  at 
the  Chateau  d’Eu  is  a  matter  of  comparatively  little  import¬ 
ance,  concerning  which  the  statesmen  of  the  two  countries  are 
at  variance.  There  is  no  prohibition  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
of  the  marriage  of  French  princes  with  Spanish  princesses,  or 
vice  versa  ;  there  is  not  a  word  said  about  such  marriages  at 
all.  It  was  as  unnecessary  as  it  would  have  been  ungracious ; 
for  when  the  succession  to  the  crown  of  Madrid  was  strictly 
entailed  on  heirs  male,  no  prince  of  the  French  blood,  by  mar¬ 
rying  an  Infanta  of  Spain,  could  endanger  the  peace  ol  Eu- 


MARLBOROUGH. 


409 


rope  by  succeeding,  through  her,  to  the  throne.  Accordingly, 
numerous  instances  have  since  occurred  of  such  marriages, 
without  their  having  excited  any  attention,  or  been  ever  deem¬ 
ed  infringements  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht.* 

But  when  England  joined  with  France  in  1834  to  alter  the 
order  of  succession  in  Spain,  and  to  force  a  dynas-  47. 
ty  of  queens,  surrounded  by  Republican  institu-  wMchthesub- 
tions,  on  an  unwilling  people,  the  case  was  entire-  feSeHnefcr 
ly  altered.  The  marriage  of  a  prince  of  France  fjfaSmtde  in 
with  an  Infanta  of  Spain  became  then  a  matter  theinteresta'o! 
of  the  very  highest  importance  ;  it  threatened  the  other  P°wers- 
precise  danger  which  the  War  of  the  Succession  was  under¬ 
taken  to  avert ;  which  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  was  concluded, 
though  in  an  imperfect  manner,  to  prevent.  There  is,  indeed, 
in  that  treaty,  the  most  express  prohibition  against  the  crowns 
of  France  and  Spain  being  united  on  the  same  head  ;  but  that 
is  neither  the  real  danger  to  be  threaded,  nor  has  England  left 
herself  any  means  of  preventing  it.  It  is  the  “  Family  Alli¬ 
ance”  noAV  concluded  which  is  the  real  evil ;  and  if  the  suc¬ 
cession  to  the  Spanish  crown  should  open  to  the  French  king, 
in  consequence  of  it,  how  could  we,  who,  in  defiance  of  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht,  have  opened  to  the  Infanta  the  succession 


*  Such  marriages  between  French  princes  and  Spanish  princesses  took 
place  on  the  21st  of  January,  1721,  and  the  25th  of  August,  1739;  and  on  the 
23d  of  January,  1745,  the  Dauphin  of  France  married  the  princess  who,  but 
for  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  excluding  the  female  line,  would  have  been  heir¬ 
ess  of  the  crown  of  Spain.  But  on  none  of  these  occasions  was  it  ever  sup¬ 
posed  any  infringement  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  had  taken  place,  or  any 
danger  to  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe  had  occurred.  Nay,  Louis  XY. 
was  publicly,  and  with  the  knowledge  of  the  whole  of  Europe,  affianced, 
early  in  life,  to  the  Infanta  of  Spain ;  the  Spanish  princess  was  brought  and 
lived  long  at  Versailles,  in  order  to  be  initiated  into  the  duties  of  French 
royalty ;  and  the  match  was  at  length  broken  off,  not  from  any  remonstrance 
on  the  part  of  the  English  embassador  or  the  diplomatic  body  in  Europe,  but 
because  the  princess  being  six  years  younger  than  the  French  king,  who 
was  nineteen  years  of  age,  his  subjects  were  too  impatient  for  his  marriage 
— were  too  impatient  to  wait  till  it  could  with  propriety  be  solemnized ;  and 
he  manned,  in  consequence,  Maria  Leckzinske,  daughter  of  the  King  of  Po¬ 
land— See  Dk  Tocqukvii.i.k's  Hist,  dc  Louis  XV.,  i.,  p.  172. 

M  M 


410 


THE  LIFE  OF  MARLBOROUGH. 


to  the  throne,  object  to  his  ascending  it  ?  We  have  fallen 
into  the  pit  which  we  ourselves  dug ;  we  have  been  punished 
by  the  work  of  our  own  hands  :  another  among  the  numerous 
proofs  which  cotemporary  as  well  as  past  history  affords,  that 
there  is  a  moral  superintendence  of  the  affairs  of  men,  and 
that  great  violations  of  national  duty  work  out,  in  the  nation¬ 
al  consequences  to  which  they  lead,  a  just  retribution  upon  the 
third  and  fourth  generations. 


THE  END. 


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